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Abstract

Investigating child abuse represents a potential health risk for police employees. However, less is known about the distinct nature of these challenges for specific groups within the special victim unit. We applied qualitative research design, and conducted 15 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with police employees specialized in child investigative interviews, all employed at a large police district in Norway. We used a reflexive, thematic analysis as analytical approach. The analysis identified seven themes: (1) Fear of failing in the mismatch between demand and resources, (2) Questioning the system: Concerns with doing more harm than good; (3) Lack of recognition and understanding by the management, (4) Restrained by the special competence, (5) Working on the edge: the constant balance between closeness and distance, (6) Family: a resource rather than a vulnerability, and (7) Teamwork facilitates professional development. The results point to moral stress, insufficient support, understanding, and acknowledgment from the management as significant stressors. Many experiences a lack of variation in work tasks, adding to the burden. Teamwork can mitigate this, facilitating professional development and available support for this group.

Plain language summary

Police employees working with child abuse investigation finds the moral stress more challenging than the stories and pictures

Although police employees report that being exposed to children that are victims of abuse and neglect is the most stressful that they encounter in their work, investigating child abuse has just recently gain attention as work that can affect employees both physically, mentally, and socially. In this study, we interviewed 15 police employees that worked primarily with investigative interviews with children, in cases of alleged sexual abuse. The results showed that the most stressful part of the job was the fear of doing a mistake, resulting in a case being dismissed, the concern of doing more harm to the child and the family than actual help, and the pressure from the system, focusing on the quantity rather than the quality of the child investigative interviews. Moral stress can result in various negative health outcome like burnout, insomnia and depression. It is crucial that the occupational health of police employees performing these tasks are given priority, and that the management acknowledge and understand what represent the most stressful part of their work.

Keywords

moral stress investigative interviews police child abuse investigation qualitative

Introduction

Police employees working with crime involving violence and sexual abuse against children can experience negative somatic, psychological, and social impacts of their work (Burns et al., 2008; Krause, 2009; Powell et al., 2014). Physical complaints include headaches, stomachaches, sleep problems, reduced immune function, heart pain, and overall reduced health (Perez et al., 2010). Psychological and social issues can include social withdrawal, avoiding children, intimacy problems, or drug issues (Powell et al., 2014). Police personnel are exposed to and impacted by investigating child abuse differently; some are directly exposed to images and videos, and others meet the victims as a part of the interrogation process. For all, a health hazard is associated with their work (Duran & Woodhams, 2022).

In general, the police profession is rated as one of the most stressful occupations, as the employees are exposed to various acute and chronic stressors (Magnavita et al., 2024). According to Violanti et al. (2016), police employees rate cases involving abused or dead children as the most stressful incidences in their profession. However, the literature suggests that organizational factors are equally important as the exposure to child abuse concerning health hazards for police employees in special units (Fortune et al., 2018; Powell et al., 2014). As exposure to child abuse is an inevitable part of the job for police employees in special victim units, it is crucial to understand what type of and how these organizational factors influence the health and well-being of this group.

Investigative interviews of children represent a complex and highly specialized work task for the police (Korkman et al., 2024) that includes providing socio-emotional support in order to encourage the childrens disclosure (Baugerud & Johnson, 2017). In the Nordic countries, including Norway, the “Barnahus- model” (Childrens house model) is implemented, that is, “multi-professional approaches to child victims of abuse with the double aim of facilitating the legal process and ensuring that the child receives necessary support and treatment” (Johansson et al., 2017, p. 5). The model is grounded in the notion that there is a need for highly specialized expertise and coordinated services to approach to respond to child abuse, and the police work closely with other agencies, for example, the child welfare services and health care professionals (Johansson et al., 2017; Korkman et al., 2024). In Norway, in the cases of alleged abuse, specially trained police officers are the only one allowed to perform forensic interviews (Baugerud et al., 2020). The exposure to trauma and child abuse material by this group of police employees suggest that they are susceptible of a range of negative health outcome ( e.g., Duran & Woodhams), and compared to other police employees in Norway, investigative interviewers report higher level of stress (Rabbing et al., 2022). In Norway, the number of child sexual abuse cases have been increasing steadily the last decades (Bakketeig & Skilbrei, 2016, adding to the workload for investigative interviewers. This study aims to explore the specific nature of the stressors experienced by police employees specialized in investigative interviews of children and to identify their most salient resources.

The Job-Demand Resources Model

According to the job-demand resources model (JD-R; Demerouti et al., 2001), job demands, and job resources work in a complex interplay in two relatively independent processes: health promoting and health impairment processes. Job demands refer to all physical, social, or organizational factors that result in enduring physical or mental strain. Job resources refer to the work’s physical, social, psychological, or organizational aspects that enable goal achievement, reduce the cost of the demands, and stimulate personal growth and development (Bakker & Demerouti, 2017). Job demands are the most central predictors for exhaustion, psychosomatic complaints and musculoskeletal pain (Bakker & Demerouti, 2017; Bakker et al., 2003, 2005; Lesener et al., 2019), while job-resources appears to be the most important predictors for job satisfaction, motivation, and engagement (Lesener et al., 2020). Job resources like social support and autonomy buffer the impairment process caused by job demands (Bakker et al., 2005; Fernet et al., 2010; Wolter et al., 2019) and are especially important when the demands are high (Bakker & Demerouti, 2017). Employees whose need for autonomy, competence, and belongingness are met perform better at work (Gagné & Deci, 2005) and report less exhaustion (Vander Elst et al., 2014). Police employees who perceive that their leader supports autonomy are more motivated for work, have fewer turnover intentions, and have fewer somatic complaints than those who do not (Otis & Pelletier, 2005), and in general supervisor support has been shown to moderate the negative effect of high cognitive demands for employees and promote restitution (Bendixen & Scheel, 2023).

Health Consequences of Working as a Special Victim Forensic Interviewer

A mismatch between job demands and available resources can eventually result in burnout, a prolonged state of reduced ability to invest energy, encompassing exhaustion, cognitive and emotional impairment, and mental distance (Schaufeli et al., 2020). For forensic interviewers, burnout is driven by an overwhelming workload, inadequate organizational support, and direct exposure to child abuse material (Fansher et al., 2020). Burnout encompasses exhaustion, mental distance, and emotional and cognitive impairment (Schaufeli et al., 2020). Characteristics of the organization, high workload, low social support, and low job control are considered the most important predictors of burnout (Leiter et al., 2014; Maslach, 2017). Job resources can buffer the negative impact of high job demands and reduce the risk of burnout (Bakker & Demerouti, 2017; Bakker et al., 2005). Among police officers, high demands and low resources are related to an increased risk of burnout (Burke & Mikkelsen, 2006; Hu et al., 2017; Martinussen et al., 2007) and perceived supportive leadership predicts fewer symptoms of burnout (Sørengaard & Langvik, 2022). Working with children and being exposed to graphic material are potential health risk factors for burnout (Fansher et al., 2020). Further, organizational changes, especially if perceived as non-legit, affect the work engagement and well-being of police employees, whereas workload is less critical (Hesketh et al., 2016).

Secondary traumatic stress disorder (STSD), which resembles post-traumatic stress disorder (PTDS) among police officers has received attention the last decades (Brewin et al., 2022; Foley et al., 2022; Hartley et al., 2013). STSD, like PTSD, is characterized by flashbacks of the event indirectly exposed to, heightened arousal, and avoidance, and can be instigated by exposure to victims of sexual violence (Foley et al., 2023; Greinacher et al., 2019; Salston & Figley, 2003). Repeated exposure to child abuse represents a health hazard regarding the risk of STSD for police personnel working in special units (MacEachern et al., 2019). The frequency, temporal distance, and type of traumatic incident also represent a crucial factor in stress reactions among police officers (Hartley et al., 2013). Although being exposed to child abuse, for example, by going through child abuse material (CAM), represents a possible stressor for police employees (Bride et al., 2007; Velazquez & Hernandez, 2019), less is known about the specific stressors for those working with child investigative interviews in special units. Personal history and demographics influence the risk, but work factors are more critical (Brady et al., 2019). A common conception is that having children makes the employee more vulnerable (Langvik et al., 2022) and critical incidents that involve children that resemble or relate to their children tend to linger in police officers’ memories (Møller et al., 2023). However, other studies have failed to support this notion (Brady et al., 2019).

Vicarious trauma, a similar and overlapping construct with secondary trauma, is another potential health hazard for people working with abused children (Morabito et al., 2021). It encompasses developing a shift toward a more pessimistic worldview as well as cognitive schema disruptions (Rauvola et al., 2019), and the research shows that police employees investigating child abuse can develop a more pessimistic and gloomier worldview (Parkes et al., 2018; Strickland et al., 2023). Forensic interviewers performing interviews with children who allegedly have been abused are often affected by their work, professionally and personally, due to work-induced vicarious trauma (Middleton et al., 2022). It should be noted that working with traumatized children and child abuse material might have positive effects as well, including perceived control and ability to impact, increased professionality and gratitude for one’s life circumstances, and the life of one’s children (Gray & Rydon-Grange, 2019; Sage et al., 2018).

Moral Stress and Injury

For police employees performing investigative interviews of child abuse victims, the demands and stressors experienced are not limited to the exposure to child abuse but rather the high workload and interagency tension (Powell et al., 2013). Another relevant aspect for employees working with children is moral distress and moral injury. Police employees who perceive their mandate as helping people with a role dedicated to protecting those in need often find themselves unable to do so, resulting in the experience of moral distress (Papazoglou & Chopko, 2017). This can potentially lead to the development of moral injury Everyday stressors associated with moral injury include betrayal, inability to prevent death or harm, and ethical dilemmas (Jameton, 1993). Moral suffering encompasses moral distress and the consequences of these stressors, that is, moral injury (Blumberg et al., 2020; Papazoglou & Chopko, 2017). Moral injury is preceded by a betrayal of what is right, either by a legitimate authority, by oneself, or in high-stakes situations (Shay, 2014), and is especially relevant for police employees (Blumberg et al., 2020). In Norway, studies on moral distress and injury have been done among physicians (Miljeteig et al., 2024) and military personnel (Anyan et al., 2024). However, to our knowledge, no studies have addressed the moral distress of police employees in Norway.

Available Resources for Police Employees in Special Victim Units

Police employees working with child abuse use strategies like keeping an analytic distance, mental preparation, outdoor activity, separating work-life from personal life, and using physical activity and suppressing negative emotions to deal with stress (Burns et al., 2008; Ondrejková & Halamová, 2022). Police employees that are physically fit report better mental health and sleep compared to those being less physical fit (Gerber et al., 2014). Perceived social support by colleagues and family has a physiological and psychological effect on stress by downregulating the stress hormone cortisol (Eisenberger, 2013; Heinrichs et al., 2003; Olff et al., 2014; Sage et al., 2018). Efficient coping strategies and available resources affect how employees experience their work and whether they experience work-related health impairment (Burns et al., 2008). However, a recent national study of police employees in Norway points to a lack of formal and defuse and debrief practices, including the use of social support (Filstad & Rød, 2024).

In addition to individual factors, organizational factors influence the worker’s health (Demerouti et al., 2001). Police employee stress arises from organizational or operational factors (Acquadro Maran et al., 2022; Shane, 2021). Operational factors can be exposure to violence and death and pressure to perform and make critical decisions. Organizational demands include, among others, shiftwork, mandatory extra hours of work, conflict with colleagues, sufficient training, and lack of leader- and administrative support (Duran et al., 2019; Shane, 2021. Recently, the role of occupational stress and organizational support in developing, for example, PTSD has received attention (Hansen et al., 2022). For moral injury, an organization that acknowledge that the employees can be vulnerable to moral distress and that adopts a strong wellness culture can contribute to prevent moral injury (Blumberg et al., 2020).

Studies focusing on mitigating health impairment for this group are scarce, but those who exist emphasize training, organizational support, social support, and coping strategies that can prevent secondary trauma (Fortune et al., 2018; Sage et al., 2018; Simonovska et al., 2023). Leader support is essential (Christensen et al., 2018), while others emphasize physically changing the work environment and facilitating more efficient cooperation among employees (Powell et al., 2014; C. M. Steel et al., 2024).

The prevalence of PTSD and secondary trauma among police employees investigating child abuse varies, and the literature suggests that one should be cautious when estimating the prevalence of PTSD among police employees, as the methods and inclusion criteria vary dramatically, resulting in very different figures and often an underestimation of prevalence (Brewin et al., 2022). Further, police employees experiencing trauma and stress in their work are often reluctant to seek help, as mental health help-seeking is stigmatized in the police profession due to organizational factors like culture and role identity ( Brown et al., 2020; Foley et al., 2022; Velazquez & Hernandez, 2019). Research points out that for police employees seeking trauma treatment, moral injury is prevalent, and intervention aiming at relieving moral distress for this population should be considered (Mensink et al., 2022). More in-depth research on health consequences among police employees using qualitative approaches has been requested (Ondrejková & Halamová, 2022). The study of police employees and secondary trauma has, to a more considerable extent, focused on those working with digital abuse material, and there is a need for more knowledge about those who work with direct contact with victims, especially children (Foley et al., 2022).

Aim of the Study

The aim of this study is to explore the most critical organizational challenges and resources experienced by police employees who have special victim investigation interviews with children as their primary work. In Norway, there has been a dramatic increase in child investigative interviews performed annually, without any increase in police officers being given the mandatory training and formal education (The National Criminal Investigation Service [Kripos], 2016). With a nationwide prioritizing of these cases, the pressure on special victim interviews (SVI) employees in the Norwegian police is very high.

Working with individuals exposed to traumatic incidents can affect the workers negatively (Doyle et al., 2021; MacEachern et al., 2019; Salston & Figley, 2003), especially if the victims are children (Berge, 2005; Violanti et al., 2016). Although the police officers working with special victim investigative interviews regularly work with trauma-exposed children, little is known about how they experience their job and, more accurately, how this work affects their health, professional and personal life.

As research points to organizational factors representing both health risk and protective factors (Fortune et al., 2018; Hansen et al., 2022; Powell et al., 2014), it is important to explore potential health risk and protective factors among this specific group in depth. Research addressing the specifics of the demands and necessary resources among the occupational group is warranted (Ahern et al., 2017; MacEachern et al., 2019; Sage et al., 2018). The role of moral suffering in the police profession is further an underexplored issue (Papazoglou & Chopko, 2017), and this study aims to incorporate this aspect.

Method

To address our research question; What are the specific nature of the stressors and resources for police employees specialized in investigative interviews of children?, we applied a qualitative research design emphasizing the participant’s subjective experiences and interpretations.

Participants and Procedure

The data collection was done in collaboration with one of the largest police districts in Norway. Information about the project and invitation to participate was distributed by the HR department, who also facilitated the interview by providing suitable private places to perform the interviews. All employees currently working with SVI in the police district and all employees with long experience as working with SVI were invited to participate. Inclusion criteria were a completed education in special victim interrogation (SVI) and a minimum of 12 months of experience working as an SVI. All employees that met the inclusion criteria were invited, and they all agreed to participate. The participants were 15 police employees, 11 women and four men, who were all specialized child investigative interviewers, that is, and had completed extensive education and training in child interrogation interviews. Three of the participants did not currently work as an SVI but had long experience and the formal education. Of the participants, four had less than 5 years of experience, three had 5 to 10 years, three had more than 10, and the others had between 5 and 10 years. Table 1 present the characteristics of the participants experience and current work status as an SVI. To preserve anonymity, we use gender-neutral pseudonyms and refrain from indicating their exact age.

Table 1.

Characteristics of the Participants (n = 15).

Participant	Pseudonyms	Experience SVI (n years)	Age
1	Alex	<5	25–30
2	Janne	5–10	31–35
3	Eli	5–10	31–35
4	Jamie	>10	41–45
5	Chris	<5	25–30
6	Andy	<5	31–35
7	Kim	>10	>45
8	Une	5–10	36–40
9	Gio	<5	31–35
10	Kelley	>10	>45
11	Milller	5–10	36–40
12	Rene	5–10	36–40
14	Jone	5–10	41–45
13	Louie	5–10*	36–40
14	Kayla	5–10*	41–45
15	Leon	5–10*	41–45

The Context

All participants were employed in the same police district, with the main office being situated in an urban area. However, the participants worked at different units in the police district, with somewhat different work designs. Some worked individually with child abuse cases, and others were based together with other investigators and prosecutors in teams. As a validation procedure, we used informant validation (Creswell & Miller, 2000), that is, the participants were oriented on preliminary findings and gave the researchers input and feedback. The results were presented at the workplace (i.e., police station) without anyone from the management present.

Data Collection

We used semi-structured interviews (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2018) with a guide and preset themes/questions. The interview-guide was developed within the framework of the JD-R model, with an emphasis on open questions exploring how the participants experience their workday, what they like best about their job, their motivation behind their specialty, and what they experience as most stressful and challenging in their work. We also asked about available resources and how their work affected them, personally and professionally. Those who did not work with SVI any longer were asked about the reasons for leaving the specialty and whether anything could have prevented their decision to leave. The interview guide is available as Supplemental Material. Each interview lasted 60 to 90 min and were conducted at the police station where they worked during January to March 2020. The interviews were transcribed verbatim, including extralinguistic and paralinguistic information where suitable (e.g., extended breaks, laughter, anger, shaking their head, snapping fingers). The authors did all interviews and the transcription.

Thematic Analysis

The data were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2021). Reflexive thematic analysis procedures reflect the values of a qualitative paradigm, centering researcher subjectivity, organic and recursive coding processes, and the importance of deep reflection on, and engagement with, data (Braun & Clarke, 2019, p. 593). For reflexive thematic analysis, the recommended sample size when collecting data by interviews is 6 to 15 for medium projects, and 15 to 20 for large projects (Braun & Clarke, 2022). A theme reflects a pattern of shared conceptions among the participants, organized around a core concept (Braun & Clarke, 2022). The coding process is iterative, that is, the themes result from a process where the researchers constantly move back and forth between the raw data and different levels of coding (Braun et al., 2019; Braun & Clarke, 2022). Thematic analysis includes familiarization with the data, coding, generating initial codes, developing, and reviewing subthemes, and finalizing the themes through refinement, defining and naming the themes (Braun & Clarke, 2022). We used NVivo 12 (QSR International Pty Ltd, 2020). Table 2 illustrates the analytic process.

Table 2.

Illustration of the Analytic Process.

Raw data	Initial code	Subthemes	Theme
you ought to give of yourself, and that is what is demanding; you have to open up to be able to do it. So, there is a balance; you must give yourself, but you can’t give all of you, then it swallows you…	You have to give of yourself Need to protect yourself	Challenging balance of emotional involvement	Working on the edge: The constant balance between closeness and distance
I find it kind of…repetitive. And it is too weary just doing the same thing all the time.	Routine/repetitive work	Repetitive work a consequence of being a scarce resource	Restrained by the special competence

Ethical Approval

The project was approved by the Regional Ethical Committee (1512) and by the national police directorate. The participants received information about the project in advance, and it was stressed that participation was voluntary and that they could withdraw their consent (signed prior to the interview) at any time. The participants were informed about the opportunity to talk to a psychologist after the interviews if needed. The audio files and transcribed interviews were protected with a password at a server only available for the project members.

Results

The analytic process resulted in the development of seven themes. The final themes are presented in Table 3, together with the corresponding sub-themes.

Table 3.

Themes and Sub-Themes.

Themes	Sub-themes
1 Fear of failing in the mismatch between demands and resources	• Insufficient time for preparation • Small mistakes have big consequences • Compromising on quality
2 Questioning the system: Concerns with doing more harm than good	• Concerns about the impact on the children and family causes moral distress • Doubting the system as a whole
3 Lack of recognition and understanding by the management	• Lack of understanding what a special victim interview constitutes from the management • A system valuing quantity over quality • Low pay and lack of recognition while working within a national prioritized field
4 Restrained by the special competencies	• Repetitive work a consequence of being a scarce resource • Need for both variation and continuous practice
5 Working on the edge: The constant balance between closeness and distance	• Keeping an analytic distance • Establishing report requires personal involvement • Challenging balance of emotional involvement
6 Being a parent: a resource rather than a vulnerability	• Having children keeps you busy and distracted • Family makes you grateful and gives perspective • Increased skepticism and protection a consequence of the job
7 Teamwork facilitates professional development and support.	• Teamwork gives an overview of the hole process and quality assurance • Close bond between team members provides support • Working alone an additional stressor

Fear of Failing in the Mismatch Between Demands and Resources

The participants appreciate their work and perceive it as important and meaningful. For many of them, helping vulnerable children and families was an important motivational factor for their police education “maybe I can make a difference for them” (Eli). Connecting with the children and that the children trust them gives a sense of mastery and meaning. “I really look forward to meet the children” (Une) However, they also report high work pressure in the unit, resulting in an experience of not being able to prepare sufficiently before each interview. The lack of time for preparation compromises the quality of the interview and, hence, the child, which represents a central stressor mentioned by all the participants. The investigative interview is the child’s only chance to tell their story and is crucial to prosecute the case. The SVI is painfully aware of this, and it creates pressure to succeed. Some describe the interview with the children as a recurrent examination. Several legal system representatives are present, adding further pressure to the situation.

So when the case is in court, the interview is presented in its whole…So you need to be extremely focused, you cannot make a wrong move (…) I cant’s have a bad day at work, I need to perform to the maximum (Jone).

The participants describe possible devastating consequences for the case’s progress and whether the interview will be valid in court. Insufficient preparation can affect the interview negatively and have consequences for the further legal process. Minor details or mistakes can invalidate the interview, for example, a slightly leading question.

We know about cases where persons found not guilty because of the investigative interview have been questioned due to leading questions, right? (..) it is so important that I do not screw things up, that I do not say anything wrong, that I don’t ask leading questions. Because if I do, then what the child tells me can’t be used as evidence. (…) so there is this constant fear of failing. To not do it right. That is the biggest stressor (Kim).

Preparation is crucial for a successful interview. However, the participants experience that the time for preparation is scarce. Usually, there is not enough time for necessary preparation due to high work pressure. The participants experience violating their personal norms when they do not have time to perform the necessary preparation and report that the feeling of not having the possibility to do a good job is the most demanding part of their job.

And that is the worst part. When you are so busy that you don’t have the time to consider the person behind the case. (..) and that affects the children we talk with too. And that is not a good feeling. Because that child is my responsibility, -and it violates my professional integrity. A little less preparation means less quality. And that is not OK (Alex)

The high work pressure is the main reason for the lack of time to prepare and results in an experience of suboptimal performance. The participants often feel unable to do a thorough job and are concerned that this threatens the legal justice for the children.

Questioning the System: Concerns With Doing More Harm Than Good

The participants describe their work as meaningful and purposive. However, several question whether the intervention from the police in cases like this is in the child’s best interest. Some are concerned about being part of a system that sometimes can cause more harm than good. They doubt this is the best way to do it and reflect on whether other institutional services would have been better. They request a time out to reflect and evaluate the system.

We are stuck on a treadmill, doing interviews and taking on new cases; nobody stops and asks, «What are we doing?» Does it make things better for the children? (Une)

Doubting the system represents a significant stressor for the participants, and many of them are concerned about the potential consequences their work can have for the families and the children when their lives are turned upside-down. The scarcity of resources also affects the possibility of a thorough investigation, contributing to a high percentage of dismissing the case. Hence, the disruption will often have no results.

So, when we go down that lane (the police investigation), there is no point of return, and we shake everything around, creating a big turmoil for the whole family. (..) do we act in the child’s best interest? (..) very often, the child gets reunited with the family, and then I question whether things are better for the child before or after we intervened… Sometimes I think that, No, they aren’t… Because it affects them (the family and children) so much. (Andy)

Reuniting children with the parents in cases where the parents were accused of abuse makes them concerned that it might have negative consequences for the child, and as one of the participants put it: Even if the child protective services are responsible for following up the case, they cannot be in their home all the time (Chris).

The participants sometimes doubt that the system in its current state acts in the child’s best interest, and this uncertainty of whether they contribute to do more harm than good for these children is a major stressor for many of the interviewers.

Lack of Recognition and Understanding by the Management

There are considerable variations regarding perceived support and recognition from the closest leader. For those who are very satisfied, their leader is the most important resource in their work: “that is a very important person (..) (s)he knows this work and can safeguard us. (Gio).” However, some of the participants describe that the management needs to understand the nature of their work in terms of complexity and the need for preparation. They emphasize that it is crucial that the leaders know what their job is all about and what they need in order to perform optimally.

The important thing is to clear out the interview and get it done. The stats will be OK; we do many interviews. I feel like that is what matters, not that we do a quality job(..) the stats have become so incredibly important. More important than anything else. More important than those who do the work or those that we meet (the children). It is the figures that matter to the leader. And that ruins so much (Rene)

Doing investigative interview with children differ from investigative interviews with adults. It requires more preparation and is more demanding, both emotionally and professionally. The consequences of not performing optimally are more serious when interviewing children compared to interrogating adults. Despite the responsibility that comes with this work, many of the participants do not feel that the management understands and attends to the prerequisites for doing a good job but instead focus on the quantity, that is, the number of interviews performed.

They don’t understand what we do. They don’t understand that we perform legal evidence in court and that this is our only chance. When you interrogate a grown-up, it is also demanding; it takes its toll, but you can say one wrong word without it having devastating consequences (Kim).

Fighting crime against children is an area that is prioritized on the national level (department of justice). Although the participants experienced some improvement regarding the status of this workgroup, they also noted that prioritizing is not practiced but merely on paper. Many describe how this group of the police force, compared to those performing operative tasks, receives marginal recognition for their work.

So, this still lingers (in the police occupation/culture); it is the tough guys who catch a thief or stumble across some marihuana that get the pat on the shoulder (Andy)

Several of the participants mention being paid less than other positions within the police, and in other parts of the country. Low pay contributes to a lack of appreciation and makes investigative interviews with children less attractive.

So to get more people to work with this, I believe pay has a significant impact (..). And then those who do this work would feel more appreciated, rather than it is just said that this (work) is really important. Because that really doesn’t show (Chris)

It is not only paid that contributes to perceived appreciation. The participants unanimously express gratitude toward being allowed to attend the annual seminar arranged by NCIS (KRIPOS) for those doing SVI: It costs a lot, but we all get to attend.(…) It is so important that they enable us to become better at what we do. (Kim).

Although national guidelines have declared that their work is highly prioritized, the participants experience that this is not fully reflected in their workday. They experience a lack of both recognition and understanding of the work that they do. One clear exception is attending the annual seminar that allows for professional input and development.

Restrained by the Special Competence

Many of the participants experience being marginalized due to their special competence. The special education and training they need to undertake to be allowed to do SVI with children are expensive and time-consuming, and few get the opportunity to take this education as the police district decides. Hence, police employees with this special education are scarce, and the possibility to perform other types of work is limited. All the participants that did not work in teams listed a lack of work variation as one of the most demanding parts of their job.

It is so repetitive what we do each time. Between the investigative interviews, one has to read up on the case, call the person accompanying the child, say the same thing that you say to all the others, and write the same report… so for my part, it is the repetitive part that is exhaustive. (Eli)

One participant described themselves as an investigative interview machine in their everyday work and that the organization has a production-line approach. Another expressed concern about getting burned out due to the repetitive work.

So then there was child investigation only…And that became very tedious. It was almost like I could not remember the name of the children I sat with (..) and I really wanted to do other things as well, and also, I was worried about becoming burned out…(Jamie)

Some express that being part of only a fracture of the process is stressful and that if they had a part in the investigation, this would increase their knowledge and, as a result, improve the interview:

If we got to be part of the investigation[the whole process], do other tasks. We really should, but there are so many children that needs to be interviews, and since we are so few, we can’t (…)So I think that the quality would be heightened, if we were allowed to…And I think that it would have been a good thing for us to (Janne)

Due to the low number of SVI employees and the high rates of interviews with children, variation in tasks has decreased. Work tasks not limited to investigative interviews with children are viewed as a way to reduce demand and turnover from the special unit.

And then the number of child investigative interviews escalated dramatically (…). If the goal is to be able to do this (SVI) for an extended period, one needs to get a proper variation and timeout from the work occasionally. I support specialization because you get good at what you do, which is very satisfying. But then you need to take a big timeout once in a while. (Leon)

Despite the request for more variation, they also express the need to work continuously with SVI to uphold competence, skill, and, hence, quality, which is particularly important for newly educated employees. The challenge appears to rely upon a balance between performing enough interviews to maintain competence and skill and sufficient variation to reduce the strain and withhold motivation in the long run.

Working on the Edge: The Constant Balance Between Closeness and Distance

The participants describe how they separate their personal and work lives by keeping an analytical distance from their work. Several of them describes a distinct discrepancy between who they are as a police investigator and how they are in private: As Rene, I would not be able to take part in it, but as a police officer, I can do it (Rene)

Such robustness results from many factors, but the training and education, that is, the method and skills acquired, are critical. By integrating this competence and their professional identity, they stay focused on their mission, gathering as detailed and reliable information as possible:

So many say, « How do you bear talking to children who have experienced these things?» I feel that I am so focused on getting as much information as possible, so you don’t… You don’t take it in on yourself, how that situation might have been for the child (..) Then you would not be able to have this job (Chris).

One of the SVI refers to «using a professional lens», which means setting oneself and one’s feelings aside and focusing on the task: “Just change the mentality, I just turn the professional switch” (Louie)

Despite the importance of keeping an analytical distance, at the same time, the interviewers must be empathic and caring. They stress the need to get close to the children without being too emotionally engaged because then they will be swallowed by the job.

You must give of yourself to get something (…) you must give of yourself, which is what is demanding; you have to open up to do it. So, there is a balance: you must give yourself, but you can’t give all of yourself, then it swallows you(…)It is a balance between being very present and tuned in, and at the same time not selling yourself out every time you are at work (Andy)

The participants admit that it can be challenging to maintain this balance and that they get emotionally touched, especially in some of the interviews. They cannot predict which interview will affect them. It can be a resemblance to someone they know, the case’s severity, or the child’s emotional reaction. However, even if some children elicit emotional reactions, the participants does not necessarily find this stressful, and the meeting with the children is a part they value most about their job.

Being a Parent: A Resource Rather Than a Liability

When asking one of the participants for advice that should be given to those new in this job, the reply was “Get yourself a family” (Miller). The SVII all have active time off/spare time by being outdoors and exercising as a deliberate means to log off. However, for some, this is not an active choice but merely a necessity as daily life just takes up all the attention and time: “I distance myself from work -I have children, so it is very seldom I bring my work back home (..) the every-day-life just consumes you” (Une)

A busy everyday life makes directing attention toward other things more accessible than work. Although some point out that “I feel that having children is an asset, not the opposite” (Kayla), some participants said that they had concerns about having children and doing this job, as they feared it would make it harder to distance themselves. “I had to contemplate whether this (SVI) was something I wanted to do because I had small children on my own back then” (Jone). However, this concern was not supported but rather contradicted, as they experienced that having a busier home life and other things to think about was merely positive and made them more efficient in logging off. The job also gives them perspective, and they are grateful for how their children live safe and protected lives.

But I have never felt that having kids on my own has made me more vulnerable. As some say, it is hard to work with these types of cases when you have small children; I never felt that. On the other hand, we have talked about it at home, that our kids really have a good life (Leon)

They also experience an increased, and, as they perceive it, legit, skepticism toward the world they feel other parents lack, especially regarding internet activities.

I often think: Oh God, it would be nice to be naive. But you are not able to. I guess I am somewhat damaged by the job. And that can be because of the police work in general, not because I do investigative interviews with children. But somewhat because I do that (SVII). I kind of only see the dark side. Even if I am aware that I only see the dark side, it is very hard not to transfer this (perspective) to my children (Kim).

In the interviews, the participants describe that they are efficient in logging off and that this is something they do both deliberately and as a necessity due to being busy with family and children. Having a family and children is a vital resource, and the job can make them both grateful and more protective toward their children.

Teamwork Facilitates Close Collegial Bonds and Professional Development

There is a general agreement among the participants that working in teams, that is, being part of the whole process and getting to know the cases, is advantageous regarding skill and support. Working closely with the other investigators and the prosecutor, they get a good overview of the case and what evidence is needed.

I am very happy that we work in a team with these cases. We in this team feel that we are essential to each other and that… We are responsible for this case and the progression as soon as possible. But with good quality. From the start (of the case), we have a prosecutor to relate to. Moreover, we discuss all the way, as the prosecutor is also present at the child investigative interview (Kelley).

Teamwork facilitates well-being and collegial support, as those who work in a team say they experience trust personally and professionally. Being alone with the constantly increasing number of cases is a burden for those who work alone. Getting to know the other team members well, having fun at work, and meeting outside work ensure close bonds. Being close and trusting colleagues makes it easier to open up about what they need themselves and to see the needs of others. Further, to be part of an interdisciplinary team is a quality assurance of the process of all the steps, from the reporting of the case, the steps in the investigation, and the court proceedings.

The participants experience the daily ventilation with colleagues as the most important buffer against work stress. This ventilation does not necessarily involve serious matters, neither personally nor professionally. Informal chat and humor are essential, such as talking in the corridor or having lunch together. They describe this interaction as «time to breath» in their workday.

One has to joke around, have a few laughs, and have a nice time at work. You cannot be a machine when working with people. Yes, we shall produce, but not merely be a machine (Janne).

All participants emphasized that close relationships with colleagues are the most important for job satisfaction and buffer the stress they experience. Teamwork facilitates professional cooperation and quality of work, personal relationships, and daily ventilation/defuse. Not being alone on the case and always having someone who knows the case to discuss it with reduces the strains, the participants describe that being part of the whole process increases motivation and variation in tasks.

Discussion

This study aimed to explore significant organizational challenges and resources for police employees performing investigative interviews with children in the special victim unit. The job-demand-resource model was used to understand the most challenging stressors, what resources could mitigate stress, and how to design the work most sustainably to promote health and reduce turnover. In line with previous research (e.g., Fortune et al., 2018; Powell et al., 2014), the participants point to organizational factors being most demanding, not interviewing the children and getting to know their stories. Heavy workload and many cases, that is, investigative interviews, do not enable the SVI to perform in accordance with their professional and moral standards. As in the study by Powell et al. (2013), the investigative interviewers experience that the management lacks understanding of how an investigative interview differs from other types of investigative interviews, and this inadequate recognition of specialized skills is a source of frustration. The same is a lack of appreciation for the work and a focus on quantity rather than quality from the management. For many of the participants, lack of variation, due to being a scarce resource, was a major challenge, while teamwork facilitates more variation in tasks, professional development, and support from colleagues that buffer stress. Although the literature points to substantial health risks associated with investigating child abuse, like secondary trauma and PTSD (Brady et al., 2019; Foley et al., 2022; Gray & Rydon-Grange, 2019), burnout (Burke & Mikkelsen, 2006; Fansher et al., 2020), and vicarious trauma (Middleton et al., 2022; Parkes et al., 2018), the participants unanimously point to the concerns of making mistakes as the most challenging part of the job. The concern about committing an error that invalidates the interview as evidence in the trial makes the job an intensive, high-risk procedure, more stressful than getting to know what has happened to the children.

In the last decade, the potential health hazard of investigating child abuse has received attention (Burke & Mikkelsen, 2006; Fortune et al., 2018; Krause, 2009; Morabito et al., 2021). Exposure to child sexual abuse material is considered a risk factor for both secondary trauma (Perez et al., 2010; Powell et al., 2014; (Sheard et al., 2019; C. Steel et al., 2021) and burnout (Burke & Mikkelsen, 2006). However, the literature suggests that indirect and direct exposure to child abuse have an impact on other groups than cyber-cops working exclusively with child sexual abuse material an online child abuse (Duran et al., 2022), and organizational factors are of equal importance as stressors for police employees working in the special unit (Fortune et al., 2018; Powell et al., 2013).

One of the most prevailing findings in our study was the participant’s experience of moral stress and concerns about not doing a good enough job and questioning the system regarding helping the children. This was described as the most challenging part of their job. The experience of moral stress can have a variety of adverse health outcomes, including burnout, changed worldview, and reduced trust in humans (Papazoglou & Chopko, 2017). The SVI experiences the concern for failing in the interviews and the corresponding consequences for the case trial as the primary stressor. Further, the fear of doing more harm than good for the child when investigating alleged abuse also constitutes a moral stressor for the participants. The results support the notion made by others (e.g., Blumberg et al., 2020; Mensink et al., 2022) that there is a need to focus on moral distress and organizational means to reduce moral risk in the police organization.

Not having enough time to prepare before interviewing the child compromises the work’s quality and hence compromising the child’s legal safety. This finding resonates with other studies on child abuse investigators pointing to large active caseloads, “jumping from one investigation to another” (Morabito et al., 2021, p. 84). When the demands surpass the resources in such magnitude, the work situation can result in health impairment (Bakker, 2011; Hu et al., 2017; Schaufeli et al., 2020), but also lack of engagement (e.g., Lesener et al., 2019). Working alone, only doing investigative interviews with children, without sufficient time for preparation can violate basic psychological needs for both competence, relatedness, and autonomy, and hence result in poorer performance (Gagné & Deci, 2005), and increase turnover intention (Otis & Pelletier, 2005).

Investigating child abuse can be considered as high-risk work that can result in secondary and vicarious trauma (Bozga et al., 2021; Middleton et al., 2022; Parkes et al., 2018). In the interview, none of the participants reported any symptoms of secondary trauma or PTSD when asked how the work had affected them. Some pointed out that the work can change the worldview, resembling symptoms of vicarious trauma, consistent with prior research (Parkes et al., 2018; Strickland et al., 2023). However, one should be cautious about concluding about the absence of impairment. Despite being exposed to trauma regularly, law enforcement personnel have substantial barriers toward mental health seeking (Richards et al., 2021), and stigma and fear of career is a known factor in research on secondary trauma in the police (Greinacher et al., 2019). However, the prevalence of PTSD and secondary trauma among child abuse investigators is debated (Brewin et al., 2022), and other studies support that exposure to child abuse reports is not the most critical stressor for investigative interviewers of child abuse victims (Powell et al., 2013).

Studies on how investigating child sexual abuse affects family life have been requested (Craun et al., 2015). Although there is a prevailing attitude in the public, as well as in the police, that working with child abuse is more demanding on those who have children themselves (e.g., (Langvik et al., 2022) and that serious incidents involving children that elicit associations toward one’s children are the one that stays with police employees (Møller et al., 2023), the participants unanimously points to the family as being a resource. This finding aligns with the results from another study that have addressed the role of having a family when working with child abuse investigation (Burns et al., 2008). However, consistent with other findings (e.g., Parkes et al., 2018; Strickland et al., 2023), several participants pointed out that they had become more suspicious and restricted toward their children.

The balance between closeness and distance is crucial for doing a good job. Although this is challenging, the special education has provided them with the tools to be empathic, caring, and professional in meeting with the children. The SVI strives to focus on the work and keep a professional distance. This resonates with the concept of empathy as a “doble edge sword” (Russell & Brickell, 2015), as it is both a necessary tool for performing the job and at the same time represent a risk for work related psychological impairment. Preparation is seen as necessary, including getting mentally prepared and tuning in on the professional role. Prior findings has pointed out that mental preparation is crucial for mitigating physical and mental impairments (Grupe et al., 2012). Emotional distancing is a common strategy applied by police employees in order to remain objective and professional (Fansher et al., 2020; Violanti & Paton, 1999) and to focus on the evidence, not the emotional aspect of the case (Burns et al., 2008). However, the participants need to constantly balance being empathic, interested, and genuine and keeping this distance for the SVI to succeed, which can be challenging and require technical skills and mental effort. Being able to develop competence, for example, by expert feedback and evaluation, is identified as an essential resource for investigative interviews (Powell et al., 2013). For the participants, being allowed to attend the annual seminar organized by the NCSIS was highly valued, further supporting the importance of being part of a professional community.

For police employees in general, a lack of support from the leader predicts work-family conflict (Wolter et al., 2019). Fair and supportive leadership protects against burnout (Sørengaard & Langvik, 2022), and leader support can moderate the adverse effects of the demands (Bendixen & Scheel). However, to provide the support needed, it is necessary that the leader understand the nature of the specific task that the employees perform and how the organization can support the SVI in their work. Investigative interviews are a highly specialized and complex task (Jones et al., 2005). According to the J-DR model, resources are essential to buffer the effects of demand and are especially important in work situations where the demands are high (Bakker & Bal, 2010; Bakker et al., 2005). The participants emphasized that colleague support is the most important buffer against the demands they experience in their work, supporting findings from studies in for example, US (Fansher et al., 2020). The role of social support in maintaining health is unquestionably (Eisenberger, 2013; Heinrichs et al., 2003), as well as preventing moral distress in the police occupation (Blumberg et al., 2020). Further, it should be emphasized that the quality of the relationships is important when it comes to collegial support as a buffer for burnout (Fernet et al., 2010), and the organization should try to facilitate the development of close relations between employees in the special unit, for example, placing those working with similar cases together as suggested by other studies on employees investigating child abuse (C. M. Steel et al., 2024). Another essential stressor and concern for the participants was the routine aspect of the work and the lack of variation and opportunity to perform the job in what they perceived as the best way to do it. The repetitive part of the job appears to be detrimental to motivation and makes some of the SVI more concerned about health impairments like burnout. The importance of variation in the task has been pointed out as an essential resource for personnel working with children exposed to trauma (Berge, 2005). It should be taken into consideration by the organization. The majority of the participants experience a lack of autonomy and control, which in turn is associated with less effective management of work demands, lower levels of work satisfaction, and health impairment among employees (Bakker & Bal, 2010; Bakker et al., 2005; Lesener et al., 2019).

The Nordic Barnahus-model (i.e., requirement for extensive training/education of the interviewers and the use of evidence-based interview-protocols) is increasingly applied both inside and outside Europe (Korkman et al., 2024) and hence more restriction on who can perform SVI will follow. The results suggest that one should be aware of the consequences of being highly specialized, and low in number. Resonating with the findings from this current study, international studies point to how lack of recognition for the work performed by investigative interviewers together with system issues are a major stressor, while support from close colleagues and task variation are important resources (Fansher et al., 2020; Powell et al., 2013. The number of child abuse cases and the strain associated with child investigative interviews are not easily reduced; hence, focusing on available resources, like leader and colleague support, training, and feedback, is the most prominent angle to address the work health of police employees doing SVI. Working in teams appears to be the best way to organize the work according to the results, as it facilitates support and professional development.

Implications

From the national level, combating child abuse and exploitation is a highly prioritized societal challenge, and the general attorney has commended that child abuse cases should be prioritized. However, constant understaffing, low pay, and lack of recognition for the specialized skills and marginal understanding of the nature of the work contribute to the health impairment process, can reduce motivation, and increase the risk of turnover intention. Figure 1 illustrate the results pointing to a vicious circle and factors causing moral distress among investigative interviewers in the special unit. To prioritize combating child abuse both worldwide and on the national level, the employees investigating child abuse need to be prioritized, by allocating more resources to the police and increase the pay for this group. However, there are also ways that police departments can reduce the demands and increase employee resources. One way is increased communication between management and employees, organizing the work using a teamwork design, and allowing for autonomy regarding task variation.

Figure 1.

Moral distress among child investigative interviewers.

Strength and Limitations

The strength of this study includes a large sample, consisting of all eligible participants in a large police district; both the current and several former SVI, both men and women, using face-to-face, in-depth interviews, and respondent validation (Creswell & Miller, 2000). Further, the availability of psychological support as debriefing is another strength. As the Nordic model for child abuse investigation differ from how this is done in other parts of the world (Johansson et al., 2017), the transferability of the results outside the Nordic countries might be limited. Although the participants were ensured confidentiality, the HR facilitated the interviews, and because of that, some might have been reluctant to disclose health related issues due to social desirability. In the police culture, mental health stigma is highly prevalent (Acquadro Maran et al., 2022; Greinacher et al., 2019; Velazquez & Hernandez, 2019), and police employees often perceive a pressure to perform that can be a barrier to speaking up (Parkes et al., 2018). Hence, culture and stigma might have influenced the answer regarding mental health impairment due to the work content.

Concluding Remarks

Although limitations apply, the results indicate that moral stressors are the most prominent demands for this group. Further, the lack of variation and repetitiveness (i.e., performing interview after interview and not participating in the investigation process as a whole adds to the demand, and increase the stress for many of the participants. Supportive leadership requires that the management is aware that the content and exposure to the children’s trauma is not considered the worst part of their work. Interviewing children differs substantially from interrogating adults, as it requires balancing closeness and distance, and errors can be fatal. Teamwork can facilitate social and professional support, two crucial resources for special victim investigative interviewers.

Supplemental Material

sj-docx-1-sgo-10.1177_21582440251324762 – Supplemental material for Investigative interviews with children A Qualitative Study of Moral Stress Among Police Employees Working in the Special Victim Unit in Norway

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-sgo-10.1177_21582440251324762 for Investigative interviews with children A Qualitative Study of Moral Stress Among Police Employees Working in the Special Victim Unit in Norway by Eva Langvik, Ingrid Steen Rostad, Lea Loncar, Ingvild Lervåg, Anne Martha Nordnes and Ingvild Saksvik-Lehouillier in SAGE Open

Footnotes

Correction (November 2025):

This article has been updated with minor spelling corrections since its original publication.

ORCID iDs

Eva Langvik

Ingrid Steen Rostad

Lea Loncar

Ingvild Saksvik-Lehouillier

Statements and Declarations

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

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