Experiences of Intimate Partner Violence in Ghana During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Abstract

The COVID-19 pandemic exposed women and girls to the risk of intimate partner violence. In Ghana not much is known about the experiences of victims of intimate partner violence during the pandemic. This paper explores the experiences of intimate partner violence among Ghanaian women and girls during the COVID-19 pandemic. Data for the study was obtained from in-depth interviews with nine victims of intimate partner violence. The findings indicate that victims’ experiences of violence during the pandemic were slightly different from the pre-pandemic ones, and that gender inequalities were heightened during the pandemic. We recommend that pandemic response should include violence prevention components such as financial support to women of low socioeconomic groups.

Introduction

The World Bank estimates that, globally, one out of every three women, has experienced violence in their lifetime. It further estimates that 35% of women have experienced either physical or sexual violence by an intimate or non-intimate partner, while 7% have been sexually abused by someone, other than a partner. Further, 38% of women who are murdered have been murdered by an intimate partner (World Bank, 2020). As the COVID-19 pandemic intensified, concerns were raised of its potential to aggravate the gender inequalities that exist between men and women, especially exposing them to GBV including IPV. Globally, there have been reports about the intensification of GBV including IPV against women and girls during the pandemic (Roesch et al., 2020; Sharifi et al., 2020; UN Women, 2020; Usta et al., 2021), due to COVID-19 restrictions, typically lockdowns, instituted by countries to curb the spread of the disease. For instance, information on UN Women’s dashboard monitoring the pandemic and violence against women and girls in France shows that between March 17 and April 6 reports on domestic violence had gone up by 30%. Within the same period Cyprus and Singapore had reported an increase in helpline calls by 30% and 33%, respectively. Also, there were reports of increased domestic violence and increased demand for emergency shelters in Canada, Germany, Spain, the UK, and the USA (UN Women, 2020). In Peru, calls made to a helpline for domestic violence increased by 48% between April and July 2020 after a strict COVID-19 lockdown was instituted in that country (Aguero, 2021). Further, the United Nations Populations Fund (UNFPA) estimates that there could be about 31 million cases of GBV in Low-Middle-Income Countries (LMICs) because of lockdown measures lasting up to 6 months (Sifat, 2020)

Further, there have also been reports of the rise of GBV among women in Africa during the pandemic. So severe are the cases of violence in South Africa that Dlamini (2021) refers to it (GBV) as the “Twin Pandemic.” In South Africa, violence perpetrated against women is reported to have intensified. In the 3 weeks of the lockdown in South Africa the National helpline for victims of GBV had received 120,000 calls (Mbunge, 2020). Similar abuse of women was reported in Nigeria during the height of the pandemic in 2020. In Nigeria reported cases of sexual and gender-based violence increased in 23 states between March and April when the lockdown was instituted by the federal government in Lagos State, Ogun State, and the Federal Capital Territory, with the biggest of violence recorded in April (Jenyo, 2020). There was a similar report on the rise of abuse against women in Kenya (Karp et al., 2021). Reports of violence against women in Ghana was only anecdotal. This paper explores the experiences of intimate partner violence among women and girls in Ghana during the COVID-19 pandemic, examining the nature and the risk factors associated with such violence.

Ghana’s COVID-19 Restrictions and Measures

On January 12, 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) confirmed that a novel coronavirus was the cause of respiratory disease among a cluster of people at Wuhan, in the Hubei Province in China (Kenu et al., 2020). The disease, named COVID-19, quickly spread outside China to several countries worldwide. On January 30, 2020, the WHO declared the disease a Public Health Emergency of International Concern and a pandemic on March 11, 2020. Ghana recorded its first two cases of COVID-19 on March 12, 2020. The disease which hitherto was detected in people who had returned to the country from abroad quickly spread among people who had not traveled outside the country. The cities most affected by the disease were Accra and Kumasi. The government of Ghana immediately instituted measures to curb the spread of the disease. On March 16, 2020, the government banned large gatherings such as funerals, conferences, sporting activities, and religious gatherings, and ordered the closure of all schools (Evans & Kyeremeh, 2020; Kenu et al., 2020). On March 17, there was a ban on travelers coming from countries with more than 200 confirmed cases and a mandatory quarantine of 14 days for all travelers that arrived in the country 48 hr before the closure of the country’s borders in March 22, 2020.

Furthermore, there was a lockdown in Accra, Ghana’s capital and Kumasi in the Ashanti Region from March 30 to April 20, 2020 (Dickson & Yao, 2020; Kenu et al., 2020). The restrictions were imposed on these two cities because of the high infection rates and spread. Characteristically, the two cities have high population density and serve as important commercial centers and transport hubs in Ghana. Accra, for instance, hosts all major state institutions, the headquarters of many businesses, and Ghana’s international airport. As part of the government’s measures to curb the spread of the virus, there was a disinfection and fumigation exercises that targeted major markets, schools, and other public institutions and major markets were closed to enforce social distancing (L. A. Asante & Mills, 2020). During the disinfection exercise, public places such as markets, streets, and schools were sprayed with disinfectants (fumigated) as part of the measures to contain the virus (Graphic Online, April 3, 4, 2020). Though the lockdown was lifted after 3 weeks, other restrictions remained. Schools remained closed as well as churches and mosques. Workers were encouraged to work from home, and mandatory mask wearing and hand washing was instituted. There was a gradual easing of restrictions in the country, starting with the lifting of the lockdown on April 19, 2020. In June 2020, final year students of Junior High and Senior High schools were back to school to write their final year examinations. Further, the second year senior high and junior high students were allowed to return to school in October 2020 to prepare for their final year examinations. All other levels of schools, including primary, junior and senior high schools, and tertiary institutions remained closed for almost a year and were finally allowed to return for in-person lessons in January 2021. Though people could return to work after the lockdown was lifted, working remotely was encouraged, and those who returned were mandated to observe the COVID protocol such as social distancing, handwashing, and wearing of nose masks. Even with the limited window, the data is suggestive of a shift in lived experiences for women, and everyday economic realities took their toll in that brief time frame.

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) in Ghana

The first nationally representative study on domestic violence in Ghana was conducted in 1999 (Coker-Appiah & Cusack, 1999). The study showed that one in three women had experienced physical abuse by their partners in their lifetime. Further, data from the 2008 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey report that among ever married women who experienced violence by their husband/partner, 21%, were physical violence, 8% sexual, and 33% emotional violence. The two most recent nationally representative surveys reported 30% and 28% prevalence of IPV in 2016 and 2022 respectively (Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), Ghana Health Service (GHS), & ICF Macro, 2009; Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), & ICF, 2024). Also, smaller surveys on intimate partner violence have unearthed the ubiquitous nature of the phenomenon (Issahaku, 2017; Ogum Alangea et al., 2018; Sedziafa et al., 2016, 2017; Tenkorang, 2019). For instance, a study on intimate partner violence in northern Ghana found that overall, 69% of women sampled had experienced IPV, of which 62% were psychological violence, 34% sexual, and 27% physical violence (Issahaku, 2017).

In Ghana gender power dynamics and cultural norms and attitudes promote the use of violence against women (Jewkes, 2002; Ogum Alangea et al., 2018; Tenkorang et al., 2013). Indeed, a high proportion of males and females think it is acceptable for a man to abuse his spouse (Institute of Development Studies (IDS), & Ghana Statistical Services (GSS), 2016; Mann & Takyi, 2009). Traditional Ghanaian culture demands that women are submissive, respectful, and dutiful to their husbands. Failure to do so is construed as challenging the authority of the husband and may cause the abuse of the woman (Adjei, 2016; Tenkorang et al., 2013). In a study that analyzed the influence of cultural notions of masculinity on intimate spousal violence in Ghana, Adjei (2016) reports that perpetrators’ (husbands) anxiety of being considered weak and feeling emasculated may cause them to abuse their wives. Wives’ dissent, especially in public, may be construed as an encroachment on masculine spaces, a gender-norm violation, or as a public challenge to male identity. Relatedly, some scholars have opined (Jewkes, 2002) that violence could occur if men are unable to live up to society’s ideals of a man. When men are not able to play their instrumental roles assigned by society, they may feel emasculated, and will thus use violence to maintain their dominance over women (Mann & Takyi, 2009). In this vein Ghanaian women could be abused when they demand that fathers fulfill their obligations, such as taking care of their children (Sedziafa et al., 2017). The negative outcomes of intimate partner violence include negative health outcomes that undermines of the economic independence of women.

Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework we adopted for this study is the Duluth Power and Control wheel developed by the Minnesota Domestic Abuse Intervention Project (DAIP) in Duluth, USA. Developed in 1981, the Power and Control Wheel is the culmination of the experiences of about 200 women who have been abused by their partners (Pence, 1985; Rankine et al., 2017). The power wheel is used extensively in many countries as the predominant intervention tool in domestic violence. Underpinned by structural feminists analysis, the wheel consists of power and control at the hub, the spokes of various tactics of abuses, and the outer periphery, physical and sexual abuse. The idea behind the power and control is that the goal of abusers is to exercise control over their partners. This is borne out of the patriarchal beliefs about the role and position of women and men in the society where women are subordinated to men. Thus, abusive men may think that they have a right to control their partners and perpetuate violence against them (Havard & Lefevre, 2020). Perpetrators may use several tactics such as coercion and threats, intimidation, emotional abuse, isolation, economic abuse, male privilege, blaming, and using children to control their partners. Ultimately, the abusers use physical and sexual violence to get the victims to submit. Recognizing the importance of context in violence against women, the first Duluth manual identified four elements of culture that support battered women and explain the gendered nature of domestic violence. These are belief in a natural order where males are males when have power and authority in adult relationships, objectification of women, forced submission of the female victim and the unbridled use of physical violence (Rankine et al., 2017). This model offers explanation to the coercive nature of the abuse perpetuated against women in Ghana during the COVID -19 pandemic.

Study Methods

This paper is part of a larger study that investigated the socio-economic impact of COVID-19 on Ghanaian women and girls living in Accra and Kumasi. Accra and Kumasi were selected for the overall study because they are the largest cities and recorded the highest number of COVID-19 cases and thus, were the most targeted areas for control of the community spread of COVID-19 infection leading to stricter imposition of lockdown measures.

In the larger study eligible participants were women (15–50 years) who engaged in economic activities and or live in Accra and Kumasi metropolitan areas of Ghana. The study employed stratified systematic random sampling approaches to select different categories of respondents: female business owners, market women, formal sector employees, informal sector employees, and unemployed women for the quantitative aspects while, purposeful sampling based on survey responses was used to invite a sub-sample of women for qualitative interviews.

The exclusion criteria were unwillingness to participate in the study; extremely ill or incapacitated; women who were not physically present in the study area at least 6 months before lockdown in March 2020 (September 2019) and 6 months after most COVID-19 restrictions were eased (September 2020). Additionally, adolescent girls aged 15 to 17 years were included in the study because women and girls are disproportionately affected during societal upheavals triggered by pandemics, wars, and natural disasters (Shoman et al., 2017).

The wider study interviewed a total of 566 purposefully selected adult women and invited a subset for follow-up in-depth interviews. The data analyzed for this paper includes in-depth interviews of a subset of women who reported experience of intimate partner violence in the survey. During the survey, respondents were asked to indicate if they would like to be further interviewed in-depth in relation to any of the key aspects of women’s socio-economic and psychosocial lives being explored by the study. In-depth interviews focusing on their lived experience during the COVID-19 pandemic (strict lockdown and the period of ease of restrictions in relation to pre-COVID times) were scheduled for eligible consenting persons at their homes or other preferred venues. Regarding IPV, participants were privately asked to confirm if they have experienced IPV and were willing to talk to researchers about their experiences. In all, 12 participants indicated they were victims of IPV and were willing to share their experiences—this comprised 10 adult women and two adolescents. Three of the interviews were not included in the current analysis due to the following reasons: two of the participants were no longer with their abusive partners during the pandemic and at the time of data collection and the remaining one’s abusive partner was hospitalized during the lockdown and for most part of the pandemic. The analysis is based on the responses of seven adult women and two adolescent girls.

All interviews were conducted in-person in either English or preferred Ghanaian Language (predominantly Twi and Ga) using an interview guide. The order of questioning elicited responses on women’s experiences of violence (type and causes) across three time points: pre-pandemic, during lockdown and post-lockdown. The interviews were recorded both in writing and audio-taped with the consent of participants. All recorded information was transcribed verbatim by multi-lingual members of the research team. The data resulting from the transcriptions were evaluated and edited (English), de-identified and coded using the NVIVO qualitative software. First, the data was coded by identifying the type of violence participants reported (such as physical, emotional, economic, sexual), then recorded the occurrence of the violence over three time periods—before the pandemic, during the lockdown, and after ease of restrictions. This was to allow us to observe any changes in violence across the three time periods, as well as the reasons for the violence. The analysis was presented showing the type of violence participants experienced before the pandemic, during the lockdown, and after the ease of the lockdown, while highlighting the reasons for the abuse.

Ethical Considerations

Ethical approval was sought for the study. All participants invited to participate in this study provided written informed consent prior to the interviews. Parental/Guardian consent was sought on behalf of adolescents identified through snowballing. The selected adolescents also signed child assent forms before the interview.

Demographic Characteristics of Participants

This report is based on responses from nine participants who experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) before COVID-19, during the lockdown or after the ease of restrictions. Of the nine participants seven were adult women and two were adolescent girls. Of the seven adult women four were from Kumasi and three from Accra, while the two adolescent girls were from Accra. The participants’ ages ranged between 16 and 48 years. Of the seven adult women five were married, and two were cohabiting. Also, all seven adult participants had children. Both of the adolescent participants were school dropouts, one had a child while the other was pregnant at the time of data collection. (Please refer to Appendix 1 for details of participants’ demographic characteristics).

Findings

This section presents participants’ experiences of intimate partner violence before the pandemic, during the lockdown, and after ease of lockdown restrictions. The data is presented in themes according to the segments in the Duluth power and control wheel. Though not all the segments are covered in the analysis, the power and control wheel expose the tactics of perpetrators to coerce and control their victims.

Experiences of Violence Before the Pandemic

The narratives from the participants indicate a deep-seated prevalence of violence before the pandemic. The perpetrators who were current and ex- husbands and partners used mainly physical violence to exert control over their victims. The tactics they used included intimidation, male privilege, economic abuse, coercion and threats, etc (See Table A2 in appendix for experiences of violence before, during and after the lockdown).

The narratives depict perpetrators enforcing their male privilege by engaging in other sexual relationships. Both cultural practices and the customary law in Ghana permits men to have multiple wives (Bowan, 2013). Hence, men are not socially sanctioned for engaging in multiple relationships and women do not have any locum to question their partner’s extra-marital relationships even though they may be consulted before additional wives are procured. Women could be abused if they question their partners on their extra-marital relationships. In this study, the perpetrators used physical violence to ensure their male privileges. For instance, 35-year-old Mary was physically abused by her husband when she complained about his extramarital affairs.

My husband that I am with…. the man I told you about had extramarital affairs with other women. When I confronted him about the issue, he abused me by beating me. To the extent that I was admitted to the hospital… When he went for the other woman…. while people engage in such acts secretly… in my case, he made it open for me to see that he has engaged in extra marital affairs. And I confronted him about the issue. That sparked the violence. I received those beatings from him… Eiiii, he physically assaulted me to the extent of being admitted to the hospital (Mary, 35 years).

Perpetrators under the influence of alcohol use physical violence to exert their authority over and control their partners. Ghanaian men are expected to be the providers of their families and as the narratives show women expect their partners to fulfill that gender role. Insisting that the men fulfill their duty is construed as questioning their manhood. As Dery (2019: 9674) assert: “dominant notions of masculinity in both colonial and postcolonial Ghanaian society remain the widespread patriarchal stereotypes that “real men” are worth their salt when they are able to exert power and authority over women by being diligent breadwinners.” Adwoa, a 34-year-old mother of two children recounted being physically abused whenever her partner was drunk, and when she demanded money for the upkeep of the family.

My husband has always been violent. He always fights me at the least opportunity. He usually comes home drunk and annoyed. These marks you see on my face resulted from his fights. I have never lived with a violent husband who beats me [like this one]. He shakes and shoves me when I ask him to honour his responsibilities…. He beats me. He throws his fist at my face and shoves me. He slaps me and pushes me to the wall. Even if I scream, he will not stop. He leaves home to drink alcohol at the pub and comes to continue beating me up. This happens at least once every week. Each time we fought it was nothing but his failure to perform his responsibilities (Adwoa, 34 years).

Likewise, Yaa, a mother of four was often threatened with divorce and physically abused by her partner under the influence of alcohol. The threats and physical abuse were to assert their authority over their partners and to maintain their maleness.

Countless times. That has been the situation since we married. He often physically assaults me and has on two occasions threatened to divorce me…. He will push me, and I’ll hit the wall or hit me with anything he finds in sight. He became violent after he changed his job. He got disappointed when his salary was slashed. He becomes emotional about the least issue. Because he loved to drink alcohol, he was quick to get it [alcohol] and always came home drunk. …. Very bad. He beat me until I cried for help. After all these maltreatments, he would forcibly have sex with me. (Yaa, 36 years).

Most of the narratives analyzed could be classified under psychological/emotional, verbal and economic abuse. Perpetrators use intimidation and insults to assert and maintain their authority over their partners.

A 38-year-old, and a mother of three described the emotional abuse she experienced.

He degrades me, in the presence of his friends. When I tell him something and he doesn’t hear me, instead of asking me what I said, he doesn’t care that he is in the midst of his friends. Any word that proceeds out of his mouth, he will say it in their hearing (Akosua, 38 years).

Also, a 27-year-old mother of two recounted her experience of verbal and economic abuse.

…no, he did not (no sexual abuse) but rather verbal abuse, he can insult my mother, father and when I complain he will beat me…. It was his quarrelsome nature. When he quarrels with you when he is going to work, he will not give housekeeping money (chop money), apart from that he was not womanizing. (Araba, 27).

Violence During Lockdown

As indicated in the introduction, the strict lockdown in Ghana lasted for only 3 weeks, between March 30 to April 20, 2020. However, it gives us glimpses of the experiences of IPV in Ghana. Some of the participants indicate that the lockdown worsened the violence they experienced. As 30-year-old Ama indicate,

yes, it is part of it. Before the disease, we loved each other. Currently, the disease has created poverty and worsened our situation. The relationship between my husband and me has become difficult as compared to before Covid-19. It is not easy (Ama, 30 years).

The data analyzed on the abuse during the lock down depicts the theme of male privilege and intimidation tactics. As indicated above, Ghanaian men have certain privileges that are denied women. Apart from the privilege of marrying multiple wives/partners they also have the privilege of taking autonomous decisions without recourse to their wives. A married woman for instance needs the permission of her husband before she can go out. Women who demand accountability from their partners risk abuse. In this paper, the participants were abused for enquiring about the whereabouts of their partners.

The restrictions required that we stay home. He sometimes goes out and comes late at night [despite the restrictions]. If you ask of his whereabouts, he tells me: “How does that concern you”? He goes out. If I serve him food after he comes home, he tells me: “I am satisfied”. Every question provokes him. I do not know whether he is cheating on me. He sometimes refuses to eat the food that I have cooked. That is why there are always quarrels between us (Ama, 30 years).

Participants were asked whether they experienced abuse during the 3-week lockdown. Five of the adult women and the two adolescent girls reported being abused during the strict lockdown. While the adult victims experienced physical violence, the adolescent girls reported sexual violence (rape). The participants reported varying levels of severity. While two of the adult participants reported that the severity of the violence was the same as the pre-pandemic and post-lockdown levels, three reported that the severity of the violence increased during the lockdown.

As noted earlier the patriarchal society of Ghana positions men as the principal breadwinners and women as the homemakers. While this notion is unattainable, there is a tendency for men to maintain that dominant hierarchy and power through IPV (Adjei, 2018; Dery, 2019). The pandemic affected the livelihoods of people. However, evidence suggest that women were affected more than men, because many of them worked in the informal sector. Thus, some women had to depend on their partners. Demanding that husbands fulfill their expected duties put them in distress and exposes their inability to fulfill their roles. Thus, men’s abuse of their partners was the means to enforce their authority. Naa had been unemployed before the pandemic and was being supported by her sister, who was a trader at the market. However, her sister could no longer provide the support because her business collapsed because of the pandemic. She thus, requested her husband give her money to start a business, exposing her to violence.

My husband beat me because of money issues. I told him that he should bring money, so we start doing something with it [he should provide money to use as capital to start a business]. The argument became loud, so he beat me up; he slapped me across my eyes. He said I was loud; that was why he did that. This happened when COVID-19 came. His work wasn’t going on well, and the work he was getting had reduced [decline in business], so I told him if he gets something small [money], he should bring it so we can do something with it. Things were difficult for him then. We have quarrels often, but he has not beaten me again after that incident…. It’s very worrying. Many of these abuses happen because of money problems and because times are hard and difficult, so the least argument turns into a fight, then the men beat up the women (Naa, 42 years).

The participants felt vulnerable living with an abusive person during lockdown. They described their vulnerability as being greater during the pandemic because of their inability to leave the house.

Madam, it is frightening. You would not know when he would hit you so hard that it will endanger my life. He makes me feel worthless. I cry almost all the time (Adwoa, 34 years).

I lived a life full of fear. I could not wait to get out of the house. At least, If I left the house for work, I would be out of sight to suffer his abuse (Yaa, 36 years).

Violence After Lockdown

Though the lockdown was short, its repercussions were felt for many more months. COVID-19 restrictions affected the livelihoods of women particularly those in the informal sector (Akuoko et al., 2021). Like the lockdown period the participants had to depend on their partners for their sustenance were exposed to IPV. For instance, 42-year-old Mary was a teacher at a private school while her husband teaches at a public school. While public school teachers received their salaries though schools were closed, private school teachers did not receive any wages. She was, therefore, forced to depend on her husband for the family’s needs. Below is Mary’s story:

Between my husband and I… Hmmm. As you may know, the emergence of the disease has brought about some financial hardship between my husband and me. Because of that, there is frequent arguments and violence between my husband and me because of pressure on his pocket since he provides for daily upkeep and my inability to support. This is due to pressure on his finances. It (abuse) was about money. It was related to money. (Participant begins to cry) (Mary, 42 years).

Mary was given money by her husband to start a business. So, she started making pastries (spring rolls) for sale. It is a practice for husbands to set up businesses for their wives. This contributes to their roles as the breadwinner and provider for the home. Women could be abused if those businesses fail.

The money he gave to me for the spring roll business… When I started the spring rolls, people were not buying. As a result, the children ended up consuming the leftovers. As such, I could not account for the capital invested. I asked him for additional money. That brought about the quarrel, which resulted into violence (Mary, 42 years).

Likewise, Adwoa, who sold secondhand bags and shoes saw a decline in her business because of the pandemic. She was abused when she requested for money from her husband for the household needs.

Once, after the lockdown, we had a nasty encounter. He hit me till I got a cut on my knee. We needed to buy foodstuff, but he claimed he did not have money. I insisted, and he shoved me (Adwoa, 34 years).

As well, Ama’s business collapsed because of the pandemic, and she had to rely on her husband for the family’s needs.

Because they do not patronise my goods like before [decline in business], he gets annoyed anytime you ask for little money and hits me with his hand. The little things annoy him. Because of the reduction in sales … Previously, [before the pandemic], I wasn’t asking him for money for most things. However, currently, the situation has affected my business. Because of the children, that is why I ask for financial assistance from him. Sometimes, any moment you ask for money, it turns into a quarrel. He then throws his hand to hit you (Ama, 30 years).

Ama attempted to explain the reasons for the abuse.

It is because of poverty. Because of hardship. Previously [before the pandemic], I never asked him for anything. It is due to the Covid-19. My business has virtually collapsed now. I do not have goods now. I have spent all that I have as well. What I have is the leftover of second-hand clothes, which people do not patronize. It does not help. If you complain, it turns into quarrels. I did not want people to know what I am going through. Anytime he lifts his hands, he beats me. All because of financial hardship. I need a philanthropist to assist me financially. I wish someone could assist me (financially) to revamp my business to enable me and my children to have access to food. I would be very grateful (Ama, 30 years).

The narratives from Mary, Adwoa, and Ama indicate how economic hardships contributed to the dynamics of IPV.

Furthermore, we wanted to know if participants felt the abuse intensified during the pandemic or not. While the violence experienced by some victims intensified during the lockdown, for others, there was no difference in the violence experienced pre-pandemic, during the lockdown, and during the ease of restrictions. For instance, Ama indicated that though her husband abused her before the pandemic, the violence worsened during the pandemic. Mary also thought that the violence had intensified during the pandemic. Below is what Mary said:

Previously, you only see your husband in the evening. As such, the occurrence of violence against women were minimal. Because both of us found ourselves in the same compound, same room all day long; it sparked many quarrels, resulting in violence. On the other hand, it has also helped. It has made us to be aware and have a good picture of everyone’s attitude and behaviour (Mary, 42).

For Yaa there was no difference between the violence pre-pandemic and during the lockdown.

It remained the same story (during lockdown). Nothing changed. Anyways, it is still ongoing…. Very bad. He beat me until I cried for help. After all these maltreatments, he would forcibly have sex with me (Yaa, 36 years).

Similarly, 38-year-old Akosua indicated that there was no difference in the violence she experienced pre-pandemic and during the pandemic. The scenario of the abuse confirms the superior power of the husband over her. Abusing someone because she did not place something where one wanted is an abuse of power and shows that the husband wanted to exact authority over her through the abuse.

He has hit me with his fist before. Every kind of violence that is done to a lady, he has done it to me before…. We will be chatting for instance. Then I would place something down with the intention to pick it up later when I am done with what I’m doing. He would then say this is not the right place to put this thing. “Is that the place it’s supposed to be?” My response would be “my lord, I’m doing something when I finish, I will take it.” He won’t understand and when I attempt explaining to him, he would hit me before I could say Jack (Akosua, 38 years).

The theme of the male privilege is still manifesting in the narrative below about Akosua’s experience. In this narrative Akosua’s husband “asks what right I have to call him while he is talking to someone.”

Or for instance when he is standing with another woman, and I go and talk to him. He would immediately ask me if I was suspicious of him and think she was his girlfriend. I would say since I haven’t seen the two of them together in a room, I can’t say that. Maybe if I am going somewhere, because he is standing with the person, I would excuse him and say I want to discuss something briefly with him. Then he becomes furious and asks what right [emphasis ours] I have to call him while he is talking to someone. All those things are part (contributing factors). I would need money and go and ask him. I see him having money, but he wouldn’t give me. That also contributes to the reason why we quarrel.

Contrary to the narratives above, only one participant reported not being abused during the lockdown and post-lockdown period. She admitted that her husband has never physically assaulted her but has yelled at her in the past. She believes that her husband’s refusal to give money for her personal needs was abusive even though he provided for all the needs of other members of the family. This is what Suzy had to say:

It’s not that he doesn’t give, he takes care of the home. But me as a wife he will not even give me one cedi to buy something for myself. Since we got married, I haven’t seen it before. Twenty years in marriage I am telling you the gospel truth, I haven’t seen it before and sometimes it breaks me down (Suzy, 39 years).

Suzy, therefore, decided to deny her husband sex, for which the man is not happy and has informed her friends about her behavior. They only have sexual relations occasionally. She however, opined that they had frequent sex during the lockdown because they were both at home. When asked if there was violence during the lockdown, this is what Suzy said:

S:

During lockdown my husband and I never fought, ask me why?

I:

Why?

S:

You know I was telling you that during the lockdown, God did amazing things for me through the sanitizer, so that gave me money, because when I teach them [training others in hand sanitizer production], I charge them. That gave me money and the money I got is the one we were using. So, there was peace at home, even my husband has been saying it, that this lockdown, it was God who saved us. It’s God who brought us all those people, if not we don’t know what would have happened, we didn’t fight (Suzy 39 years).

From Suzy’s narrative there was no abuse because she had other sources of income from teaching other women how to make hand sanitizer and feeling less fatigued as compared to her usual book selling.

Adolescents

The adolescent girls interviewed reported intimate partner violence during the pandemic. While one experienced violence during the lockdown, the other experienced it after the lockdown was eased. Both adolescents experienced physical violence, and one was raped by her partner. Below is Adoley’s story about being raped by her boyfriend.

Yes, it happened once when the lockdown was on. When the lockdown happened, his place became very quiet. One day he asked that I come and look at something at the place where the boys hang out; I didn’t know he was there alone until I got there and realized he was there alone, then he forced himself on me (Adoley, 16 years).

Adoley was further physically assaulted by her partner when she was pregnant with their child (pregnancy not a result of the rape) after she saw him with another woman. Again, the theme of male privilege manifests in the narrative below.

I caught him with another woman. When I saw them, I didn’t say anything and I passed by, then he called me, and I told him I see he is standing and talking with his woman. He got offended and asked me why I should say it’s his woman and he slapped me in front of the woman there and there (Adoley, 16 years).

The other adolescent participant, Aku (17 years and mother of a 4-month-old), also reported being physically assaulted by her baby’s father after she requested for money for the upkeep of their child. The baby’s father had denied responsibility for the pregnancy.

My dad called and spoke to him, but he didn’t listen to him [refused to accept the pregnancy]. I once went to him to ask for money for the baby and he asked me why I didn’t ask my mother and have come to him. I told him that I asked her, but she didn’t have any, that it’s not every day that she gets money to bring home after her usual trade. I asked him for money to buy diapers for the baby and he was furious and even slapped me and I left.

Interviewer:

After slapping you, did he also beat you up?

Aku:

Yes, he took a cane and beat me.

Aku:

There was an issue. I asked him for money to go and buy food and as he was talking, I talked back, and he got angry and beat me up. He slapped me and beat me mercilessly (Aku, 17 years).

The data on the two adolescent girls depict the controlling behavior of the perpetrators against the victims. The perpetrators’ exhibited power and authority over the adolescents by subjecting them to physical and sexual abuse. By raping the adolescents and denying the pregnancy of Aku, the perpetrators exhibited extreme male privilege that prompted them to abuse the girls. Again, the age of the adolescents meant that they could not negotiate safer sex with their partners hence the rape, hence becoming pregnant.

Discussion

This paper sought to understand women’s experiences of IPV during the COVID -19 pandemic in Ghana using the power and control wheel framework. The main tenet of the power and control wheel theory is that perpetrators seek to dominate and control their partners through various tactics such as intimidation, male privilege, etc. This is mediated by four cultural elements including belief in the natural order (of male) power and authority, objectification of women, forced submission of female victims and the unbridled use of physical coercion (Rankine et al., 2017). In this paper the dominant tactic perpetrators utilized was male privilege. This is mediated by the cultural norm inherent in the Ghanaian society of male dominance and female subordination. The dominant patriarchal ideology privileges men over women and gives husbands the right to punish their wives. Cultural norms perpetuate IPV by normalizing or even trivializing the violence. For instance, the view that men have the right to discipline their wives is even accepted by some women thinking that “some discipline” of wives were appropriate (Ofei-Aboagye, 1994). IPV which may take the form of “instilling fears” and “teaching women a lesson” are meant to secure the submissiveness of women (Dery, 2019). In this study the actions of the perpetrators exhibit their male privilege by rejecting being unaccountable to their partners. Again, male privileges in Ghana permits men to have multiple partners while females could not do same. Thus, a woman that seeks to question this male privilege is at risk of abuse. Also, the cultural norms were exacerbated by the pandemic because of the stress and anxiety experienced by people. The situation presented by COVID-19 and its associated restriction on movement can best be described as a catalyst for increased risk of IPV for women in fragile relationships and more catastrophic for those in exposed to IPV even before the pandemic (Wyckoff et al., 2023).

What was revealing in the study was the contribution of economic hardships to the dynamics of IPV. Economic dependencies and vulnerabilities are a significant risk factor in IPV (Jewkes, 2002; Mann & Takyi, 2009). The marital dependency theory opines that partners who depend on their spouses are vulnerable to IPV. Studies from Peru and US show that IPV is significantly lower among women who were economically independent (Aizer, 2010; Perova, 2010). The pandemic affected the economic fortunes of both women and men and induced poverty-related stress. For men whose role it is to provide for their families but are unable to do so, insisting that they fulfill their roles is akin to questioning their status as men. In Ghana, women’s insistence on their husbands to provide for the family often leads to abuse (Sedziafa et al., 2017). Violence is thus used to subdue the women who are considered as rebels. In this study participants were abused when they insisted their partners provide for the needs of their families especially children or provide funds to start a new business. A similar finding was made in the U.S. during the pandemic where Lyons and Brewer (2022) found that financial pressures were some of the factors that contributed to violence against women. The economic reliance of the women on their partners stem from the fact that some were unemployed because their businesses had collapsed or were not receiving wages because of the general economic decline during the pandemic. Those whose businesses had declined reported that they had spent all their savings and capital as well.

This study brings to the fore the intersection between age and dependency status and its effects on the nature and impact of IPV. Unlike the adult women in the study, the adolescents did not live with their partners, but experienced violence because of their dependency status. The girls were unemployed and depended on their parents for their sustenance. Since their parents could not adequately provide for them, they had to turn to their abusers. It is evident that they were already being abused but had no choice but go back to them. This confirms the view that women who were dependent on their partners find it difficult leaving those abusive relationships (Cools & Kotsadam, 2017). Also, adolescent girls could not negotiate sex and thus were forced. Similar abuse of adolescent girls by their partners during COVID-19 has been reported in Kenya (Karp et al., 2021). In that study, 11.1% of adolescents and young adults reported experiencing intimate partner violence during the pandemic in the last month before the data collection for the study. The government should provide counseling services for adolescent girls in abusive relationships whilst including them as part of the beneficiaries on the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) program. The LEAP is a social intervention program for the poor where the government gives a lumpsum money to the vulnerable and the poor in society. Normally, those who qualify are orphans, the elderly, and people who earn below a certain threshold. Including adolescent mothers will reduce their vulnerability and reduce their reliance on partners. Also, general economic empowerment for women and emancipated adolescents would be helpful in reducing their risk for IPV during pandemic situations.

Limitations

The limitation of the study is that the sample size is small and therefore, findings cannot be generalized to the larger Ghanaian society. Also, the participants consisted of mostly women in the informal sector and did not include women who were working in the formal sector. Nevertheless, this study contributes to the extant literature on the experiences of women of IPV in urban Ghana during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Conclusion

This paper has highlighted the experiences of intimate partner violence by women and girls in Ghana during the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings show that participants had experienced violence at each time point under review. Though the causes and type of abuse did not seem to change over the period, the lockdown period seemed to have increased the vulnerability of women due to the financial challenges prevailing at the time. For the other causes of violence—alcoholism, infidelity, and insecurities about changing male roles—there was not much change across the three periods. Admittedly, the lockdown in Ghana lasted only 3 weeks, thus, victims of abuse did not have to be in the same space with their abusers long enough to measure the intensity of abuse. Despite that, the economic implications of the pandemic lasted beyond the 3-week lockdown period (D. Asante et al., 2022; Schotte et al., 2023). Considering the vulnerability of households, especially women, to economic hardships such as were caused on by the pandemic, it will be important for government to adopt an intersectional approach when providing services to the poor. The participants in this study did not receive any benefit from the government during the pandemic.

Also, the findings of the study shows that violence against women is rooted in the patriarchal norms of the society that give power and resources to men over women. In Africa where the state’s welfare system is minimal, victims of violence often rely on family and friends for support. It is important that victims can easily access formal support such as toll-free hotlines and women’s shelters.