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Abstract

This narrative inquiry explores how Finnish schoolteachers perceived the emotion of pride as a feature of teaching and learning. The study consists of face-to-face interviews with Finnish schoolteachers between 30 and 62 years of age. The results reveal perceptions of teaching and learning that are shaped by a culture of social equality, modesty, group achievement, and tenacity, that is, Sisu. Although the teachers understand achievement pride as a positive feature of learning, in association with cultural norms and values, pride is not a significant emotional response to promote in the classroom. The results are important for understanding how teachers exploit larger cultural values to judge the worth of particular emotions in the classroom.

Keywords

pride teaching achievement culture Finland individualism collectivism

Introduction

The study explores how Finnish educators perceive the emotion pride as a factor for teaching and learning. As a researcher, I want to elicit a personal description of pride from those who live and teach within a culture notorious for reserve and social equality.

Finnish culture reflects the values of humility and community and rewards social and educational equality. Consequently, it seems reasonable to expect that Finnish schoolteachers have embraced similar values and report pride to be insignificant for learning. In other words, cultural norms would be obvious in the ways Finnish schoolteachers perceive pride as a factor for teaching and learning.

As pride can affect self-confidence, willpower, and productivity, and has been the catalyst for heroic deeds (Dyson, 2006), scholars have claimed that pride is a critical resource for learning and pursuing information (Titsworth, McKenna, Mazer, & Quinlan, 2013). Deprived of a sense of pride, a student might not learn, strive for, or achieve excellence in his or her field of endeavor.

Although pride is a universal emotion (see Tracy & Robins, 2004), pride is not culturally homogeneous. The “collective-self” and “individual-self” describe the unique way people relate to their cultures. For instance, East Asian cultures are concerned with maintaining group prosperity and not individual pursuits (Stanculescu, 2012); consequently, individual achievements are conditional to the well-being of the collective group (Mesquita & Polanco, 2009). Individualistic cultures prioritize typical individual values such as self-reliance, self-celebration, and the demonstration of individual worth over and above the well-being of the group. If we assume that the United States represents a prototypical individualist culture, that is, interdependent, autonomous, and hedonistic, the United States may be the most precise profile we have of individualism (Hofstede, as cited in Triandis, Bontempo, & Villareal, 1988).

In recent years, pride has emerged as an important emotion to encourage in learners, with a growing research base centered on K-12 schools¹ and higher education (see Ylijoki, 2000). In regards to teachers, Payne (2010) suggests that teacher pride is particularly important to investigate because, in general, teacher pride is low, particularly with teachers in the United States, and as Payne contends, teacher pride continues to decrease in comparison with other career professionals. Moreover, education majors often score lower in academics compared with other graduates and display lower self-esteem; therefore, as Payne notes, all teachers should develop the courage and confidence to say, “I am a teacher and I am proud” (Payne, 2010).

Studies have revealed that the emotion pride can increase motivation and perseverance. For example, a U.S. study using three experimental groups and 87 undergraduates considered the emotion pride as a possible factor for perseverance. The findings revealed that pride increased the perseverance of students (see L. Williams & DeSteno, 2008). Therefore, if pride is a positive emotional stimulus, which can increase self-confidence, willpower, and productivity, and even improve newly learned information retention (see Nielson & Lorber, 2009), then it is important to investigate how pride is affirmed by Finnish school teachers, who are known for their perseverance, academic success, intellect, willpower, and productivity. Pride could have a prominent place in Finnish classrooms. This study gains its significance for these reasons, coupled with the fact that no previous study has investigated the pride experience from a Finnish perspective.

These issues became the catalyst for exploring how schoolteachers understand the emotion pride from their cultural perspective. I chose Finland as the venue for research to advance a cultural exploration and understanding of how pride can advance learning. Although Finland has a population of only 5.495 million as of 2017, Finland provides a remarkable location for research due to its educational success and reputation in the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA). Since its inception in the year 2000, the PISA results reveal wide differences between countries in the knowledge and skills of 15-year-olds in reading literacy. The PISA results are collected from a 2-hr skills and knowledge test of 15-year-olds, which researchers then use to compare education systems internationally.² The results separate the highest performing country and the lowest. It is remarkable that Finland’s consistent academic results in PISA have attracted worldwide interest, envy, and comparison. Finland’s consistently high scores in science, mathematics, reading, collaborative problem-solving, and financial literacy have led to numerous documentaries about this nation, and researchers have endeavored to investigate how such a small and humble nation known for minimal homework and negligible academic testing achieves such high test scores year after year.

Although Finland’s mathematics and science scores have recently fallen, academically Finland’s performance is statistically above the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) average and is positioned well among 72 countries and economies. Finland also achieves high marks in non-academic pursuits such as students’ well-being, a positive sense of belonging at school, students’ relationships with peers and teachers, their home lives, and how students spend their time outside of school.³ Consequently, it is with no surprise that Finland’s educational success has been described as the “Finnish phenomenon.”

What is behind Finland’s continued success in the PISA examinations? According to Sahlberg, when interviewed by Hancock in 2011, Finns are really not very interested in PISA as a modest people; consequently, “it’s not what we are about” (para. 11).

Various factors can motivate people to succeed and persevere. For example, personal beliefs regarding individual traits and specific characteristics can influence self-efficacy. Individuals with high self-efficacy perceive difficulties as challenges rather than threats, and they tend to be more intrinsically interested in the tasks they pursue (Bandura, 1997). Why some school students persevere while others cease making any effort can be further explained by the notion of “academic intrinsic motivation” (see Gottfried, 1990). Academic intrinsic motivation is a special kind of motivation for school learning, which involves the enjoyment of “school learning and is characterized by a mastery orientation; involving curiosity, persistence and the learning of challenging, difficult and novel tasks” (Autio, 2011, p. 1161).

Moreover, motivation can be only a temporary state, such as when studying for an examination. Attribution theory describes how motivation is influenced by external attributions such as “I completed the mathematics assignment in class because the teacher was watching.” This contrasts with motivation that is influenced by internal attributions such as “I completed the mathematics assignment in class because that is what a good student should do and I am a good student.”

To understand what motivates and defines the Finnish people, one might look to their national identity and the notion of Sisu. In a study of “Finnishness and Sisu,” the incentive to succeed and persevere was found to relate to the early years of the country’s formation and in particular to the idea of Sisu, which is described as “toughness, patience, acting rationally in adversity, and the ability to endure trials and trouble” (Taramaa, 2007, p. 80). Sisu provides Finns with a motivation and personal courage to strive and endure hard times and always in combination with a strong collective sense of national identity.

Purpose of the Study

The main purpose of this research is to explore pride from a phenomenological narrative perspective. The three objectives of the study are as follows:

To understand pride from the perceptions, values, and beliefs of five Finnish schoolteachers.

To understand how Finnish schoolteachers utilize pride in the classroom as an emotion for increasing student academic success.

To investigate the cultural influence of pride from the perspectives of Finnish schoolteachers.

Focusing the Research: What Is pride?

Pride is a current topic of educational and psychological interest. In classrooms, teachers are encouraged to foster individual and collective pride among their students to assist learning, help build resilience in students, and prevent racism (Winkler, 2012). Pride is a positive emotion known to encourage positive and meaningful relationships between students (Titsworth et al., 2013). Pride is also positively associated with students’ performances on midterm examinations (Perrun, Elliot, & Maier, as cited in Titsworth et al., 2013).

The Macquarie Essential Dictionary (2006) describes pride as “high or inordinate opinion of one’s own dignity, importance, merit or superiority whether as cherished in the mind or as displayed in bearing, conduct” (p. 630). The idea of pride being both a worthy and self-indulgent emotion has been a topic of discussion and debate for centuries. The Greek philosopher Aristotle (350 B.C.E./1984) described pride as the crown of the virtues; however, this requires a pride that is “proper,” meaning good character and a balance of honor, humility, and vanity. However, for Baruch de Spinoza (1926/2010), a philosopher of the 17th century, pride was pleasure arising from a man [sic] thinking too highly of himself.⁴ Similarly, David Hume (1738-1740/2007), another famous philosopher of the 17th century, claimed that pride is self-directed.

The ancient religions have also encouraged the sloughing off of pride. Western civilization has been particularly influenced by the Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, and Protestant views of pride, which understand humility as a virtue but pride as a sin of self-righteousness and conceit (see Dyson, 2006). For Zwingli, who is known to have brought the people of Zurich away from pomp, hypocrisy, and idolatry in the 14th century (see Smith, 2014), pride was no more than self-love, valuing oneself over others, while conceiving of others and God in terms of one’s own self. For these thinkers, humility was the higher virtue, while pride is to be avoided, as it was the countenance of self-love.

The humanist philosopher Alaine de Botton (2012) suggests that in pride, one is typically satisfied about something they personally care about and they communicate this by showing it off. In this way, pride can take over our personalities, shut us off from those around us, and proceed to hide the indiscretions, secrets, and flaws that we know we would be mocked for if ever exposed. Pride causes us to become dull to others when all we seek to do is assert how well things are going for us. Consequently, pride is showmanship and is a poor example of the human condition (de Botton, 2012). While in humility, the self is annihilated, pride has been associated with a lack of self-confidence and self-doubt (Steinbock, 2007).

Although there are different views concerning the usefulness of pride, there are also different types of pride. Self-pride, otherwise known as hubristic pride, is when a person attributes success or achievement to themselves, that is, “I did well in the exam because that is who I am,” although such a person could still be part of a group (Tracy & Robins, 2007; L. Williams & DeSteno, 2008). An alternative to self-pride is achievement-oriented pride, also known as authentic pride, that is, “I did well on the exam because I studied very hard for it.” Alternatively, group pride occurs when a person concedes success or achievement to the efforts of the group and not just themselves (Delvaux, Meeussen, & Mesquita, 2016). For example, group pride would include a statement such as “I only did well on the exam because of the help and support of a very dedicated and supportive group of people.”

We pride ourselves on who we are or believe ourselves to be, and we are proud of our achievements. While proud of being open-minded, moreover, we encourage others to be proud. Hence, pride is generally perceived as a positive emotion to encourage in ourselves and others. However, we are also told to “swallow our pride” or “let go of our pride” and so pride is also perceived as a negative and stifling emotion. Consequently, pride is perceived as either a positive or a negative emotion. Although public displays of pride suggest a positive reflection of self, especially in individualistic Western cultures, pride is just as much a self-conscious emotion as embarrassment and pride can negatively affect judgments related to agency and communality (Brosi, Spörrle, Welpe, & Heilman, 2016).

According to Damasio (1999), there are six universal or primary emotions, including fear, anger, and disgust, while pride is a secondary emotion. Primary and secondary emotions are important because they have helped to keep humans alive, especially when there has been danger present. Even hate is an important emotion, Damasio suggests, because hate acts to keep us from harm; however, pride is a background emotion and does not seem to have this evolutionary function, but is rather a social function.

Although there are differences in how individuals and cultures understand and utilize pride, the nonverbal pride expression seems to be universally understood. While Charles Darwin postulated the universality of emotions back in 1896, similarly, Ekman and Friesen (1975) identified the universality of emotions with a diversity of cultures especially when expressed facially. More recently, Tracy and Robins (2008) identified emotions such as pride as universal, genetic, and influencing human intentions and practices (see Aaker & Williams, 1998).

Finnish Culture and Pride: Cultures as Collectivist and Individualist

Although pride is a universally recognized emotion across cultures, as previously mentioned, there are different kinds of pride, which various cultures approve and promote. In American culture, which is multivalent, as all cultures are (Fischer, 2008), the individual is the ultimate source of meaning and responsibility (R. M. Williams, 1970). Consequently, the United States and other highly individualistic cultures value pride and express it often, even at the expense of others (Hofstede, 1984). This is because individualistic cultures tend to privilege individual interests over the group with the individual at the center of decision-making. In contrast, collectivist cultures tend to perceive the individual as less important, with in-groups expecting “individuals to conform to in-group norms, role definitions, and values” (Triandis, 1989, p. 510) at the expense of their individuality. In collectivist societies, such as those in East Asia, privacy and restraint are valued, and the self and others are inseparable to the social context of maintaining connectedness, even at the expense of the self (Aaker & Williams, 1998). In collectivistic cultures, the needs and goals of the group are emphasized over and above the needs and wishes of the individual.

Finland behaves like many collectivist cultures, especially if compared with highly individualistic cultures such as the United States. However, if one compares Finnish culture with a highly collectivist culture such as Pakistan,5 a more individualistic Finnish culture becomes apparent. The analysis of neo-individualistic cultures offered by Triandis (1989, p. 511) is helpful here for thinking about Finnish culture. Neo-individualism occurs when the group determines behavior although individuals have considerable freedom of action outside of the group. Finland’s culture reflects neo-individualism, although Finland has undergone substancial hierarchical change ever since the Second World War. For example, there has been a major transformation in the old social hierarchies, which were authoritarian and undemocratic, and a new shift has occured that emphasizes individualism and social equality (Anttila & Vaananen, 2015).

However, Finnish education is predominately characterized by deep societal values such as cooperation, problem-solving, and a search for consensus (Sahlberg, 2015). Although Finnish people are of an independent nature and jealous of their honest and hardworking reputation, for the average Finnish person pride and boasting is taboo; consequently, as a modest people with a dislike of exhibitionism, Finns are collectively unassertive and “notoriously poor at blowing their own trumpet” (Lewis, 2005, p. 228). Unlike the United States, Finnish culture reflects social modesty and social equality, which like any culture, acts to preserve its moral point of reference that controls, guides, and defines the basic beliefs, values, norms, and aspirations of members of the culture (Ylijoki, 2000).

If Finland is a collectivist culture, encouraging pride in education would be of little value to teachers. This is assuming that displaying pride in oneself or boasting about one’s achievements competes directly against collectivist values such as modesty and social equality. As cultural orientation has a significant effect on the attitudes, norms, identity, and values held by members of any cultural group (Aaker & Maheswaran, 1997), it is probable that Finnish schoolteachers will mirror the humility and social equality of the culture and reject self-pride.

Finland hosts a determined and resilient nation of people. During the famous Winter War of 1939-1940, the Finnish persevered and resisted invasion by the Soviet Union, albeit with some loss of territory. They did this in face of overwhelming odds, in spite of the fact that the Soviet Union had a bigger and consequently far more powerful military. For six centuries, Finland was under the rule of the Kingdom of Sweden and then for another century under the rule of the Russian Empire. Finnish educator and author Pasi Sahlberg (2015) notes that this history has left a deep mark on Finnish identity, and as a result, education became a way to overcome a troubling past. With this history in mind, the concept of Sisu became a Finnish notion for describing the strong Finn and a culture that displayed determination, grit, bravery, resilience, courage, and resoluteness in the face of adversity, but pride did not appear to feature in the Finnish conscience and principles.

The lack of pride seems odd especially when one reads about the Finnish nation and its ultimate independence. With a national identity drawn largely from innovation, intellect, wisdom, and overcoming adversity, one could expect that Finland’s great national epic, The Kalevala,⁶ would include the concept of pride. However, in this 679-page publication, which played a central role in the process toward Finnish independence from Russia in 1917, there is no mention of pride. Instead, one reads of strong competent individuals possessing intellect, wisdom, and perseverance. The Kalevala signified that Finland had a great past and “was a worthy nation among the nations” (Engman, 1995, p. 184). This portrayal of Finnish determination, teamwork, and intelligence continues today with Finnish advancement earning international respect for its innovation, technology, and intellect.

An absence of Finnish pride is understandable, for as Lewis (2005) notes, “as a people representing their nation, Finns are introverted, modest and distrust big talkers. They are deeply suspicious of wordy or flamboyant people, and modesty is still one of the national virtues” (p. 68). Consequently, Finns have difficulty with pride and especially boasting about themselves. Similar to Asians, Finnish people reflect features of introversion; they think in silence and unlike Americans are not as reactive in conversation. According to Nishimura, Nevgi, and Tella (2008), Finland is a high-context culture, meaning that the culture is very stable, unified, cohesive, and slow to change. They also note that in high-context cultures, “people tend to rely on their history, their status, their relationships, and a plethora of other information, including religion, to assign meaning to an event” (p. 785).

With more applicants applying to Finnish universities than the schools will accept, Finnish teacher education selects only the best candidates from a pool of many applicants wanting to become teachers. With a 5-year compulsory teacher education program, Finnish teachers are recognized as sophisticated educators who display abundant pedagogical knowledge and skills (Niemi, 2016). However, with a long history of overcoming the odds and a world-famous education system, it would be reasonable to suggest that pride could be an important aspect of being Finnish.

Drawing on what has been presented here, the expectations of the study are that a positive relationship could exist between the schoolteacher’s pride perceptions and the beliefs, norms, and values of Finnish culture. With an assumption that Finland is a collectivist culture, Finnish schoolteachers could reflect collectivist perceptions of learning, which consist of promoting strong cohesive in-groups over individual achievements. Consequently, individual pride could assume a negligible role in the classroom for learning or teaching, although collective group pride may have warrant.

Participants

The data (lived experience) are gathered from drawing on the perceptions and experiences of a small sample of Finnish schoolteachers. The five participants, four females and one male, volunteered for the study and were between 28 and 62 years of age. They were all born and raised in Finland.

How were the teachers selected as potential study participants? The teachers were volunteers and the recruiting procedures involved direct recruitment and referrals. Direct recruitment involved visiting the school and talking with the teaching staff about the study and then offering the teaching staff an opportunity to take part in the study. The school principal arranged a discreet place in the school to conduct the interviews during the school day. The teachers knew where I was located and could drop by throughout the day. With this method, no one felt pressured to participate. A second strategy involved referrals. Referrals happened through participants referring other potential participants. Once again, there was no pressure for teachers to participate.

The participants are full-time schoolteachers employed in a middle and upper secondary public school, located approximately 15 km outside the capital city of Helsinki. It is a well-attended school with almost 300 students and 25 full-time teachers. I recognized this particular school to be a significant site for research because of its academic reputation and convenient location to many other schools within the district. In addition, the school was in close proximity to my residence during the interviews.

With one teacher for every 12 students, the school has a reputation for successfully preparing students for the matriculation exam, which is the final exam before a student can graduate from upper secondary school to further studies at a university. For these reasons, this institution was chosen as an appropriate place to investigate the emotion of pride through the perceptions and insights of school teachers. The following names used in the study are the actual names of the participants and each participant requested this.

The Five Participants

Vera has been teaching elementary and middle school students since 1984. She began her working career as a substitute teacher teaching adults. Early in this role, she would often teach up to 14 lessons a week. As Vera explains, “I was teaching grades 3-6 day every night, teaching them German, Swedish, Spanish and drama.”

Jania has been teaching crafts and textiles to high school students for the last 10 years. Before her teaching career, she was a clothing designer. Although she enjoyed giving advice to people in the yarn shop and especially seeing the finished product, Jania perceives her previous work as a designer as “lonely and lacking meaning.” She wanted a job to be “meaningful and with people.” Now after teaching for 10 years, she still enjoys this career that includes “meeting and interacting with people,” which she affirms “are mostly positive experiences.”

Andreas is a male high school teacher of 10 years. He teaches crafts, woodwork, and engineering to grade 9 students and adults.

Anika has been the school vice principal for the last 3 years and a classroom teacher for 10 years. Due to a demanding administrative role, she no longer teaches in the classroom.

Yenica has taught English to grade 7 to12 high school students for 7 years. She lived in England for 5 years while learning English and earning a wage through part-time work.

Method: Narrative Inquiry

Data Analyses

Selective reading approach

Narrative inquirers start with a thinly described personal justification for using this type of inquiry in the context of their own life experiences, tensions, and personal inquiry puzzles. As a former schoolteacher and current university teacher, I have come to experience the tension of learning similar to a “profession of hope.” In a profession of hope, there is also a curious combination of professional optimism with a general sense of educational crisis and I observed hope and pride often coexisting in the lives of the teachers and students.

Another personal justification for using this type of inquiry is the experience and discussions I have had with Indigenous and Finnish educators about pride and tenacity, and these types of discussions forced me to consider how a sense of personal and cultural pride could assist individuals, families, communities, and organizations to utilize their strengths, culture, and humor to overcome particular challenges in life. These were the reasons that led me to use narrative inquiry to investigate pride within the context of Finnish culture, schools, teaching, and learning.

Narrative inquiry is an umbrella term that captures personal and human experience and takes account of the relationship between individual experience and cultural context (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). The approach is advantageous to this study because the participants’ narratives, although personal, were compared with the cultural, social, and institutional narratives that influence the identities, values, and perspectives of Finnish schoolteachers.

A narrative inquiry could gather data, that is, the lived pride experience, and provide important personal insights into the significance that this particular emotion pride in the classroom and school. I am appreciative of this type of inquiry method because it validates a privileging of one particular area of exploration that can be subjective and personal to the participant. Moreover, a narrative inquiry applied face-to-face interviews, which could give further illumination for clarity or additional insights by the participants. This could occur as the researcher listened to the personal accounts and beliefs of each teacher, while probing for statements, phrases, or experiences described that were essential to the phenomenon (see van Manen, 1997). This required the process of data bracketing, which means peeling away the layers of interpretation so that the phenomena can be seen.

As a narrative inquirer, my goal was to attend to the personal and cultural narratives concerning pride and learning. Some narrative inquirers see themselves and their participants as co-composing each aspect of the inquiry as well as their lives as they live out the inquiry (Clandinin, Pushor, & Orr, 2007). Other narrative inquirers, such as myself, acknowledge the relational aspects as less important and understand themselves and their participants at more of a distance.

This narrative inquiry typically begins with asking participants to share their perspectives and insights, which in this study were about a particular emotion (i.e., pride) and triggered by the artifact of a photograph. This study drew on an identity approach to narrative inquiry as this approach gives emphasis to how people construct themselves within institutional and cultural contexts (see Chase, 2005).

The Commencement of the Study

The study began by presenting each participant with a photograph⁷ of a person displaying a typical non-verbal pride expression (see Tracy, Robins, & Schriber, 2009). The participants viewed the photograph on a computer screen presenting a male and female in a distinctive non-verbal display of pride, that is, hands on hip, a slight grin on the face, puffed up chest, and head slightly tilted back. I began each interview with the following question: “What do you think this person is feeling?” If the emotion of pride has universally identifiable physical features, that is, a slight smile, the head tilted back, the chest expanded, with arms raised or placed on the hips (see Tracy et al., 2009), then showing a photograph of someone displaying pride to Finnish teachers is likely to provoke an experienced-based response from the participants.

Using a photograph also acknowledges and takes advantage of what psychologists call schema, which are the mental representations people have of things and of the world and which they use to understand and respond to situations. By showing photographs of people displaying pride, it is possible to investigate the reality and effects of the pride schema through the participant’s perceptions and to consider if they are influenced by the norms and values of the culture. Following the photograph viewing, open-ended questions (see bullet points below) were given to each participant.

There were five separate audiotaped face-to-face interviews lasting approximately 45 min. The participants responded orally to the following open-ended questions:

“How do you think the person in this photograph feels?”

“What makes you feel the same way as the person in this photograph?”

“What makes students feel this way?”

“When a student says they are proud of something, what do you think that means to them?”

“What makes your students feel proud at school?”

“Do you think it is important to foster pride among students?”

“What do you do as a teacher to foster pride among your students?”

The interview format comprised these seven open-ended questions together with traditional probing techniques such as silence, reflective listening, nonverbal attending skills (show of interest), and urging phrases (e.g., “go on” and “tell me more”; see Douglas, 2004, p. 27).

Five schoolteachers volunteered to participate in the study (see Table 1) in return for an uninterrupted 45 min conversation. After researching the different schools in the area during the month of December 2017, one large modern high school was chosen. The school was an appropriate site for exploring teachers’ values and beliefs primarily because of its convenient location to that of the researcher, its academic emphasis as distinguished by its website profile and local recommendations on the street, and its small but distinctive student–teacher ratio and average class size of 12:1. Consequently, it was deemed likely that the schoolteachers in this institution could offer significant information about the phenomena under investigation. During the first school visit, five teachers volunteered to participate in face-to-face interviews, which took place in the school staff room during one school day.

Table 1.

Teacher Profiles.

Name	Age (years)	Gender	School subjects taught
Vera	60	Female	German, Swedish, Spanish, and Drama
Jania	42	Female	Crafts and textiles
Andreas	36	Male	Crafts, woodwork, and engineering
Anika	49	Female	School Principal
Yenica	28	Female	English

Results and Discussion

Drawing on the values and beliefs expressed by the Finnish schoolteachers, this research explored how pride is employed as a feature of teaching and learning. Narrative inquiry was adopted as an appropriate methodology for data collection because narrative inquiry takes advantage of exploring a small sample size and highlights the importance of uncovering individual voices, attitudes, and personal values. Consequently, to understand pride from the perspective of a classroom teacher, it was appropriate to speak directly to teachers within their local school community.

The results (see Appendix Tables A1-A5 for interview transcripts) propose that teacher attitudes about pride are predisposed by the values advanced by Finnish culture, which they, as members of their school community, view as the benchmark and standard for teaching. The main concern teachers had about encouraging individual pride in the classroom is the potential it has for interrupting their traditional cultural values of social equality, community, resilience, and humility. They believed pride to encourage isolation of self, superiority over others, and discontent. As Yenica remarked, “. . . pride is a symptom of unhappiness.” Consequently, encouraging individual pride would diminish equality, well-being, honesty, collective achievement, and the overall happiness of the group—all values that advance the shared space of a classroom that students and teachers create together. Moreover, encouraging pride in the students would reduce the opportunity to maintain close communities of equal learners. For example, Vera confirms,

Encouraging pride would be returning to an era of class divide . . . we have a responsibility to help each other. We really want them to be honest people. It is a question of honesty and my pupils know that pride is not like that, so my parents nor I as a teacher ever use the word.

Andreas had similar views, “Everyone still knows it exists but pride is not the Finnish way . . . but we do not talk about it.”

However, not all types of pride were rejected. As Anika suggests, “I am prepared to adopt an intrinsic i.e. authentic pride to increase learning. . . but a kind of humility is needed here, and only if it does not interfere with the classroom community.” The teachers perceive pride as “un-Finnish” and consequently view it with suspicion and caution.

Types of Pride

Different categories of pride were apparent to the teachers. As previously noted, one type of pride that the teachers tolerated was the prosocial, achievement-oriented form of pride, otherwise known as authentic pride. As Andreas confirms, “I feel pride when I have achieved something; a lesson done really well done.” Vera notes, “I do not think pride is ever a good thing, unless, you have achieved something great.” Moreover, as Yenica suggests, “There is a difference between a good pride and an arrogant pride. Good pride knows the values of your achievements.”

The second type of pride, and which the teachers reject, is the self-aggrandizing, excessively proud, or self-confident egotistical visual pride recognized as hubristic pride in this study (see also Ho, Tong, & Jia, 2016; Tracy & Robins, 2004, 2007). This was evident when the teachers viewed the photograph. For example, Jania reflects, “He is boastful, unapproachable and stuck up and he has trouble believing he can achieve something. Finnish culture does not applaud people who show themselves like this.”

The teachers believe that a proud or self-confident posture is detrimental to the common good of the classroom. Although when expressed with a humble attitude, authentic-achievement pride is acceptable but mostly in respect to the teachers. Jania notes,

Achievement and working together for the greater good of the class are priorities in the classroom and they must be helped and shown how to work together. Maybe showing pride in their achievements could help to support the teachers and develop some comradery here. We are so worried about our students but not each other.

However, hubristic pride actually reveals anxiety and self-doubt. As Anika confirms, “This person shows their insecurity with that display of pride, and that is why it has to be expressed so fully.” Jania reflects, “I would like my students to be a little more open-minded and humble . . ., which means more approachable and joyful.”

The teacher’s beliefs are suggestive of a learning culture that embraces self-discipline, self-denial, humility, and communal responsibility as important virtues to be advanced. In this way, these Finnish teachers embrace the core values and moral order of Finnish ideals (self-denial, humility, and communal responsibility). This is why pride, in particular hubristic pride (self-pride), intrudes into the strong sense of community, work ethic, certainty, and structure for which Finish education is famous. As Yenica declares, “. . . learning requires a humble attitude because there are times when an educator must stop what they are doing and assist others so they have a chance to learn.” Consequently, the schoolteachers endorse a humble attitude in the classroom.

Culture as Individualist–Collectivist

It is suggested that teachers’ beliefs about teaching and learning are heavily influenced by their own collectivistic or individualistic cultural orientation. The individualistic–collectivist distinction is useful for understanding why particular groups and individuals interact and behave in particular ways. The teachers in this study reveal collectivist values, such as group loyalty, equality, and humility, which are influenced by Finland’s history. As Vera confirms,

Finland had a class system, the higher classes and the lower classes, and this has effected the Finnish conscience today. Because of this history to be proud is not a positive thing. Learning is ultimately about collaboration; therefore, no one person can be prideful of his or her achievements. I am not proud as a teacher, because, we are doing all this altogether. The child is not on his own, it is group work. We have a responsibility to help each other.

For educators and policy makers who hope to reproduce the “Finnish way,” this cultural distinctiveness is important. Educators might consider the deep cultural and historical events that have shaped the ethics of Finnish education and the values that Finnish teachers draw upon in the classroom. The “Finnish way” is far more complicated than merely adopting a Finnish curriculum, simply because Finnish education reflects an extensive history and culture which comprises an attitude of tenacity, politeness, modesty, equality, and calmness. In respect to the teacher’s perceptions, Finnish values reflect communal ways of living, which also resemble Asian cultures that reveal collectivist standards of living together such as modesty, in-group loyalty, minimal body language, and silent thinking (Lewis, 2005; Stanculescu, 2012).

Cultures advance particular rituals that guide people in their thinking and this includes the cultural expectations of schoolteachers (see van Manen, 2008). The collectivist expectations of the teachers include loyalty and the assimilation of its members into an extended “family.” This is why the teachers diagnose pride to be antithetical to the needs and goals of the class and as such problematic for sustaining a close classroom community. The Finnish teachers could still embrace pride in the classroom, but only if it sustains the collectivist nature of the classroom and school community.

In regard to the photograph, there were unfavorable reactions given by the teachers, such as Vera, “If parents do not teach their children virtues and good character, then this type of grandstander pride in the photograph results.” Jania confirms, “He looks like a wall, boastful, unapproachable and stuck up,” while Yenica describes the display of pride as, “unteachable, a wall and arrogant.” These reactions demonstrate the importance teachers place on modesty and preserving group cohesiveness rather than on the individual. Moreover, the reactions to the photograph reveal the strong behavioral expectations of people from high-context collectivist cultures. In contrast, if these teachers were from a low-context culture, they would likely place greater importance on external displays of emotions and eccentricity such as those presented in the photograph (see Kim, Pan, & Park, 1998; Nishimura et al., 2008).

Schoolteachers by their very nature undertake the assimilation of young people into the norms and values of the dominant culture. In that sense, the classroom is accepted more in terms of people acting as cultural insiders (see Triandis, 1989). With this in mind, one obvious benefit for educators and learners within collectivist cultures is the formation of resilient communities, with teachers as important actors toward the service of society (see Markus & Kitayama, 1991) and establishing strong bonds with their teachers and students (see Kaur & Noman, 2015). Still, cultural values can change over time and Finland’s culturally homogeneous profile continues to experience revisions to mainstream cultural norms. As Anika reveals, “It is different now. In the 70s, 80s, and 90s we were not exposed to different cultures but now we are and we are allowing ourselves to feel things that the old way would never have allowed. Because of multiculturalism, pride is becoming more acceptable to the average Finnish person.”

Sisu

For Finns, the “second wind” of inner strength is Sisu, and it is generally about being a reliable, honest, hardworking, and resilient person. Sisu maintains the collective well-being of an organized group, such as that of a school or classroom. The study revealed the teachers as less interested in encouraging pride, which is perceived as boastful and egotistical, and more attentive to preserving the deeply held cultural reputation of Sisu. As Anika says, “Pride can be shameful in our culture. A strong part of Finnish culture doesn’t appreciate it because it encourages students to find their own path and go their own way, and that is not the Finnish school system, which has a strong value of going the same way together.” While Vera confirms, “I want hardworking citizens . . . producing students who demonstrate determination, tenacity and resilience in the face of life’s obstacles which provides an intrinsic internal motivation for students to prosper together.”

Pride is in contrast to Sisu because pride is perceived as individualistic, self-congratulatory, isolating, extrinsic, and self-centered. In contrast, although Sisu encourages Finns to take personal responsibility for their emotional well-being and engage in active problem-solving, they are to respect the needs of the group and overcome challenges in life. Anika declares, “What makes me proud is students who have overcome things.” Jania confirms, “Achievement and working together for the greater good of the class are priorities in the classroom.” Yenica notes, “Pointing the students to their achievements at school is important but not as individuals, rather it is about their potential to achieve together as a group.”

The benefits of encouraging resilient young people who could work together with a common vision were important for these schoolteachers because together they have a greater chance for success. Moreover, as resilient people they are able to “approach threatening situations with confidence” (see Bandura, as cited in Tait, 2008, p. 59). Sisu is critical for teachers to promote in the classroom because it enables a positive outlook with difficult tasks realized as challenges rather than as threats.

The concept of resilience is comparable with the Finnish idea of Sisu. Although the teachers focused predominantly on the well-being of the group and not individuals, Sisu could encourage individual success; however, teachers who encouraged students with Sisu generally prioritized and upheld the overall prosperity of the group.

Educational Equality

The teachers believe that by encouraging pride at school, educational equality would diminish and the overall cohesiveness of the classroom community would decline. As Finnish culture encourages progressive democratic ideals such as educational and social equality, the promotion of pride is perceived as a threat to maintaining an egalitarian classroom. The teachers believe that by encouraging pride, an elitist attitude and ego would transpire. Unlike equality, pride arouses self-importance and reduces the educational opportunity of other students. By its very nature, education should be an equally shared experience between parents, students, and teachers. As Vera maintains, “I can’t be proud of my teaching because learning includes three encouragements—the teacher, student, and parent; all are one-third responsible.” Teaching and learning is a shared responsibility.

Therefore, public displays of pride, and especially self-pride, have no place in the Finnish classroom. However, one teacher, Andreas, did concede that public displays of pride are acceptable in the classroom but only if they signify achievement and lead to further learning. Andreas confirms, “He [photograph] is in a good mood but maybe he is already feeling like he achieved everything there is to achieve, and so he is really open to learn more.”

It is obvious that public displays of hubristic pride, that is, narcissistic self-aggrandizement pride, are discouraged. Consequently, the teachers have no personal experience incorporating pride as a strategy for teaching or learning, nor do they have any personal experience of pride. As Jania confirms, “I do not know if I have ever felt pride in my life. I do not know if I am proud of who I am—that is too difficult. My family does not encourage me to be proud, they say well done but that is it.”

Accomplishments were a normal requirement for living a good life. Any public displays of personal achievements such as a teacher displaying their university degree in their classroom were rejected as undeserving and boastful. Yenica says, “That [displaying a university degree] would be like bragging and it would never happen. They know who I am and if I can teach.” As Anika notes, “I am prepared to adopt intrinsic pride to increase learning only if it does not interfere with the classroom community.” Displaying character and humility are more important to the Finnish teachers compared with exhibiting student achievements, which could still be made public, but only if the school community benefited.

PISA

Finland’s participation in the competitive and standardized international PISA examination contrasts with the core values of humility and community for which Finnish culture is recognized. The normalization of competition and the advancement of standardized testing, which PISA infer are commendable, could replace the traditional standards of humility and social and educational equality that Finnish teachers hope will advance. Anika confirms, “A strong part of Finnish culture doesn’t appreciate it [pride] because it encourages students to find their own path and go their own way.”

The PISA standardized examinations, in which Finland have surpassed most other nations, are a global enterprise that assumes competing for a global ranking is valuable (see Trohler, 2011). In one sense, PISA’s standardized examinations undermine the values of Finnish culture. Humility, local traditions, and social and educational equality are important Finnish values, yet how these values align with PISA’s goal for societies to “change and progress”⁸ and for students to adopt “global competence,” which comprises competition, comparison, and global rankings is yet to be understood—a cultural clash is surely an outcome.

Competing Philosophies of Education

Finland has recently adopted the educational model of John Dewey (see de Sauvage, 2015; Sahlberg, 2015). Comparable to PISA, Dewey’s pragmatic philosophy of learning is inconsistent with Finnish norms and cultural values, which revere the collective standards, histories, self-limitations, and group camaraderie that encourage students to honor intergenerational and cultural understandings. As Vera recalls, “Learning is ultimately about class collaboration,” and Anika clarifies, “By encouraging pride at school there may be cultural loss.”

The Deweyian approach to teaching is to marry student-centrism with pragmatism, encouraging students to individually change and restructure their world through self-knowledge, self-actualization, and self-empowerment. A respect for the greater community comprise forsaking ideals of self while prioritizing the needs of the communal group (see Bowers, 1987). Consequently, alliance and loyalty to the group and maintaining the collective identity of the group are important (Anderson, 2014). In their collectivist cultural profile, the challenge for Finnish educators is maintaining a preference for working together for the greater good of the group and not necessarily helping individuals to become entirely self-sufficient.

Conclusion

This study explored the perspectives of Finnish schoolteachers situated in one public school in Helsinki, Finland. In relation to pride as a feature of teaching and learning, the results illustrate how Finnish educators identify learning through their cultural values and assumptions. For these teachers, it is important to preserve the integrity of Finnish values and promote the functioning of the group over the individual. Pride works to raise the self but ruptures the common good of the classroom community.

It would be particularly valuable for researchers and educators outside of Finland to consider how the notion of Sisu could be applied in classrooms to motivate individual students to persevere and succeed while maintaining the well-being of the group, which also includes the welfare of the entire school community. This would be particularly relevant as schools have an extensive history playing an important role in fostering values that advance a collective school ethos and the operation of anti-bullying programs, which encourage resilience in children and youth.⁹

The findings of this study hope to advance insights and dialogue between Finnish and non-Finnish educators regarding how particular emotions can be used in the classroom and how particular cultural assumptions and values influence teaching and learning. In particular, the results pave the way for future studies to investigate how teachers from low- and high-context cultures utilize other emotions for teaching and learning. Finally, the results can inspire instructors to explore how particular emotions and cultural norms overlap to advance the next generation of proud and humble learners.

Footnotes

Appendix

The following results highlight the five main themes of the study with verbatim comprised below each theme. These include Achievements and pedagogical competence, Pride is not a Finnish value, Cultural changes, Arrogant pride (reactions to the photograph), and Collaboration and work ethic.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Matthew Etherington

Notes

Author Biography

Matthew Etherington achieved his PhD in the philosophy of education from Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia while completing doctoral research at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE). He is presently a professor in the School of Education at Trinity Western University, British Columbia, Canada. Matthew is the co-director of the “Institute of Indigenous Issues and Perspectives (IIIP).”

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Pride in Education: A Narrative Study of Five Finnish Schoolteachers

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Purpose of the Study

Focusing the Research: What Is pride?

Finnish Culture and Pride: Cultures as Collectivist and Individualist

Participants

The Five Participants

Method: Narrative Inquiry

Data Analyses

Selective reading approach

The Commencement of the Study

Results and Discussion

Types of Pride

Culture as Individualist–Collectivist

Sisu

Educational Equality

PISA

Competing Philosophies of Education

Conclusion

Footnotes

Appendix

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

ORCID iD

Notes

Author Biography

References