(Non-)Linear Temporality and the Migration Decision from a Life Course Perspective

Abstract

The life course perspective proves to be beneficial in understanding complex social phenomena such as migration by highlighting the impact of past events on current decisions. However, its chronological and linear perception of time and the compartmentalisation of life experiences into discrete stages have been subject to criticism. Building on the argument of Neale (2020, Qualitative longitudinal research: Research methods. Bloomsbury Publishing) and Sánchez-Mira and Bernardi (2021, Longitudinal and Life Course Studies, 12(1), 19–40) about the importance of integrating both linear and fluid perceptions of temporality in life course research, we argue that a purely linear perspective on time is insufficient for capturing the complexity of decision-making processes and their underlying motives. A comprehensive understanding of these processes requires considering both notions of time. To support this argument, we apply a biographical approach. By using narrative interviews, we analyse the life stories of interviewees, with a particular focus on the temporal dimensions of their narratives. The findings reveal a dual perception of time in how interviewees reflect on their migration decisions. While their narrated life stories follow a linear structure shaped by chronological stages and fixed societal expectations, a systematic reconstruction of their narratives reveals a more fluid, non-linear perception of time. Additionally, the motives behind their migration decisions highlight this non-linear temporality.

Introduction

The life course approach, as a valuable framework for understanding the complexities of migration experiences by highlighting the interplay between individual biographies and social, historical and institutional structures, has attracted the interest of migration scholars in recent decades. In addition to the benefits of this approach in understanding migration decisions by bridging the gap between micro- and macro-structures, its emphasis on the temporal dimension helps to explore how individual trajectories evolve over time and how earlier life experiences affect later decisions.

Generally, in a life course perspective, time is deeply implicated in how the course of life is understood and studied. However, research has been dominated by the concept of the life course being a chronological, discrete sequence of socially and institutionally defined stages with normative expectations (Neale, 2020). Through the lens of the life course approach and in the context of migration decisions, the majority of research focuses on particular life stages of individuals at the time of their decision and studies how specific transitions (such as leaving school) and life events (such as graduation) influence the migration decision. We argue that, despite the benefits of the life course approach in understanding migration, its linear conception of temporality and its emphasis on viewing life as a series of discrete stages fail to capture the dynamic nature of the migration decision-making process. Building on the arguments of Neale (2020) and Sánchez-Mira and Bernardi (2021) regarding the importance of a more fluid perception of time and causality in the life course approach, this article aims to highlight the benefits of integrating both linear and fluid concepts of time within the context of qualitative migration research, particularly in studies on migrants’ decision-making. From this perspective, the migration decision should be understood as an evolving process influenced by ongoing and recurring events or experiences that accumulate over time, regardless of individuals’ life stages. Consequently, a long-term perspective is required for developing a broader understanding of the migration decision, in which the course of life should be considered the subject of study rather than a specific stage of it.

To illustrate this, we analysed narrative interviews with highly skilled Iranian migrants in Germany, conducted as part of a master’s thesis using a biographical approach. It is important to note that the purpose of this article is not to explain the migration decision-making process of this specific group or the sociocultural structures influencing their choices. Rather, the life experiences of the group under study serve as examples that demonstrate the dual nature of time in shaping individuals’ perceptions of their experiences.

As the findings highlight, a structured understanding of time based on a linear notion of time emerges in the way the interviewees narrate their life stories (life as told). This perception of time differs from their subjective experience of time, which is captured via a systematic reconstruction of their experience (life as lived) and has a more fluid and non-linear character. The reconstructions illustrate a profound influence of their long-term life experiences and perceptions on their migration decision, which may even date back to their childhood. Notably, a recurring sense of losing personal agency and being controlled by external societal or family mechanisms emerges in all life histories, regardless of the respondents’ stage of life, which results in the individual’s persistent suffering. Despite individual distinctions and diverse life histories, a remarkable similarity in patterns becomes evident in the lived experiences of the interviewed respondents. Ultimately, it is the cumulative effect of multiple experiences of this type that leads to the migration decision. It reveals how the interplay of these recurring experiences spanning different life stages significantly shapes the trajectory towards migration, highlighting the gradual nature of the migration decision.

The article is structured as follows: It begins by examining the existing literature on migration decisions from a life course perspective. The second section investigates the various ways in which time is understood in the life course approach and in the context of migration. Then, the role of biographical research and narrative analysis in migration research, particularly in understanding migration decisions, is discussed. Moreover, this article outlines the methods employed to gather evidence to support the article’s argument. Finally, the data obtained from interviews conducted with the study group are presented.

Life Course Approach and Migration Decisions

The life course is a dynamic research perspective that focuses on the life events and trajectories of individuals. Contrary to most approaches in migration decision-making, which generally suggest that this decision is made predominantly just before the actual relocation and within a relatively short timeframe, the life course approach takes a broader perspective (Collins, 2018; Halfacree & Boyle, 1993). Moreover, rather than viewing migration as a singular decision at a fixed moment, this approach sees migration ‘as a trajectory that unfolds over the entire life-course of individuals’ (Bernard, 2022, p. 5) and studies how previous events, life transitions, social contexts and age influence a person’s decisions over time to understand how biographies are shaped and which causal mechanisms operate within these processes. Building on this conceptual foundation, several studies illustrate the value of this approach by linking migration decisions to earlier life experiences and personal identities. For instance, Stockdale et al.’s (2013) study examines the connections between childhood memories and mid-life migration decisions at the point of retirement. Another example is Ní Laoire’s (2008) study, which focuses on return migration to Ireland. She uses the life course perspective and a biographical approach to examine how decisions of persons to return to Ireland after living abroad are influenced by their life histories, personal identities and social networks. These studies emphasise that migration decisions are not made in isolation but are part of a continuous negotiation of past experiences.

Extending this perspective, various studies confirm the importance of the interaction between structure and agency in migration studies (see de Haas, 2021; King, 2013). Furthermore, the life course approach serves as a valuable framework for understanding the complexities of migration experiences by highlighting the interplay between individual biographies and meso- and macro-processes. De Jong and de Valk’s (2020) study analysed the interrelation between structure and agency by providing a framework to link the welfare system to intra-European migration. They employed a biographical approach to investigate how welfare systems are perceived and experienced at the micro level and how such perceptions, knowledge and practices shape migration decisions. Kõu et al.’s (2015) study, which examines the migration decisions of highly skilled Indians moving to the Netherlands, focuses on life trajectories in education, employment and household dynamics. Using a biographical approach, the authors highlight how interdependencies throughout the life course shape migration decisions and emphasise the role of social relationships in migration trajectories. Kelly (2015) further expands this perspective in her study on decisions of highly skilled Iranians to migrate from Sweden to other countries by emphasising how migration is entangled with a person’s life journey and influenced by social power hierarchies. Her study shows that the participants’ social positions in terms of class, gender and race during their life in Sweden intersected with turning points in their life courses that influenced their onward migration decisions.

Taken together, these studies reveal three key insights. First, migration decisions are shaped by an ongoing interplay between individual biographies and societal structures rather than being a singular, rational decision. Second, the life course approach captures the temporal dimension of migration by tracing how earlier life experiences and current circumstances dynamically interact. Third, while some studies emphasise personal histories and identities (Ní Laoire, 2008; Stockdale et al., 2013), others focus on institutional and structural contexts (de Jong & de Valk, 2020) or power relations (Kelly, 2015), suggesting that a comprehensive understanding of migration decisions requires integrating these different levels of analysis.

Overall, adopting a life course approach within the context of migration studies enables us to gain valuable insights into individuals during their migration decision-making process. Additionally, it reveals the connections between their experiences and the sociocultural contexts of their lives, thereby shedding light on the underlying societal structures influencing their decisions.

Life Course Approach and Time Perspective

The life course approach is a temporally informed approach. Despite this, most studies within this framework adopt a fixed and linear understanding of time, viewing a person’s life as a chronologically discrete sequence of socially constructed stages, along with the norms and expectations associated with them (Ní Laoire, 2008). In this understanding, time is inexorably advancing and irreversible, and the past and future are separated (Neale, 2020). But as Collins and Shubin (2015) cited from Al-Saji (2004), linear time perspectives ‘flatten experiences by turning them into a succession of stages, where the complexity of relations between past, present and future is largely taken for granted’ (2015, p. 97).

Contrary to this fixed and linear concept of temporality, in which life is considered a series of discrete moments (stages), people’s perception of their lives is neither linear nor fixed. Instead, as Griffiths et al. (2013, p. 16) cite from McCormack and Schwanen (2011), ‘past, present, and future fold together in complex ways’. In contrast, in a fluid time perspective, the past and future ‘are no longer separate states that progress chronologically in a linear direction; they are processes that flow into one another’ (Neale, 2020, p. 25). Moreover, time is understood as a social construct that is multidimensional rather than linear, both influencing and being influenced by lived experiences (see Adam, 1990; Neale, 2020). Such a fluid understanding of time is continuously and rhythmically unfolding in local contexts through multiple dimensions.

Some recent research incorporates a non-linear perception of time. However, its primary focus is on post-migration experiences, with limited attention given to the migration decision-making process. Some of these studies acknowledge the multiple temporalities that migrants experience. Harper and Zubida (2020) examine how emigrants experience time and come to a non-linear, layered understanding of time. They use the concept of ‘migration time’, which began by preparing for the physical act of migration and contains all the next stages in which the migrants are faced with multiple temporal practices. These include new temporalities in the host country, such as learning the rhythms of everyday life and navigating migration policy regulations in the form of deadlines and restrictions (e.g., employment regimes and temporary residence permits). Additionally, migrants experience a different temporality in their home country, shaped by memories, habits and ongoing contact with family and friends who still reside there (see also Collins & Shubin, 2015; Cwerner, 2001; Seo, 2019). Other research builds on Mead’s (1932) theories about time, emphasising the interaction between the past, present and future. These studies examine how past actions are continuously reinterpreted from the present perspective and how future expectations influence present decisions and actions. For example, Collins (2018) sees migration as an ongoing process of becoming, where past, present and future unfold as past experiences, family expectations, long-term aspiration and changing personal circumstances influence decisions. This perspective provides a useful foundation for examining migration decisions as ongoing, temporally complex processes rather than discrete events.

Moreover, the perceived pace of time, also known as elastic time, can vary depending on factors such as experiences, age and expectations for the future. This concept has been explored in various studies. For instance, Griffiths (2014) examined the idea of ‘living out of time’, focusing on the multiple perceptions of time among refused asylum seekers. Her research highlights the role of uncertainty and lack of control in shaping their experience of time. She provides an example of how time feels slow and ‘sticky’ for individuals awaiting asylum decisions, in contrast to the fast-paced nature of modern life.

The understanding of time is also linked to an understanding of causality. In an absolute, linear perception of time, causes lead to consequences in an orderly sequence from past to present to future (Sánchez-Mira & Bernardi, 2021) and ‘cause and effect are intimately tied to this sense of chronology’ (Neale, 2020, p. 25). From this point of view, migrants always have clear, linear objectives such as seeking better jobs or economic improvement. However, in reality, their motivations and experiences are more complex and evolve over time. According to Neale (2021), processes can either follow distinct pathways with an orderly sequence of events and a clear purpose or may lack defined paths and purposes, without a fixed or singular driving force or trigger for change.

In a fluid understanding of temporality, causality is seen as a continuous and ongoing process connected to a recurring cycle of influence, where small changes accumulate over time, creating a ripple effect. Causality cannot be attributed to one specific moment or event that can be identified. It is the accumulation of various events or experiences, as well as their complex configurations, that hold meaning (Neale, 2020; Worth & Hardill, 2015). This perspective on causality has been considered in recent studies examining the role of aspiration (see Carling, 2014; Collins, 2018) and migration culture (see Ali, 2007) in migration decisions.

While previous research has provided valuable insights into migration decision-making, much of this work relies on linear conceptions of time. This leaves a gap in understanding how migration decisions unfold through the dynamic interplay of personal life histories, social relationships and broader societal structures over time. Building on Neale’s (2020, 2021) conceptualisation of temporality and causality, this article adopts a fluid perspective of time to examine migration decisions. By applying this lens to an empirical case study, we demonstrate how migration decisions are not discrete events with singular causes, but rather complex, evolving processes shaped by the continuous interaction of past experiences and present circumstances. We argue that this perspective offers valuable and deeper insights into the mechanisms underlying migration trajectories, helping to capture the nuanced and often non-linear ways in which these decisions are formed and transformed over time.

Methods

The life course approach shares significant similarities with biographical research methods, as both consider the complex interplay between structure and agency and emphasise temporality. As outlined by Kelly (2015) and Apitzsch and Siouti (2007), both methods aim to ‘grasp the objective (external) shape and formation of life courses as well as their subjective (internal) biographical meaning’ (Wingens et al., 2011, p. 6). The biographical approach views migration as part of a migrant’s biography, shaped by their past experiences, present circumstances and future aspirations, as well as by historical and social contexts and structural frameworks in which they have lived (Ní Laoire, 2008). Adopting biographical methods helps to reconstruct migrants’ biographies and provides insight into their individual migration experiences. It also allows researchers to recognise the links between these experiences and the sociocultural context of their lives while shedding light on broader societal structures (Jockenhövel-Schiecke, 2017; Przyborski & Wohlrab-Sahr, 2013).

On the other hand, biographical research methods typically take a retrospective view of past experiences and events. The data are shaped by individuals’ current perspectives, are selective and are influenced by reinterpretation. To address this challenge in biographical research, narrative analysis, as an interpretive research method, enables the differentiation between life stories as reported and as experienced (Hollstein, 2019). By applying analytical techniques to uncover the underlying logic of narratives, researchers can gain insight into social reality as experienced and perceived by individuals (Kleemann et al., 2013) and uncover tacit knowledge and unconscious influences that shape migration decisions. This is achieved by systematically reconstructing the process structures conveyed through narratives, which are expressed explicitly or implicitly in the recapitulation of experiences and in how individuals refer to these processes in their narratives. As Przyborski and Wohlrab-Sahr (2013, p. 285) mention, ‘by determining the relationship between different forms of depiction of circumstances on the one hand and the depicted process on the other, various levels of meaning are distinguished’.

Fritz Schütze, who developed the method of narrative analysis, identified four types of process structures. The first is the ‘trajectory’, in which individuals do not have control over their actions, as these are predominantly determined and directed by others or external mechanisms. Such situations are characterised by the passive role of the individual and experiences of suffering and feeling overwhelmed by these uncontrollable mechanisms. The second process structure is the ‘biographical action scheme’, in which individuals actively pursue and realise their plans, exercising control and agency. The third process is the ‘institutional pattern of life history’, which is structured around organisational expectations, guiding individuals’ experiences along predefined paths. Lastly, the ‘transformation process’ refers to life events unfolding unexpectedly for the individual, originating from their internal world but not as part of deliberate planning (Przyborski & Wohlrab-Sahr, 2013, based on Schütze, 1983). The first two mentioned process structures are essential for the present study.

A suitable method for collecting data on individuals’ lived experiences and perceptions is the narrative interview, in which the researcher has minimal influence on participants’ responses. This approach enables interviewees to control the course of their narration and develop their own perspective on the topic (Apitzsch & Siouti, 2007; Heiser, 2018; Loch & Rosenthal, 2002; Zapata-Barrero & Yalaz, 2018). This method involves the researcher asking a question that is as open and simultaneously engaging as possible, motivating participants to narrate their experiences. Furthermore, ‘in accordance with the principle of openness, hypothesis-driven data collection is consistently avoided, focusing instead on the relevance of the conversation partners and their everyday-world constructions’ (Loch & Rosenthal, 2002, p. 1). By allowing researchers to view the entire life course of an individual, this method helps to consider how migration fits into broader life narratives, providing a complete picture instead of focusing on specific, isolated events or motivations.

The present study is based on narrative interviews conducted as part of a master’s thesis during the summer of 2021. The thesis aimed to gain insight into the migration experiences of highly skilled Iranian migrants residing in Germany. To this end, a qualitative research approach was employed. Seven interviews were conducted with individuals from this study group. In this study, highly skilled individuals were defined as those possessing a postgraduate university degree or those who were postgraduate students at the time of the interview. Participants were selected using the snowball sampling method. Among the respondents were three females and four males, ranging from 27 to 57 years old, with different academic backgrounds. The narratives generated from these interviews were analysed using the narrative analysis approach by Przyborski and Wohlrab-Sahr (2013).

Literature on narrative interviews and narrative analysis emphasises the role of the interviewer, the social dynamics between the interviewer and the interviewees (particularly the power structure between them), their specific interests and perspectives and the social context in which they interact (Apitzsch & Siouti, 2007). Regarding power dynamics in interview settings and data interpretation, Zapata-Barrero and Yalaz (2018) introduce the concept of the researcher as an insider or outsider to the studied group. This concept highlights how the researcher’s position relative to the subjects influences both data collection and analysis. Reflecting on and considering this position throughout the research process is essential in interpretive research (Sætermo, 2016). In this study, the interviewer shares characteristics with the participants, as she also fits the definition of a highly skilled migrant and has personally migrated to Germany as an adult. This positionality had a dual impact: On one hand, it may have facilitated trust, enabling participants to feel comfortable sharing personal experiences, which is particularly important in biographical interview settings. On the other hand, the interviewer’s own perspectives, experiences and even migration decision-making process may have influenced the interpretation of the data. The exact extent of this influence is difficult to assess, but reflexive consideration of the interviewer’s positionality was continuously applied throughout the research process to mitigate potential biases. Since this research examines migration decisions, it was important that all interview partners had emigrated as adults and made the migration decision independently. Therefore, highly skilled Iranian individuals who migrated with their families as minors were excluded from the research.

Results

This study aims to reconstruct the life experiences of highly skilled Iranian migrants from their current perspective to understand their migration decision-making process.

As mentioned in the previous section, the findings are based on seven interviews. In the following section, however, only two interviews are presented in detail to illustrate key experiences of the interviewees without making the text overly lengthy. The selection of these two particular interviews was guided by analytical considerations: the two participants come from different backgrounds and differ in age. They emigrated from Iran at different historical moments, reflecting substantial variations in political and social contexts (one shortly after the Islamic Revolution in 1979 and the other in 2019). Furthermore, one participant emigrated legally with a student visa, while the other left the country as a refugee. Six of the interviewees were at least 22 years old at the time of emigration and held at least a bachelor’s degree. In only one case, the interviewee was somewhat younger at the time of migration. Finally, the selected cases allow us to include both male and female perspectives. All these factors could influence migration experiences, and by selecting these two cases, we aimed to present a broader spectrum of experiences. Interestingly, despite their seemingly different migration circumstances, both participants revealed similar patterns in their narratives, highlighting common themes across diverse contexts.

The first interviewee, referred to as ‘Sam’, ¹ was a male. He was 57 years old at the time of the interview and migrated from Iran in his early twenties, when he was an undergraduate student. His life story prior to leaving his home country was marked by numerous trajectories of suffering, which were influenced by both societal factors and his family. The second interviewee, referred to as ‘Leyla’, was a female, 27 years old at the time of the interview, and had emigrated 3 years prior to the interview. Her perception of her life experiences in Iran also included recurring instances of suffering, although the role of her family in exerting control over her life decisions is more significant compared to Sam’s experiences.

The interviewees’ perceptions of their life in Iran and their positioning within society shape their migration decision. The reconstruction of their life histories sheds light on their experiences and perceptions of life before migration, which were shaped by multiple phases of suffering caused by external mechanisms. Such experiences align with what Fritz Schütze, in his empirical case analyses, referred to as ‘trajectories of suffering’ (Przyborski & Wohlrab-Sahr, 2013). These events occur when individuals have no control over their actions, as external forces or mechanisms determine and govern them. In such situations, the biographical subject assumes a passive role and endures suffering while feeling overwhelmed by uncontrollable forces (see also the explanations of the four types of process structures in the ‘Methods’ section).

Interviewee Sam

The life story of Sam before his migration is shaped by such trajectories of suffering, which date back to his time as a school student, when he experienced normative societal changes. As a result of the Islamic Revolution, new ideals and ideologies spread in the society of Iran. The Islamic codes of behaviour were integrated not only in the political system but also in society. The religious and ideological values spread and intensified even further during the Iran-Iraq war. At that time, Sam was a teenager attending high school. His perceptions of this part of his life story reveal a passive role for himself and no control over choosing his life path. He perceives his beliefs and actions during that time as being shaped by his intuitions and heavily influenced by the transformed society. From his current perspective, he finds his beliefs at that time negative and shows his suffering under that situation by emphasising the violence in society and its impact on him throughout various segments of the interview. In the following section of the interview, he focuses on societal mechanisms, emphasising how his actions are shaped by them and how he experiences a loss of control over his own behaviour.

I was a junior at the high school as the revolution happened. I have it clearly in mind. I was thirteen or fourteen years old, and it was a very severe crisis that a person in puberty can get involved with it and the environment was very bad. First, the person has his own challenges to deal with himself because the character gets a different nature. Then, the society is changing, and all the norms are changing. In this time due to the trends in the society and as the atmosphere was very religious, I got very religious … then the war has begun, and we were students and this war and killing the people etc. makes you feel bad.

These trajectories extended into his youth as he aspired to enter university and continued throughout his years as a university student. The story about his university entrance exam reflects his perceptions very well. During this phase of his life story, the influence of his family on his decision-making becomes evident. In fact, the decision to take the university entrance exam was made by his brother without his knowledge. Moreover, he perceived the outcomes of the exam as predetermined. Interestingly, despite sharing that he was accepted into the major he had chosen, he still believed that he had no power to influence the exam’s results. It is worth noting that from his current standpoint, Sam is aware of the actual results of the exam and the fact that he was admitted to his chosen major. However, he perceived the exam itself as an event where he had no control over the outcome, highlighting his sense of powerlessness in shaping his own future.

I remember that I was in the village and was sleeping when suddenly, at midnight, I heard my brother call me from the street and say, ‘Get up and get ready’. I asked what was happening, and he said tomorrow you have your university entrance exam. He had signed up for me so that I could take the exam … It was obvious to me that this exam is actually pre-decided and only special people get accepted. That is why I just chose this and that major (without thinking).

He enriches his narrative about his lack of control and inability to realise his own decisions by recounting his first attempt to leave the country. In this account, his perception of his own identity, the so-called subjective theory, which is further elaborated in the following interview, plays a crucial role. This perception leads him to distance himself from both society and his family, even positioning himself in opposition to them. His unconventional solution to escape his life trajectories by attempting to build an aeroplane to leave the country illustrates, in a highly dramatised manner, his subjective understanding of his life circumstances. In this part of his narrative, it becomes evident that his family initially disagreed with his decision and prevented him from emigrating. However, his family’s perspective changes as external circumstances change, and they face a new situation that requires him to go to war. Here, the influence of his family in shaping his life path becomes apparent again, as his father decides to send him abroad, thereby subjecting him to new trajectories. This part of the story underscores how external mechanisms control Sam’s actions and decisions.

I did not want to stay in Iran because the environment of Iran was somehow very strange to me … I have told my sister to send me books about building an aeroplane. I have worked on it for six months in our house … I wanted to fly with it because I wanted to escape from Iran … I wanted to fly to Iraq and become a refugee and come (here) … suddenly I saw that my father and brother had brought a tribe to the airport and told them that Sam wanted to escape with the aeroplane. Come and try to stop him … Then we reached the last years of the war. They said that the university students must go to war for six months. (Since) My father is brave like a lion, he told me, you cannot go. A friend of his was in the city of ‘…’. They helped so that I could come from Iran to Turkey. Then that friend got all my money, and I came to Turkey and got homeless.

The profound perception of enduring paths of suffering in his home country becomes explicitly apparent in Sam’s narrative about his initial experiences in Germany after immigration. During this phase of his life story, he metaphorically describes his life in his home country as a balloon and himself as gas. Within the confines of the balloon, the gas has limited space to move. However, upon opening the balloon, the gas can disperse freely throughout the atmosphere, no longer constrained by the barriers of the balloon. This metaphor illustrates his perception of living in Iran, where he felt restricted and hindered in his ability to act freely. By leaving Iran and entering Germany, he finds himself liberated from such limitations. Sam expresses his perceptions as follows:

(with) all the things that you have lost during these years in Iran, you are like the gas in a balloon. When you open the balloon, the gas suddenly covers the whole surrounding … I was like a gas that has been released.

The life story of Sam illustrates how the external macro-structures of society and the micro-mechanisms of the family both shape the biography and experiences of such trajectories by exerting control over actions and decisions, as a result of which biographical paths are marked by suffering.

Interviewee Leyla

The subjects of the biographical study also conveyed their own perceptions of identity, commonly referred to as subjective theories, through their narratives. These subjective theories of the respondents were influenced by their positions in relation to others. Their values and actions differed from those of the broader society, their social environment and even their own families. Concurrently, they experienced a sense of alienation within their social milieu. Such a perception of social non-belonging is evident in the biography of Sam. However, in the interview with Leyla, it becomes even more pronounced, as she experiences this sense of alienation not only within society at large but also within her family and among her peers.

The interview with Leyla highlights a persistent difference between her identity and values and those of others. The distance she perceives between herself and her social milieu is so significant that she interprets her biographical actions as ‘breaking the taboos’. She perceives differences from her family due to their conservative manners and religious beliefs as well as from her classmates and roommates at the university.

I made a special decision and told them (her family) that I want to move from our city to study. It was again a special and unusual decision because in our family, the girls do not move far away … I was the first girl in the family who went to study at the university of ‘…’. As I mentioned, we have a traditional family. I have somehow broken the taboo.

The life story of Leyla is characterised by various instances in which she experienced the influence of societal and familial mechanisms that dictated her actions throughout her life. Most of these external mechanisms originated from her family. During her interview, she frequently mentioned suffering and a lack of belonging. She endured these circumstances but also made efforts to overcome them. At times, multiple external mechanisms converged and overlapped, thereby rendering her life and actions uncontrollable. Ultimately, Leyla’s decision to migrate resulted from the accumulation of her experiences within such trajectories and her continuous attempts to overcome them. However, her active actions to change her life trajectories and overcome the limitations imposed by her family and society were once again influenced by an external mechanism at a broader level. Due to the political situation and conflicts between her home country and her desired migration destination (the USA), she was unable to obtain a visa for migration. Despite her persistent attempts to alter the mechanisms that governed her life, she lacked the power to influence this trajectory. This made her seek an alternative and find another destination to emigrate to in order to overcome the uncontrollable external mechanisms.

I have decided to go to the USA. It was again very unusual. Can you imagine how I have changed my family, especially my mom, because my dad was more open-minded. I have succeeded in making them agree with my decision to go to the USA, and I have gotten admission to the university of ‘…’ and they were proud of me. And I have experienced a tragedy, and the embassy has rejected me (my visa application). It was during Trump’s time, and they rejected everyone.

As partially highlighted in the previous interview segment, the life narrative of Leyla unfolds a series of experiences characterised by a lack of control over her own decisions, primarily caused by her family. These range from choices about studying and working in another city, to having a boyfriend and ultimately to her migration decision. (To maintain conciseness, only particular excerpts from the interview are cited.) While these experiences may appear different, they follow a consistent pattern and have the same consequences for the individual’s life. Gradually, the recurrence of these experiences, each of which is characterised by a sense of losing control, leads to Leyla’s decision to migrate.

An interesting aspect of the interview with Leyla is the absence of a so-called coda at the end of her narrative. A coda serves to complete a story by bridging the temporal gap between the events described and the present moment of narration (Przyborski & Wohlrab-Sahr, 2013). In contrast, the interview with Sam clearly included such a coda, most notably through his use of the balloon metaphor, which emphasised his retrospective interpretation of migration from his current perspective. The absence of a coda in Leyla’s narrative highlights the fluidity of her migration experience and suggests that, for her, this experience continues to be an ongoing, unresolved process, even though the events themselves took place several years ago.

Overall, the findings reveal that the motivations driving migration decisions of the respondents were not determined by their age or life stage. Instead, these decisions resulted from persistent experiences gained throughout their lives, beginning in their school years and continuing through adolescence and young adulthood. Such recurring experiences highlight the non-linear and cyclical nature of time in individuals’ perceptions of their experiences. The respondents found themselves continuously grappling with situations of struggle, where external forces and societal structures took control of their life choices. These biographical events were present in the respondents’ narratives, illustrating their lack of control over their life situations and the resulting suffering.

Moreover, external mechanisms differed from case to case. Sam’s interview, for instance, highlights mainly the role of society and the overall system in shaping life paths, whereas Leyla’s interview emphasises mostly the impact of familial dynamics on decision-making and actions. While these external mechanisms varied between respondents and even throughout an individual’s lifetime, the suffering they experienced was similar across interviews and exhibited a consistent pattern. At this point, it is important to note that differences in these controlling mechanisms do not necessarily correlate with the respondents’ genders. Although family influence on females’ choices might be more significant in traditional societies, this conclusion cannot be confirmed by our study with its limited pool of interviews.

The trajectories of suffering were often followed by a transition to actively managing personal lives, prompting biographical subjects to strive to overcome their circumstances. These transitions were initiated by exploring new possibilities or by deciding to disobey the ‘institutional flow patterns of biography’, which are societal and normative expectations based on age, life stage and social milieu. Moreover, the transition between these phases, from suffering caused by external mechanisms to actively seeking control over one’s situation, which Fritz Schütze referred to as ‘biographical action schemes’, was fluid, making it difficult to pinpoint the exact moment of transition. Furthermore, multiple biographical trajectories of suffering, resulting from various mechanisms, could occur simultaneously, intersect or flow into one another, further emphasising a fluid perception of time.

When examining the interviewees’ life narratives in their entirety, it becomes evident that each experience had a lasting effect, leaving unresolved suffering that shaped individuals’ further experiences and decisions. Ultimately, it was the accumulation of these experiences that influenced the migration decision. Thus, decision-making could not be traced back to a singular moment or event but could only be understood by examining individuals’ entire life stories and experiences.

Conclusion

The life course approach in migration studies is highly useful, as it highlights the significance of past experiences in shaping migrants’ decisions and actions. However, its linear and chronological interpretation of time oversimplifies the complexity of human decision-making. From a linear perspective, an individual’s life is regarded as a sequence of discrete stages, each associated with societal expectations and norms. Furthermore, causality is often explained by singular events or moments.

We argue that understanding a complex social phenomenon like migration decision-making requires a long-term perspective that incorporates both a linear and fluid perception of time. The findings of our biographical study, employing narrative interviews with highly skilled Iranian migrants, support this argument. On the one hand, respondents chronologically recounted their stories, based on a linear understanding of temporality. Their narratives followed a physically and institutionally fixed temporality, and they even divided their lives into socially defined stages such as childhood, attending and completing school, taking the university entrance exam and so forth. On the other hand, the reconstruction of their life stories reveals that their experiences and perceptions did not neatly fit into these predetermined stages. Instead, they described recurring experiences that persisted throughout their lives and remained unchanged over time. Regardless of the stage of their lives, these experiences occurred multiple times throughout their life stories. Ultimately, the decision to migrate was an evolving process shaped by these experiences, which flowed into one another and gradually led to the final decision.

In conclusion, a fluid and non-linear perception of time provides insight into both decision-making mechanisms and broader contexts, including personal life events, individual experiences, social structures and cultural norms that shape migration decisions. This approach goes beyond isolated events or specific moments in an individual’s life and captures the dynamics of decisions over time. Unfolding individual experiences and their cumulative impact on decisions enables the recognition of persistent factors affecting the decision-making process.

As Collins (2018, p. 14) mentions, the principles of migration management are based on the assumption that migrants behave as rational, calculating individuals, making decisions based on available information, assessing risks and planning for specific futures within the constraints of regulation. By putting symbolic faces to migrants’ decisions, the presented approach helps to refute the simple push/pull arguments and move beyond viewing the migrants as rational economic actors, offering a more realistic perspective of migration. Only with such a comprehensive understanding of the migration decision and, accordingly, the triggers and motives behind it, can effective migration policies, particularly those focused on integration, be developed.