Abstract
Isolation, quarantine, and fear of the Coronavirus have led to increases in mental health concerns in adults and teens. While research has begun documenting the increased rates of mental illness resulting from the pandemic, there has been little in-depth exploration of how teens from diverse backgrounds are experiencing the COVID-19 pandemic. The present study was a focus group conducted with 5 TRIO Upward Bound high school students in a midwestern US state to explore how COVID-19 has impacted them and their communities. Results showed that while these teens reported feeling developmentally impeded and unable to follow social distancing guidelines, they also reported finding ways to cope. These results are important in understanding how teens from diverse backgrounds build resiliency, and how they face challenges during social isolation. Future research should involve longitudinal designs that follow teens into their adult lives to determine how development and resilience continue to change over time.
Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic began on December 31, 2019 in Wuhan, China (Fan et al., 2020). As the virus spread across the globe, various countries initiated lockdowns and quarantines. The isolation caused by these social distancing strategies combined with stress from fear of the virus lead to a collapse of mental health. In the United States (US), among a sample of 5,470 adults surveyed in June 2020, 30.9% reported symptoms of anxiety or depression and 13.3% started using or increased their use of alcohol or other substances to cope with stress (Czeisler et al., 2020). Another 10.7% reported seriously considering suicide in the previous 30 days (Czeisler et al., 2020). Among various age groups, young adults aged 18 to 24 years reported the highest rates of mental health complications, especially when compared to older adults aged 65 and older (62.9% vs. 8.1% for depression or anxiety; 24.7% vs. 3.0% for changes in substance use; and 25.5% vs. 2.0% for suicidal ideation, respectively) (Czeisler et al., 2020).
Adults, however, are not the only group who struggled with mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic. Adverse mental health was also reported among youth and teens. In a survey of 977 parents with teens aged 13 to 17, 75% reported that the COVID-19 pandemic had a very or somewhat negative impact on their teen, and 46% of the parents noticed a new or worsening condition of mental health in their teen (C.S. Mott Children’s Hospital, 2021). Adolescents, in particular, are a vulnerable population during times of social isolation. The adolescent body and brain undergo a series of hormonal changes, one of which is the development of self within a social context (Blakemore & Mills, 2014). Part of this development includes an enhanced sensitivity to social environmental cues which, if absent, could negatively impact adolescent social development (Blakemore & Mills, 2014).
Research conducted prior to the COVID-19 pandemic indicated that social isolation had negative psychological impacts on adolescent mental and physical health. In a systematic literature review focused on the effect of social isolation on adolescent development conducted in July of 2020, several harmful health and developmental outcomes were identified (Almeida et al., 2021). The authors identified 12 studies that met study inclusion criteria which included publication language (English, Spanish, and Portuguese) and exploring the impact of isolation on various factors of adolescent development. Samples sizes for the included studies ranged from 39 to 8,233 children and represented data from 10 countries. Depression, anxiety, cardiovascular and metabolic diseases, increases in body fat percentage and decreases in physical performance, increased blood levels of C-Reactive Protein (CRP) and cortisol levels were all associated with social isolation (Almeida et al., 2021). In a rapid systematic review of the impact of social isolation on the mental health of children and adolescents, another 63 studies were examined (Loades et al., 2020). Samples sizes varied from 21 to 6,356 children and adolescents. Studies were conducted in 23 countries and were included if they were published between 1946 and 2020, reported primary research, included mostly children and adolescents, were published in English, and used a validated measure of depression, anxiety, trauma, obsessive compulsive disorder (OCD), mental health, or mental well-being (Loades et al., 2020). Studies included in the review demonstrated moderate to large correlations (r = 0.12–0.81) between social isolation and depression, higher odds ratios for depression among children and adolescents who were lonely (OR = 5.8–40), and small to moderate associations between isolation and anxiety (r = 0.18–0.54) (Loades et al., 2020). While loneliness was associated with current depressive symptoms, in 12 of 15 studies, it was also associated with depression later in life (in some cases up to 9 years later) and with severity of depression, although this was not consistent among all studies (Loades et al., 2020). Limitations in most of the studies identified were that they were conducted prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the isolation in many of the studies was not “forced” (typically conducted on children in foster care, those who felt isolated due to bullying, immigrants, those who do not identify with the social majority for various reasons, etc.), and did not include qualitative information relating to how children experienced isolation during a pandemic.
Adolescent mental health during the pandemic, may have varied by income level. A study conducted prior to the COVID-19 pandemic which included 900 children participating in the Study of Childcare and Youth Development, a 15-year longitudinal study examining how experiences in childcare related to the children’s health, behavior, school performance, and development, examined the impact of income and SES on measures of loneliness and coping (Thompson et al., 2020). Through Structural Equation Modeling, correlations were identified between relative income (the difference in income between parents reported income and the median income of the surrounding geographic area) and socioeconomic status (SES), and loneliness and internalizing or externalizing problems. Significant correlations (p ≤ .05) were found between relative income and self – report of externalizing problems (r = −0.17) and loneliness (r = −0.11). Significant correlations were also seen between SES and externalizing problems (r = −0.15). The authors concluded that income has an effect on the mental health, well-being and feelings of social isolation in adolescents when their relative income is lower than those around them (Thompson et al., 2020). While these results provide insight on the association between income and depression and anxiety for adolescents who experience isolation, it still does not explain adolescents’ personal, lived experiences during the social isolation of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Current Study
The current study was conducted in June 2020, 3 months after the initial COVID lockdowns began in the US, to identify how the lockdowns and isolation that resulted from them were perceived by low-income and future first-time college bound high school students (age 14–18). The study is based on data collected during a single 1-hour focus group with questions specifically written to determine how the students and their communities were impacted by COVID. This study adds to the available literature on the impact of COVID-19 on adolescents in several important ways. First, the focus group method allowed students to express themselves and provide greater depth in response. Much of the current research is based on survey data, which inherently limits how much information participants can provide. Secondly, our data is based on the responses of adolescents and not their parents. Much of the current research available on COVID is based on parent report. Thirdly, our data represents the perspectives of low-income and potential first-time college students, a group that is economically and academically at risk during the best of times. It is likely they felt an additional burden during COVID lockdowns that teens in other demographic groups did not. Finally, our data was collected during the COVID-19 pandemic and focused specifically on the pandemic. Many other studies published on the mental health impact of COVID-19 are literature reviews of emergencies or natural disasters, which may not provide the same level of insight as data collected about COVID, specifically.
Methods
This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board at large Midwestern university in the United States (HE20147). The study was conducted as a one-time online focus group with adolescents who were participating the in the local TRIO Upward Bound program (TRIO UB) at the time of the study.
Study Purpose and Design
The social isolation resulting from COVID-19 was unheard of in modern times, and likely a novel experience for most teens. Therefore, the main purpose of this study was to explore the challenges faced by low-income, academically at-risk adolescents during the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic. A secondary purpose was to explore how this group of adolescents interpreted the lockdowns and the disparities in rates of the disease. To facilitate the exploratory nature of the study, the researchers excluded defined theories for developing focus group questions. Instead, the researchers designed seven questions from trends in COVID rates during the early stage of the pandemic and conducted a one-time Zoom focus group with a convenience sample of local TRIO UB students during the Summer of 2020.
Participants and Selection
The participants for this qualitative focus group were students enrolled the local TRIO UB program, a voluntary, federally funded program for high school students who are low income and/or will become first generation college students, making them academically at-risk. During 2020, the local TRIO UB program mentored 53 students. The demographic characteristics of the students in the TRIO UB program in this area during 2020 are listed in Figures 1 and 2. In general, most students were low income (n = 47, 87%) and female (n = 42, 79.3%).
Self-reported race and ethnicity of 2020 TRIO UB participants.
Eligibility criteria for TRIO UB participants in 2020.
During the summer months, TRIO UB programming occurs throughout the week. This focus group occurred during one of the regularly scheduled summer meetings. Due to constraints of time and staff, the focus group was not scheduled during a block of TRIO UB time that could be given exclusively to it. Meetings focus on a variety of topics preparing students for college, including preparing for standardized testing, applying to college, completing homework, and conversations addressing racism and classism. The programming is designed to help students navigate social and institutional constructs that act as barriers to continued education. The sessions are completely voluntary, meaning students may choose to attend or not. Their attendance has no impact on their standing in the program. Additionally, there may be multiple activities occurring simultaneously and students are free to choose to attend what they feel is most beneficial. Typically, the programming is offered in person, however, during June 2020 it was only offered online to limit the risk of COVID transmission among the students.
Students were notified of the focus group 1 week in advance of the scheduled meeting. The students were provided with a link if they wished to join the online conversation. Students were able to choose between this discussion and other online activities scheduled at the same time. Therefore, the students who chose to participate were a convenience sample. The focus group was recorded and posted online using FLIPGRID (Microsoft Corporation, 2014), a platform that allows educators to post videos that include grids of participatory questions for students. Students use the grids to post comments on the video content. The FLIPGRID recording was posted 1 day after the initial discussion. Students were notified, given access, and asked to watch and respond within 1 week.
Informed Consent
An informed consent letter was emailed to parents prior to the discussion date. The letter explained the topic for conversation, procedures for granting permission to participate and alternatives to participation. The researchers were granted an exemption from parent signatures because of the difficulty in getting parents to return the forms. Additionally, students in this program routinely discuss subjects related to race and income and are well supported by trained TRIO UB staff. For parents that did not wish to give consent, they were informed that their child could join a different TRIO UB activity during that time, or not join at all without penalty to their standing in the program. Assent from the TRIOU UB students was attained by reading the child assent form to the students prior to commencing the focus group. Students were informed of their option to participate or not, as well as alternatives to participation. Alternatives to participation included leaving before the conversation started or at any time during the focus group, participating in a concurrent TRIO UB activity, or working on another task. Students were also notified that choosing not to participate would not affect their standing the program. The researchers asked all participants if they had questions prior to commencing with the focus group. Students were informed that contributing to the focus group was assumed assent.
Focus Group Questions
The focus group questions were interspersed with a brief presentation that provided some facts and statistics on COVID. The questions are listed in Table 1. As a result of early reported disparities in COVID-19 rates and the reasons that were reported for those rates, the researchers included questions on these topics. The researchers began by asking how the students had been directly impacted by COVID-19 and then provided data on COVID-19 rates by race and ethnicity in New York City, New York. This led to additional questions on what students believed were reasons for variations in COVID infections based on race and income. Finally, the researchers asked the students how to create equity in the effects of the pandemic on various groups. Due to time constraints, and to maintain student privacy, the researchers did not collect demographic data from the students who participated in the discussion. Given the demographics of the 53 students in the program at that time and that TRIO UB is a program targeted at academically at-risk youth, the researchers felt the demographic information already available would be sufficient for the purpose of this study.
Focus Group Questions.
Data Analysis
Focus group data was analyzed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) (Alase, 2017; Smith, 1996). This approach allows participant comments to guide the analysis of data instead of a preconceived theory. Since the researchers were interested in exploring COVID-19 as a novel phenomenon, this open approach was considered ideal. Additionally, participants for IPA are chosen based on common characteristics, instead of through probability sampling (Alase, 2017). This technique allows for more detailed data on the participants’ experiences and how they interpret these experiences (Alase, 2017). Given the similar socioeconomic backgrounds of students in TRIO UB, this also made IPA an ideal approach for data analysis.
To conduct IPA, two researchers independently reviewed the transcript from the focus group and developed initial lists of themes and codes. The themes and codes were then placed into overarching categories. After each researcher had done this independently, they compared results. They developed agreed upon categories and themes and then returned to the data to code again for those updated categories. Finally, the researchers identified quotes that were representative of each category.
Results
Five TRIO UB participants (10%) joined the Zoom [Zoom Communications, Inc., 2023] based live focus group. In order to maintain anonymity, students were asked to use audio only (no camera). No demographic data was collected because of limited time and the researchers attempting to maximize the depth of discussion. However, given the program eligibility criteria for the TRIO UB program, the researchers were confident that participants would be low-income and racially diverse. No students participated in the FLIPGRID discussion. Therefore, study results are solely based on the five participants in the focus group.
Three overall themes emerged from students’ responses to the questions. The themes include the following:
Learning to cope
Developmental impediments
Inability to follow public safety guidelines
Learning to Cope
While students expressed frustration with the inability to leave their homes and cancelled activities, there was an underlying theme that emerged about learning to navigate a new world. This was perceived as a positive outcome of COVID-19. Students became creative in finding ways to interact with others and handle fear and anxiety.
With regards to finding new ways to interact and communicate, students provided several examples. One student described how her mother did not want her to celebrate graduation with an in-person social gathering. The student and her friends were able to find a solution that would allow social distancing.
Me and my friends want[ed] to hang out … with our graduation happening and we were like, “oh yeah, we should definitely meet up and do something.” But then my mom was like, “Do you want to do that? What if one of your friends have coronavirus”… and we were able to meet … we had our cars in a circle.
Another student mentioned how she and her friend had to make more of an effort to communicate because they didn’t see each other at school.
It would be positive [impact of COVID] in the long run because like it kind of makes friendship stronger and like more meaningful … I know my best friend and I have tried to like have FaceTime, and like, stuff like that … Because we know that through anything we can try and get through it.
This student and her friend were able to cope by using technology to communicate during a time when face-to-face communication was not possible. It also gave the relationship a sense of permanence and strength because they were both willing to do the work to maintain it.
A third student mentioned helping those in the home cope with the anxiety and fear of the coronavirus.
There was a[t] first kind of like the spirit of fear and like not wanting to [go] outside and I know that was definitely my roommates for a while, which maybe isn’t the best on like emotional health. So just working … through that became really important for us to develop new conversations on how to help each other out, I guess.
For this group, learning how to talk about their fear and what they needed was key to coping with isolation.
Impeding Development
While the first theme dealt with a positive impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, students raised major concerns about the negative impacts of online education and social isolation. Additionally, while pandemic isolation was a temporary situation, students raised concerns about it impeding their development indicating they perceived long-term negative impacts. Students indicated impediments in social, educational, and potential vocational development.
With regards to social development, one student noted that she had social anxiety prior to the pandemic. However, pandemic isolation caused her social anxieties to worsen.
What I built up for socially [for] like encountering with people because I’m not very good at that. And even when … the ice cream truck came … after school … I was like, really scared and I couldn’t even go up to the ice cream [truck] … like without like my mom like literally pushing me … because it’s just kind of hard for me to do that. And so like I feel like it’s just tearing it apart and it’s going to be even harder.
Another student specifically mentioned how students’ development would be impeded because of social isolation and lack of face-to-face communication.
And it also impedes our social development, because we’re not like talking to people face to face, and not interacting with like a variety of people.
Two comments from students highlight the negative impacts on mental health and physical health.
… going into our rooms and going into our houses we just kind of fall into … this deep state of like darkness and depression. And yeah, you can talk to your friends like you can text them, but it’s not the same as talking to them face to face, and actually seeing their face.
I stopped eating for like the first few weeks of learning because I was …. always down in my room in my basement, and I never came up. And so, I stopped eating and even now, I’m not even eating that much and so like that’s not something that’s very good, because my family thinks I need to start eating because I’m only eating like about one meal a day, or sometimes, I don’t even eat at all.
Educational development was mentioned as an impediment for these students and younger students. Some students did not have concerns or problems with online learning. Those who did, offered the following three comments.
… I don’t do good with online stuff. I get distracted really easily and I kind of failed almost all my classes this year.
I don’t like online at all. This is really awkward. Sorry. I hate online school.
I don’t like my voice on camera. I don’t look good on camera.
Additionally, one student commented on how younger children may be negatively impacted by online learning environments.
I know that is something that could impact my younger cousin, maybe her just ability to write physically with her hand.
Student concerns about the impediment of vocational development are highlighted in these two comments.
It could impact just my job search once I graduate in December. It could possibly impact how I student teach depending on if we’re in school or not in the fall.
… companies might start to think, oh, maybe we shouldn’t depend on people like if things happen. We should have robots doing especially factory.
Inability to Follow Public Safety Guidelines
One of the key recommendations for health and safety during the COVID-19 pandemic was social distancing. While, in theory, recommending that people stay at least 6 ft apart and avoid crowds will help decrease disease transmission, it was not possible for all groups. Students mentioned crowded living conditions and the necessity of going to work as limitations to social distancing.
We have a big family in a two bedroom. So my brother and I are living out in the living room.
Another recommendation for limiting transmission of germs is frequent handwashing and cleaning high contact surfaces. One student mentioned that when cleaning supplies were difficult to find, it was hard for her family to obtain them. Another student mentioned the cost of items was prohibitive.
The lack of access to stuff like clean[ing] products and stuff, that could also affect us … being affected by the virus.
That’s not priced so expensively and like yeah, I guess that’s my issue.
Discussion
It is evident that as the COVID pandemic has evolved into an endemic, it has a caused a vast range of consequences, some of which may be beneficial, while others may have long lasting negative effects. Our students indicated a range of consequences from none at all to considerable social anxiety and depression. While our focus group was small in size (n = 5), the students were able to articulate important information as to how they experienced the early days of the pandemic which may be helpful to parents, school personnel, health care providers, and researchers alike.
A unique finding of our study is the theme of learning to cope. This may also be termed resilience. According to the American Psychological Association (APA, 2012), resilience is “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity, trauma, tragedy, threats, or significant sources of stress.” As a person learns to adapt to adversity, they may experience distress or discomfort. In the case of these students, while they did express discomfort, some were able to find ways to adapt to the new situation. Benefits of resilience include personal growth and ability to cope with future traumatic events (APA, 2012). The development of resilience among some teens during the COVID-19 pandemic could be one of the best possible outcomes of isolation. An open-ended survey of 33 Black teens (age 12–17) in Central North Carolina also found signs of resilience in the face of the pandemic (Banks, 2022). Teens in this study became more motivated to take better care of themselves and consider goals for their future. While the resilience behaviors in this group of teens differed from the behaviors of the teens in our study (i.e., using technology to connect with friends, and practicing social distancing to meet in person), the concept of coping to survive the pandemic is similar.
Our students indicated that the pandemic may impede development of children. This is consistent with other research on the pandemic and other disasters. A review article conducted in the United Kingdom (UK) highlighted that up to 30 million children may never return to school after the pandemic (Cowie & Myers, 2021). These children have limited internet access and high food insecurity, thereby exacerbating current disparities and creating a disadvantage that may be insurmountable (Cowie & Myers, 2021). The authors also found that students without internet access did not feel connected with others, and those with internet access didn’t feel closeness and intimacy in their relationships when connecting through devices (Cowie & Myers, 2021). This may be especially problematic for adolescents whose family income is below that of their peers. Sorhagen and Wurster (2017) referred to this as “relative deprivation.” In their secondary analysis of longitudinal data collected as part of the Study of Childcare and Youth Development (SECCYC), they identified significant correlations between relative income (participants income as compared to those living within the same geographic area), social dissatisfaction and externalizing problems (Sorhagen & Wurster, 2017). They hypothesized that perhaps relative income is a status marker for adolescents which facilitates or inhibits their confidence and ability to engage socially with their peers. This could be especially true with regard to technology access during the pandemic. Those in lower income groups who did not have access to reliable internet or devices for using it would have been at a tremendous disadvantage in an entirely virtual world. Our students did not report internet access as an issue. This may have occurred for a few different reasons. First our students are in a more urban setting, meaning the internet is likely more accessible than it would be in the more rural areas of this particular state. Additionally, some of these students were living in homes with many people, so the family may have been able to pool their resources to purchase internet access. Another possibility is that with many people living in the home, the likelihood of at least one person having a device with internet capability would increase, so perhaps they were able to access the internet through a family member or friend. Regardless, the social consequences of limited internet access should still be explored in future research.
Interestingly, none of our participants described difficulties with sleeping. Sleep disturbances have been indicated in the literature as a problem during COVID. In an editorial, Becker & Gregory (2020) describe how isolation during COVID-19 could lead to problems with sleep. Depression and anxiety, increased sedentary time, increased stress, decreased exposure to the sun, more time sitting in bed or in the bedroom, and increased use of technology (especially before bedtime) were all common behaviors during the pandemic that could cause sleep disturbances (Becker & Gregory, 2020). In an interview with teens, Goldberg (2020) relays the story of a teen who became nocturnal during the pandemic. The teen reported that he had a little sister that was crying at night and keeping him awake. He also reported that the family didn’t have enough food to eat during the day, so it was easier to sleep then. Additionally, Cowie and Myers (2021) also reported that teens were having difficulty sleeping during the pandemic. In a study of the psychosocial impact of COVID on young adults conducted in New Dehli, India, Mazumder et al. (2021) found that young adults in India reported disorganized sleep patterns. The researchers found these results in those 18 to 24 years. While this is slightly older than the TRIO UB students, some of these 18 to 24 year olds were college students, so were still developing educationally and socially.
Inability to follow public health guidelines like social distancing has been identified as a common reason why communities of color experienced higher rates of COVID disease and death (Centers for Disease Control, 2021). Crowded living conditions and being an essential worker created difficulties for social distancing. Tan et al. (2021) explored the difference in rates of COVID-19 infection and death in the 3220 counties in the United States, Puerto Rico, and the District of Columbia. The longitudinal study explored COVID-19 rates from March 1, 2020 to February 28, 2021 and compared them to the Ginni coefficient, which is a measure of unequal income distribution. They found that areas with higher income inequality experienced more cases of COVID-19 infection and death early in the pandemic (Summer of 2020). They hypothesized this occurred because those in lower income groups had more pressure to continue employment in jobs where social distancing was not possible (Tan et al., 2021). This would be consistent with our students’ reports of not being able to follow public health guidance.
Walters (2020) raised concerns that children experienced lack of access to education and schools, peers, community, and mental health resources. This can create significant impediments to adolescent development. Our students mentioned that educational resources (i.e., face to face instruction) and peers were not accessible and this could hinder development. In a secondary analysis of data from the 2014 Family Life, Activity, Sun, Health and Eating Study (FLASH), a cross-sectional internet survey from the National Cancer Institute, data from 1851 dyads of parents with children between the ages of 12 and 17 were analyzed for the association between isolation and health among the dyads (Thompson et al., 2020). Parents and adolescents completed survey items from the UCLA Loneliness Scale to measure isolation and completed one question about their general condition of health. The researchers controlled for income by using dichotomous coding (income brackets under $100,000 and over $100,000). Most families (79%) reported incomes under $100,000. Unstandardized coefficients for the correlation of isolation and health were as follows: parent isolation to parent health r = −0.40 (p < .05); Parent isolation to adolescent health r = −0.13 (p < .05); adolescent isolation to adolescent health r = −0.54 (p < .05); and adolescent isolation to parent health r = −0.06 (p > .05). This study demonstrates that not only does adolescent isolation relate to self-reported poorer health, but their parent’s isolation does as well (Thompson et al., 2020). The results of this study are consistent with what the students in our study expressed, that isolation and loneliness could have profound impacts on development either through psychological or physical health.
Limitations
Our sample is a convenience sample. It is possible that only those with the strongest opinions about COVID-19 chose to participate. It is also possible that others who were experiencing a more difficult situation were unable to join the conversation due to internet connectivity issues or other family crises. Our sample was small. It only contained five students. This was likely due to “Zoom fatigue” (fatigue from being online too often). Additionally, we only had students from one city in a relatively rural US Midwestern state. Therefore, our findings may only be relevant to certain groups of students, and not generalizable to all. Our questions were geared specifically to identify how COVID had impacted the students and their communities. There may be biases inherent in the questions that did not allow students to reveal other thoughts and opinions related to COVID. Additionally, since the researchers wrote the questions to be free of assumptions from theories, they may have biased the questions in other ways. The researchers acknowledge that they are white, middle class, healthcare professionals and that this may have influenced their perceptions and interpretations of the questions written and student responses.
Implications
The COVID-19 pandemic has increased awareness of mental health and the need for people to engage in social interactions. It has also increased awareness of systematic health inequities. With regard to supporting teens during the pandemic, parents, educators, and support personnel can help teens who may be struggling to cope by helping them build resilience, create a sense of belonging, and establish routines.
Building Resilience
Adults can facilitate resilience in teens in several ways. First, adults can provide empathy and encourage teens to identify friends and close contacts who will do the same (APA, 2012). They can encourage teens to practice self-care through adequate sleep, healthy eating, physical activity, and mindfulness practices (APA, 2012). Adults can encourage teens to engage in rewarding activities that will build skills and confidence (cooking, sewing, physical activity, art, music, etc.) (APA, 2012). Finally, adults can help teens keep a healthy mindset and limit or avoid negativity. Avoiding negative media outlets, engaging in perspective taking, and practicing gratitude are ways teens can develop a positive mindsest.
Creating a Sense of Belonging
Children and teens feel connected to their family and friends through a sense of belonging which can help them cope with stress and anxiety more effectively (Knopf, 2020). Parents can facilitate belonging by loosening technology restrictions. One of the only methods teens had available to connect with others during the pandemic was through phones and the internet. Allowing more flexibility for this can help teens cope (Knopf, 2020). Through making new memories, and sharing past memories, parents can create a sense of belonging for the teens in their family (Cowie & Myers, 2021; Knopf, 2020). While stressful times are difficult, trying to include a fun activity or moment in the daily routine can also help children and teens connect to family (Cowie & Myers, 2021).
Establish New Routines
Parents and adults can also help teens establish a routine (Cowie & Myers, 2021). Routines for sleep, meals, school and recreational time create a sense of normalcy in daily life. Additionally, sleep and physical activity routines may regulate sleep and wake cycles which may also improve mood and performance in school.
Conclusions
Teens have unique needs for socialization with peers. Isolation during the pandemic created a situation where certain groups of teens, especially those in lower income groups, may have felt anxiety and delayed educational and social development. However, it may have also provided opportunities to develop resilience. Adults (parents, teachers, and healthcare professionals) can help teens cope by fostering practices that build resilience, create a sense of belonging for teens in the family and school, and establish routines. While research is starting to uncover the immediate consequences of the pandemic, longitudinal research will be necessary to explore the impact of social isolation on teens in the future.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge the TRIO/Upward Bound staff and students, without whom, this study would not have been possible.
Author Contributions
Both authors contributed to development of the project, data collection and analysis, and writing of the manuscript.
Consent to Participate
Parents were given an informed consent prior to the focus groups and students gave assent immediately before participating.
Consent for Publication
Consent for publication was given with the informed consent/assent process.
Availability of Data and Materials
Data and materials can be obtained from the corresponding author.
Code Availability
Coding may also be accessed through the corresponding author.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Ethical Approval
The study was approved by the Institutional Review Board at North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND (HE20147)
