Abstract
Professions are neither isolated nor static entities; they operate within a dynamic system that is shaped by the internal and external forces. Today, a novel yet formidable external force is gradually permeating professional domains: influencer creep, driven by neoliberal self-branding rhetoric. This study investigates the diffusion of influencer creep into psychology, a field with strong legal, workplace, and public jurisdiction. Using a multi-method approach, we observed 100 Turkish psychologists’ Instagram practices over 6 months and conducted 20 semi-structured interviews. Findings reveal that Instagram has become an unexpected intermediary in the labor market for psychologists, intensifying to fulfill the three pillars of influencer creep: self-branding, optimization, and authenticity. Psychologists now strategically use the platform as a “visual curriculum vitae,” leveraging its affordances to craft micro-selling points for their self-brand. These efforts also involve negotiating with algorithms, constant optimization efforts, and projecting themselves authentically by trying not to compromise their professional demeanor. Based on these findings, we contend that influencer creep not only alters individual professional practices but also reconfigures the profession itself through four interrelated changes: (a) the expansion of audiences, shifting from small-scale, localized clients to large, mass followings; (b) the redefinition of traditional markers of expertise, where institutional credentials are increasingly replaced by platform-driven metrics; (c) the alteration of traditional gatekeeping structures, as algorithmic systems take on a more prominent role in determining professional recognition and influence; and (d) requiring a new set of skills such as content creation and algorithmic proficiency, often overshadowing conventional professional competencies.
Introduction
In his seminal work, The System of Professions, Abbott (1988) contends that professions operate within a dynamic and interconnected ecosystem, subject to both internal and external forces that continually reshape their jurisdictional boundaries. For instance, the expansion of large-scale organizations and advancements in technology possess the capacity to either solidify or erode a profession’s control over its work (p. 148). The rise of “influencer creep” (Bishop, 2023), driven by the neoliberal rhetoric of self-branding, constitutes a contemporary external force with the potential to significantly impact the legal, public, and workplace jurisdictions of various professions.
The concept of self-branding emerged in the early 2000s to refer to a systematic set of tactics employed by individuals to enhance their prospects of success in the business world (Lair et al., 2005, p. 308). It aims to construct a distinctive and marketable image or narrative that can then be used for both cultural and material benefits (Hearn, 2008a, p. 198). With the rise of social media platforms, self-branding practices have undergone a transformative shift. As these practices have predominantly moved to the online realm (Vallas & Cummins, 2015), the pressure on individuals to brand themselves has consistently intensified (Gandini, 2016a; Marwick, 2013; Pagis & Ailon, 2017; Pooley, 2010). Professionals across diverse domains are compelled to perpetually curate, manage, and invest in their online presence, such as freelance journalists (Vallas & Christin, 2018), self-proclaimed consultants (Pagis & Ailon, 2017), female professionals in digital media and creative sectors (Duffy & Pruchniewska, 2017), fashion bloggers (Duffy & Hund, 2015), creative workers (Scolere et al., 2018), style bloggers active on Instagram (Liu & Suh, 2017), media practitioners (Gershon, 2017), online content creators (Meisner & Ledbetter, 2022), and artists (Bishop, 2023). However, self-branding rhetoric has evolved to a new level with its convergence with influencer culture. It is no longer sufficient for workers to merely establish their self-brands; rather, in doing so, they are now obliged to emulate influencer practices (Duffy, 2022, para. 7). To illustrate the diffusion of microcelebrity promotional practices into various forms of work and workers’ lives, Bishop (2023) proposes the term “influencer creep.” This concept neatly captures how ordinary workers experience the compelling pressure to adhere to three fundamental tenets of influencer practices: self-branding, optimization, and authenticity.
Influencer creep has also permeated the field of psychology, compelling psychologists to adopt promotional practices rooted in influencer culture. This is particularly noteworthy given psychology’s strong professional authority, which is traditionally maintained through licensing, ethical standards, and institutional oversight. These internal mechanisms retain core values such as confidentiality, privacy, and clear boundaries between the therapists and clients by fostering the expectation that psychology should be resilient—even immune—to such kinds of external forces. However, it has become quite possible today to encounter psychologists’ professional accounts on Instagram or other social platforms. They now create platform-specific content like reels that encapsulate insights about mental health through a variety of striking and creative expressions, such as dramatizations or textual annotations. A brief exploration of such accounts reveals not only details about the psychologist’s professional credentials and expertise but also glimpses into their personal life. Moreover, psychologists can provide “quick” advice or engage directly with “potential” clients through platform affordances, such as commenting or direct messaging. While a growing number of studies acknowledge the increasing utilization of social media by psychologists, the existing literature mainly focuses on ethical challenges and the development of practical guidelines for such engagement (Baier, 2019; Cederberg, 2017; Drude & Messer-Engel, 2021; Frankish et al., 2012; Kolmes & Taube, 2014; White & Hanley, 2023). Shifting the focus from ethical considerations, we thoroughly examine the intricate interplay between psychologists’ social media practices and influencer culture. Employing a multi-method approach, we first carried out a 6-month observation of Turkish psychologists’ Instagram practices, unpacking how they manifest the three core pillars of influencer creep in their online personas. In Turkey, an individual who has a bachelor’s degree in psychology can use the title of “psychologist,” but only licensed clinical psychologists (holding a master’s or doctoral degree in clinical psychology) and psychiatrists (medical doctors specializing in mental health) are permitted to practice psychotherapy independently (The Law on the Practice of Medicine and Medical Sciences, 2011, Additional Article 13). All the accounts observed in this study belong to clinical psychologists who meet the qualifications to provide psychotherapy. Following the observation period, we reached out to these psychologists and conducted 20 semi-structured interviews with a subset of them. The aim was to uncover the professional and societal context that influenced their social media practices, delve into the backgrounds of their self-branding efforts, explore the underlying motivations, and gather their reflections on the imperative of self-branding.
By positioning psychology as a critical case, we contend that influencer creep extends beyond individual professional practices and reconfigures the profession itself through four interrelated shifts (a) the expansion of audiences, shifting from small-scale, localized clients to large, mass followings; (b) the redefinition of traditional markers of expertise, where institutional credentials are increasingly replaced by platform-driven metrics; (c) the alteration of traditional gatekeeping structures, as algorithmic systems take on a more prominent role in determining professional recognition and influence; and (d) requiring a new set of skills such as content creation and algorithmic proficiency, often overshadowing conventional professional competencies.
Psychology as a profession
Securing authority is a challenging endeavor for professions, as each strives to establish and maintain its jurisdiction through competition with others. Abbott (1988) defines jurisdiction as “the link between an occupation and its work” (p. 15) and argues that professions claim their jurisdiction across three primary domains: the legal system, the workplace, and public opinion (p. 83). Legal jurisdiction encompasses an occupation’s assertion of authority through legal frameworks, regulatory mechanisms, and institutional policies (p. 68). Workplace jurisdiction is a profession’s claim over the right to perform specific tasks, which is mostly determined through competition over qualifications and expertise (p. 73). Finally, public jurisdiction is a claim of both social and cultural authority by convincing society that a profession is uniquely qualified to address certain problems or provide specific services (p. 68).
The process of establishing its jurisdiction in three domains has been complicated for psychology due to inherent “epistemological ambiguities” and “legitimacy struggles” with other fields (Whooley, 2019). A primary challenge was defining the workplace jurisdiction of psychology by clarifying its scope and boundaries. Initially, the authority over personal problems belonged to the clergy, who framed emotional struggles through religious narratives. With modernity, this jurisdiction shifted to medicine, as neurologists and psychiatrists redefined mental distress as biologically rooted pathologies (Abbott, 1988, pp. 280–307). However, the inability of the biologically reductionist approach to adequately address the psychological consequences of 20th-century crises led to a decline in public trust in institutional psychiatry, resulting in a jurisdictional gap in the 1950s (Scull, 2011, p. 402). Clinical psychologists capitalized on this opportunity, positioning themselves as practitioners of psychotherapy, which is non-medical and talk-based treatment (p. 403). Their authority over the practice was solidified through the strategic use of legal jurisdiction. Professional associations and national states have played a crucial role in delineating the entry requirements for the profession by establishing specific educational credentials and licensing processes. The American Psychological Association (APA) launched a short training program in 1946 to identify qualified professionals, but rising demand and pressure from professional organizations led to the first state-approved undergraduate psychology program in 1970 (Benjamin, 2005, p. 21). These institutional mechanisms reinforce occupational closure and consolidate authority by excluding non-professionals from the field. The APA has played a pivotal role in shaping professional standards and practices, notably publishing the Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct in 1952 (Pickren & Fowler, 2003). Its most recent version (APA, 2017) outlines five general principles and 10 ethical standards that regulate professional practice. These codes explicitly define the boundaries between psychologists and their clients, emphasizing confidentiality, privacy, and the avoidance of dual relationships that could compromise therapeutic integrity. Crucially, the guidelines discourage psychologists from engaging in excessive self-disclosure, as it risks blurring the professional–client relationship.
A profession must publicly assert its claim to jurisdiction to establish and maintain its exclusive authority over a particular type of work (Abbott, 1988, p. 68). Herman (1995) contends that psychology became increasingly visible in Western society after World War II due to the growing mental health needs. This heightened demand for psychological services led legal authorities to recognize psychologists as key partners in public policymaking and provide “a larger public jurisdiction” for psychology (p. 13). This legitimacy was further reinforced with the “psychologization of everyday life,” through mass media, which refers to the incorporation of psychological concepts into fields traditionally outside the scope of psychology (De Vos, 2012, p. 2). Books, magazines, and television programs address personal challenges as issues that merit professional assistance, normalizing therapy throughout the 1970s. These attempts not only enhanced the cultural authority of psychology but also commodified its expertise by transforming therapists into public figures (Illouz, 2008, p. 56). Scholars argue that positioning psychologists as key figures in guiding individuals through modern life and establishing psychological frameworks as fundamental have resulted in a significant cultural shift. This transformation has been conceptualized as the “triumph of the therapeutic” (Rieff, 1987), the rise of a “therapeutic ethos” (Nolan, 1998), and, in a similar vein, the formation of a “therapeutic society” (Fukuyama, 1998). Expanding on these perspectives, Illouz (2008) describes the emergence of a pervasive “therapeutic culture” centered on personal growth, self-help, and emotional transparency. These values have profoundly influenced the construction of neoliberal identity in contemporary societies and serve as seedbeds for emerging digital cultures like influencers.
The jurisdictional trajectory of psychology in Turkey mirrors that of Western societies, particularly in the legal and workplace domains. This is because the field was established through a European approach and then heavily influenced by American frameworks, leading to the development of training programs, ethical codes, and institutional practices aligned with these Western models (Kaĝitçibaşi, 1994). However, the profession’s public jurisdiction emerged later than in Western contexts and under distinct historical circumstances. Psychology’s widespread recognition as a profession in Turkey accelerated following a social trauma, the 1999 Gölcük Earthquake. In a manner akin to the role of World War II in establishing psychology’s public legitimacy in Western societies, this crisis contributed to reducing the stigma associated with mental health treatment and facilitated its normalization through media representations (Boratav, 2004). From that point onward, Turkish society has become progressively exposed to psychological concepts and information through mass media, with psychologists emerging as prominent figures on television programs. In addition, television series, especially those with storylines centered on therapy sessions, have gained significant popularity throughout the 2010s. These developments played a key role in normalizing psychological discourse in everyday life and enhancing the authority of psychologists in the public sphere (Geçer et al., 2023).
Against this backdrop, psychology has established considerable authority in the global and local context of Turkey, over aspects of mental health treatment, particularly in the practice of psychotherapy. This authority enables the profession to operate autonomously, develop its operational logic, and implement internal regulatory and evaluative mechanisms. However, its jurisdiction is neither absolute nor uncontested. As Abbott (1988) argues, the jurisdictional boundaries of a profession are continuously altered by external forces, which reconfigure both the scope and legitimacy of professional expertise (p. 148). Today, psychology is confronting a force that challenges its entrenched boundaries and professional identity: the rise of influencer creep (Bishop, 2023), driven by neoliberal rhetoric of self-branding.
Conceptual framework
Branding is “an institutionalized method of practically materializing the political economy of signs” (Goldman & Papson, 2006: 328) and fundamentally functions as a strategy adopted by producers to establish a distinct identity for their products (Murphy, 1988). It has become what Holt (2006) aptly describes as “a core activity of capitalism” (p. 300), while extending its influence into the realm of individual representation in the early 2000s. Although the concept of self-branding first appeared in the marketing world in the early 1980s, it was not until the second half of the 1990s that it became widely accepted (Vallas & Cummins, 2015: 11). Tom Peters (1997) article “The Brand Called You” is considered an important turning point in the evolution of the concept, in which he urged everyone “regardless of age, position or business to become CEOs of their own companies,” which he described as “Me Inc.,” to succeed in the new business world (para. 4).
Self-branding as a meta-narrative or meta-image consciously crafted through the use of cultural meanings and images (Hearn, 2008a). It encompasses a programmatic set of strategies aimed at enhancing individuals’ prospects for success in the business realms (Lair et al., 2005). Stylized self-image can be always deployed as a means of self-promotion in the labor market (Pagis & Ailon, 2017, p. 244). When an individual’s personality is strategically leveraged to create market value, this process transforms the identity into a site of value extraction (Hearn, 2008b). As noted by Giddens (1991), this transformation involves packaging and disseminating the identity in alignment with market-driven values and promotional techniques, a phenomenon he terms “self-commodification.” However, self-branding efforts cannot simply be characterized as spontaneous or motivated solely by individual intentions. Banet-Weiser (2012) argues that branding practices have always been reliant on and reflective of the dominant social, economic, and cultural interests of the time. For instance, Wernick (1991) has associated the surge in personal branding practices with the burgeoning promotional culture that has permeated Western societies. According to him, promotion has become a pervasive rhetoric in culture, leading to changes not only in the semiotic and ideological content of culture, but also in its ethos (p. 7). In the same vein, du Gay (1996) argues that contemporary culture has shifted toward an emphasis on individual agency, market-driven behavior, and self-presentation, which he calls “enterprise culture.” According to him, enterprise culture embraces certain entrepreneurial qualities such as self-reliance, personal responsibility, boldness, and a willingness to take risks in pursuit of goals as one of the most essential human virtues (p. 48). His exploration of identity in the context of enterprise culture draws heavily on Foucault’s ideas about the socially constructed nature of the self. Foucault et al. (2008) states that “the homo economicus in neoliberalism is an entrepreneur, an entrepreneur of himself, being for himself his own capital, being for himself his own producer, being for himself the source of earnings” (p. 226). On the other hand, Hearn (2008a) attributed the ascendancy of self-branding to a transformation not solely in cultural paradigms but also within the economic structure that accompanies them. She posits that the branded self sits at the intersection of neoliberalism, flexible accumulation, individualism, and promotionalism. Duffy and Hund (2015) regard it as a clear manifestation of the post-Fordist era, characterized by temporary and insecure work, reduced job security and uncompensated labor (Boltanski & Chiapello, 2005). Self-branding is becoming a strategy for navigating the unpredictable and fluctuating employment climate by actively shaping their own identity (Duffy & Pruchniewska, 2017; Gershon, 2017; Hearn, 2008a, 2008b; Khamis et al., 2017; Lair et al., 2005; Marwick, 2013; Scolere et al., 2018; Vallas & Cummins, 2015).
Advances in technology and the emergence of social networks are seen as another key catalyst facilitating the spread of self-branding practices (Khamis et al., 2017). Socially mediated entrepreneurship has become an imperative for everyone with the advent of Web 2.0 (Marwick, 2013). Individuals are obliged to create “a distinctive yet consistent identity performance” across various platforms throughout their lives (Bishop, 2023, p. 12). Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram are not just sites for leisure but also “platforms for the performance and presentation of the commodified self” (Flisfeder, 2015, p. 554). These platforms also act as an external management layer, a persistent filter that identifies those with the potential to succeed and forces them to take personal responsibility for “optimizing” their efforts (Bishop, 2022, para. 22, 2023). Workers of all stripes seeking to secure their livelihoods and enhance career opportunities are now compelled to incessantly curate, manage, and invest in their personal brands on social media. When developing their personal brands, they are embracing microcelebrity practices, which were originally institutionalized within the influencer economy (Hearn & Schoenhoff, 2015). Bishop (2023) explains the expansion of microcelebrity promotional practices into more forms of work and workers’ lives with the concept of “influencer creep” (p. 2). According to her, influencer culture has “crept” out into the art worlds, creative work, and more broadly and professionals are now not just compelled to establish a personal brand but also fulfill three key tenets of influencer practices: self-branding, optimization, and performance of authenticity (p. 3). The development of self-branding techniques is strongly shaped by influencer culture, which emphasizes the importance of incorporating one’s personal identity into promotional efforts and maintaining a consistently positive emotional presentation (p. 5). Optimization involves visibility tactics aimed at increasing prominence on social media platforms. Influencers develop many effective optimization strategies as the opaque nature of the platforms directly affects their livelihoods (p. 9). Influencer creep exerts additional pressure to present an authentic self (p. 13). While the term is highly contextual (Banet-Weiser, 2021), it is fundamentally about projecting a genuinely ordinary and relatable image. Individuals are forced to adhere to three tenets of influencer creep while shaping their personal brand to acquire or ensure employment opportunities (Bishop, 2023).
Methodology
The study employs a multi-method approach, combining observational fieldwork conducted on Instagram over a 6-month period (March–September 2023), complemented by in-depth interviews with a cohort of 20 psychologists whose accounts were subject to observation. In the initial phase of the research, a dedicated Instagram account was established for the purpose of following and monitoring 100 distinct psychologists identified through a systematic keyword-based search. The search terms employed were “psychology,” “psychologist,” “clinical psychologist,” and “therapy.” We defined inclusion criteria by selecting actively used profiles while excluding accounts that had been inactive for 3 months or longer. Indeed, we also made a conscious effort to include a diverse sample group by adopting the metrics used to classify social media influencers based on the number of followers: nano (1000–10,000 followers), micro (10,000–100,000 followers), and macro influencers (100,000–1,000,000 followers) (Campbell & Farrell, 2020). This is because, as with influencers, psychologists with different numbers of followers may adopt different self-branding practices, strategic approaches, and experiential dynamics. Out of the 20 participants interviewed, 18 provided online therapy services, with 5 exclusively offering this therapy modality. The participants’ online followings varied significantly, ranging from approximately 1500 to 158,000 followers. Notably, nine participants have follower counts between 1000 and 10,000, while another nine fall within the 10,000 to 100,000 range. Only two participants have follower counts exceeding 100,000. Furthermore, 10 participants sought external consultancy from social media experts to optimize their online presence, while 11 participants used sponsored content and Instagram advertising as part of their promotional strategies (see Table 1).
Characteristics of the Participants.
The primary focus of the observation was on psychologists’ utilization of the platform’s affordances, specifically directed toward biographies, profile photos, story features, highlighted stories, and posting practices. The investigation also covered the different content formats used, including photos, graphics, and short videos, as well as an examination of the different contexts within shared posts, ranging from professional updates to personal narratives. The analysis further encompassed the overall appearance of psychologists’ accounts, scrutinizing visual consistency, branding elements, and their engagement tactics with the audience, including responses to comments and the usage of Question & Answer (OA) sessions. The observation notes and screen captures provided a useful guide to the themes to be covered in the subsequent in-depth interviews. The aim was to explore the professional and societal factors that shape their social media practices, to explore the rationales for their self-branding efforts, to examine the motivations that drive these efforts, and to gather their reflections on the need for self-branding. All interviews were conducted via online interview platforms, specifically Google Meets and Zoom, and lasted approximately 1 h each.
The research findings are guided by Bishop’s (2023) insightful conceptualization of influencer creep, utilizing its three core tenets—self-branding, optimization, and authenticity—as an analytical lens to classify and interpret the findings.
Findings
Self-branding practices: Instagram as “visual CV”
The intensified self-branding efforts among psychologists can be considered a discernible “communicative response” (Lair et al., 2005) to precarious employment conditions exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic has precipitated financial challenges for psychologists due to the prevalent reliance on face-to-face counseling practices, resulting in a compulsory shift toward online counseling. This transition toward online counseling has given rise to an increased demand for online visibility, where Instagram, transforming into a “visual curriculum vitae” (P1), now serves as “a central reference point for potential clients during their initial assessments (P12). Success is no longer determined solely by a professional’s skills or expertise, but rather by how they are organized, crystallized, and labelled (Lair et al., 2005: 309) and a substantial following on Instagram is increasingly perceived as “an indicator of professional competence.” (P17). P11 addresses this situation in their own professional context as a transition from “the value of educational background and expertise” to “the value of an Instagram account,” noting that, “In the past, graduating from reputable schools and having networks were sufficient for gaining recognition and establishing a promising career. However, everything is different today. Your social media recognition impacts your professional career as well as your financial success.” Goldhaber (1997) argues that in the attention economy, money flows with attention and those who possess attention are also the owners of economic capital. Digital reputation is an asset capable of catalyzing opportunities and success (Gandini, 2016b). The intriguing observation from P11 regarding her working life further supports this argument: “When my engagement rates on Instagram decrease, the number of my counsellors also declines.”
Through the interviews, all the participants mention that the upkeep of a professional Instagram account becomes an imperative and non-negotiable aspect of their profession. The centrality of Instagram in the professional lives of psychologists transcends individual endeavors; it emerges as a prerequisite for employment in specific clinics. Our three participants (P2, P16, and P20) mention that “maintaining a professional Instagram account and actively engaging with it” is a stipulation imposed by their employers during the hiring process. Each platform has its own specific mix of “styles, grammars, and logics” (Gibbs et al., 2015; 257), and the way in which individuals present themselves is influenced by the platforms’ design features and functionalities (Scolere et al., 2018). Khamis et al. (2017) argue that platform affordances play a pivotal role in creating unique selling points for self-branders. Instagram provides a range of appealing micro-selling points for psychologists. The first micro-selling point is the bio section with profile photos. While profile photos allow individuals to visually encapsulate their presence in a concise yet impactful way, the bio provides a space to share brief but essential information about themselves. For our sample group, the professional identity is carefully packaged in this part through information about educational background, completed trainings, specializations, and therapeutic approaches. Many analyzed accounts frequently adopt multiple titles in the bio section, with 60 of them choosing to include more than two titles. Furthermore, some of the psychologists employ imaginative and metaphorical titles that are linked with their professional pursuits, like “mental sink opener.” Pagis and Ailon (2017) elucidate this practice as part of an endeavor to construct uniqueness, which enables individuals to delineate themselves distinctively from their colleagues. As another focal point of the first micro-selling point, psychologists tend to prefer high-quality, professionally captured images that exhibit meticulous attention to lighting and composition in profile photos. Typically, the photographs are taken from a diagonal perspective and positioned at eye level. A significant number of these images are close-ups, providing an intimate view of psychologists’ faces while they engage in moments of laughter. A small proportion of profile photos consist of self-captured images or “selfies.” Indeed, there is a recognizable pattern in the poses adopted, with four dominant styles identified: crossed arms, immersed reading, working at a desk, and the wing chair pose. The backgrounds in these photos consistently display similarities, with outdoor shots frequently showcasing seaside or green landscapes and indoor shots commonly portraying library or office environments. Psychologists’ similar choices in profile photos reflect the impact of anticipated audience perceptions, aligning with Scolere et al.’s (2018) and Meisner and Ledbetter’s (2022) assertion that self-branding decisions are influenced by audience perspectives. The selection of poses and backgrounds is guided by the societal expectations of the psychology profession and the envisioned demeanor associated with psychologists. During the interviews, participants also explicitly acknowledged their conscientious efforts, articulating the challenges involved in selecting the “right” profile photos that not only convey their professional identities but also resonate with their potential audiences. For instance, P3’s choice of a vibrant and colorful background, coupled with an intimate selfie as her profile photo, is explained by her professional context. She states, “As a child therapist, I cannot project a distant and cold professional image. Parents do not like that. I strive to present a friendly and approachable image in my profile photo.”
The feature of highlighted stories is a dynamic micro selling-point, allowing individuals to convey a more extensive narrative beyond their profile photos and written biographies. It enables users to compile and prominently showcase themed stories on their profiles, which provides a balance between the ephemerality of communication in stories function and the performativity of the main Instagram profile (Leaver et al., 2020, p. 64). Both psychologists and influencers leverage this feature for ongoing self-promotion. Our observation revealed that participants predominantly utilize highlighted stories to showcase professional competence, relying on images from speeches, conferences, or collaborations with colleagues to present tangible evidence of their skills and engagements by aiming to “bolster credibility” (P8) and “project a dynamic professional image” (P13). They also commonly allocate the initial highlighted story for a self-introduction, frequently titled “Who am I?” In these pages, psychologists employ a more communicative tone when providing details about themselves. This method is driven by a desire to establish a connection “beyond the traditional boundaries of a CV-style presentation” (P9). So, in this feature, psychologists consistently market their “expertise, insight, and therapeutic services” as commodities, reaping the long-term benefits of this practice.
The overall appearance of an account can be regarded as a paramount micro-selling point, considering Instagram as a platform for “aesthetic visual communication” (Manovich, 2017, p. 41). Throughout the interviews, participants consistently highlighted their utilization of professional image editing programs, such as Canva, Pixlr X, and Adobe Express, as integral tools in crafting their content. A carefully curated aesthetic can also be easily recognized on observed Instagram accounts. Many of them adhere to a consistent theme, often characterized by a predominant use of soft tones like white, beige, or light green. During the interview, P1 mentions that she approaches her own Instagram account as “an extension of the therapy room”: “I want people to feel free from the chaotic environment of Instagram when they enter the profile. I may be exaggerating, but we can liken it to a “therapy room.” When we designed the therapy room in our own workplace, we said it shouldn’t be distracting, it shouldn’t be crowded, and it should be calming. To be honest, I thought the same thing about the account.”
All psychologists feel the pressure of self-branding, especially those working independently and those in the early stages of their careers. P5, who recently graduated with a master’s degree in June 2023, has an Instagram account with almost five thousand followers. Despite facing financial challenges stemming from a limited number of clients, she deems allocating a budget to her social media account as a must. Therefore, she regularly purchases sponsored advertising services and social media consultancy from a professional. She explains the situation as follows: I currently give almost half of what I earn to the social media consultant. But I think that in the long run it will allow me to have more clients. Because now I have advised four people and they all found me through my Instagram account.
As also highlighted by various scholars examining diverse digital freelance professionals (Bishop, 2023; Gandini, 2016a; Vallas & Christin, 2018), psychologists exclusively offering online therapy independently (n = 5) express the formidable pressure to maintain an engaging online presence. Due to the lack of physical settings, it becomes vital to establish and maintain a robust online presence to acquire clients. For instance, P7 who lost her home and office in the 7.5 and 7.6 magnitude earthquakes on 6 February 2023, in Turkey, was obliged to offer online therapy. In response to this shift in her professional circumstances, she promptly established an Instagram account, dedicating significant effort and time to developing a strong personal brand. However, the urgency and intensity of self-branding practices diminish as financial concerns are alleviated. Participants who have achieved a significant level of professional success and gained a stable number of clients, such as P1, who opened a clinic in one of Istanbul’s elite neighborhoods and has also approximately 158,000 followers, reported that the pressure to maintain a social media presence gradually diminishes over time, eventually becoming more like “when I feel like it . . ..”
Optimization efforts: “am I an influencer?”
Social media influencers monetize their followings by integrating advertorials into their social media posts (Abidin, 2015, p. 1), thereby their livelihood is deeply linked to the influencers’ success in the “visibility game” (Cotter, 2019). They grapple with a relentless “visibility mandate” (Duffy & Pooley, 2019) and constant “threat of invisibility” (Bucher, 2012) due to the opaque nature of platform algorithms. However, they are proactively responding to this challenge by employing a diverse range of tactics they have developed. These tactics include creating influencer engagement pods as a form of resistance to Instagram’s unpredictable algorithms (O’Meara, 2019), conducting strategic trials and tests to comprehend algorithms functionality (Cotter, 2019), engaging in algorithm discussions in which theories and strategies are shared and implemented (Bishop, 2019), and optimizing their contents based on the insights derived from the discussions (Bishop, 2018). Psychologists also feel compelled to apply optimization strategies, akin to those perfected by influencers; however, their execution of optimization efforts reflects a noticeably novice approach. While participants demonstrate considerable awareness of Instagram’s algorithms, they have a limited understanding of how to strategically employ them for professional benefit, as expressed in P20’s sentences like “I know the importance of aligning with algorithmic preferences, but I do not know how it works,” echoing P14’s characterization of algorithms as an “unknown power that bestows visibility on some.” These findings align with the perspective on algorithms as “black boxes” (Pasquale, 2015), emphasizing their secretive nature. Nevertheless, psychologists’ algorithmic imaginaries, which involve individuals forming thoughts and beliefs about the nature, function, and operation of algorithms based on personal experiences and interactions on platforms (Bucher, 2017), are influenced by various distinct channels. First, the search engines serve as the predominant resource to understand its general characteristics and obtain entry-level questions such as which content tends to be more visible (P7), what is the most suitable time to publish content (P1), and what are the new trends on Instagram (P5). However, this reliance is not without its drawbacks, as noted by P8: “there is no one-size-fits-all; you have to determine a personalized roadmap.” Second, information gleaned from specialized social media experts is an essential source of knowledge when creating algorithmic imaginaries. Half of our participants regularly consult social media experts to improve their online visibility, believing that the complex nature of their algorithms cannot be understood without professional help. The consulted social media experts offer comprehensive support, advising on various aspects such as bio content with profile photos, post selection, posting schedules, and ensuring the appropriateness of content for Instagram. Ultimately, participants engage in the examination of their colleagues’ accounts with considerable followings to uncover algorithmic preferences, identifying recurring patterns and effective strategies that underlie the success of these accounts. This type of investigation yields insights into the question of “whom and what the algorithms favor” (P9) for them.
Algorithmic imaginaries have the potential to shape individuals’ behaviors and interactions within platforms (Bucher, 2017: 40). Individuals are driven to align their actions with perceived algorithmic preferences to be more “algorithmically recognizable,” and these efforts can be considered a form of optimization (Gillespie, 2010). In our study cohort, a prevailing algorithmic imaginary is associated with the imperative of “sustaining activity for heightened visibility.” which is expressed as follows: “If I do not frequently use the account, the algorithms reduce my visibility on my followers’ screens” (P6). Influencers also feel that kind of strong pressure which Arriagada and Ibanez (2020) capture it in their study with the interview quote that also gives their article its name: “You need at least one photo a day, or you will die.” As a result of this, our participants actively strive to sustain engagement on their accounts by consistently sharing content. For instance, P8 adheres to a structured content-sharing schedule, posting content every three days and supplementing this with one to two daily stories, which she describes as an endeavor to “not let the account be idle.” Similarly, P12 presents her daily stories, which can be a visual of a cup of coffee with a query such as “Good morning, how is your day going?” as a straightforward way to “stay active.” However, P19 articulates the challenges created by this perpetual demand as follows: I publish content every day, primarily reels that include myself when elaborating on something. I shoot these videos either early in the day or late at night because of my work schedule. This routine actually means that I consistently project an image of beauty, happiness, and calmness, devoid of any signs of fatigue. In addition, I must have a well-groomed appearance, involving makeup and hairstyling. Except on Sundays! On these days, I tell myself: I can be sad and not-good-looking today.
Algorithms tend to reward certain forms of content dissemination beyond the mere intensity of interaction, as Bucher (2012) has elucidated. Regarding this, participants find themselves compelled to maintain an agile stance, which comprises continual observation and incorporation of trending contents or formats. For evidence of this, a retrospective examination of earlier content reveals a prevalence of posts with extensive written narratives. However, as we get closer to the present, there is a visible shift toward posts that are primarily structured around punchy phrases on short video formats, such as reels. During the interview, P2 mentions this shift in her account as a mandatory practice to gain more visibility: Content in the form of reels and including yourself gets more interaction. I tested this out myself. At first, I shared an interesting image about a psychological concept and, of course, explained it very well. However, it did not grab attention at all. After that, I took a video that was based on the same notion and acted it out. It was about feelings and being sad. You know, I’m just sitting there with a heavy heart, staring off into the distance. It’s real acting! Here, that was a big hit for my account. Even though I don’t like to shoot and take part in this kind of content, I have to do it to get more exposure for my account.
In line with previous findings, algorithmic trials and tests are also a way to optimize the content (Cotter, 2019). Aligning content with the preferences of both existing and potential audiences is underscored by all participants as a fundamental component of their platform usage. Within this strategic approach, psychologists uniformly highlight the necessity of simplifying concepts and avoiding overly complicated information during content creation. In addition to the general editorial style of posts, psychologists should identify topics that are engaging for their audience. In this regard, the interaction metrics of published posts serve as significant indicators. P9 elucidates her approach by noting, “The most liked content provides insight into what I should share. Despite being an adult therapist with a broader scope, my posts related to romantic relationships consistently garner more attention. Therefore, my content focus revolves around this topic now.” Several participants also noted that the inclusion of a personal presence, encompassing both the psychologist and his or her personal life as well as people in his or her intimate social environment, consistently increases audience engagement. In the interview with a child therapist, P3 reflects on this situation as a paradox. Although her profile is centered on her professional expertise, posts with a more personal touch, especially those related to her own experience of motherhood, receive significantly higher engagement. While acknowledging the positive impact on engagement, P3 recognizes the potential pitfalls associated with over-sharing personal content such as the erosion of professional boundaries and the risk of compromising therapist confidentiality.
As Instagram serves as a platform connecting with audiences representing potential customers and income (Bishop, 2023, p. 10) for our sample group, the imperative of ongoing optimization emerges as a pressure that can lead to a sense of alienation. P13 describes the situation as follows: Sometimes, I feel confused about whether I’m more of a psychologist or an influencer. I must constantly think about metrics like content quality, the best time to post, and the number of likes and comments. It feels like I’m taking away time that I could spend improving my professional skills just to figure out tricks to gain more followers! These aspects were not part of my education, and they’re not covered in textbooks. That’s why I sometimes feel like I might not be well-suited for this profession.
This dilemma becomes more pronounced for individuals receiving professional consultation. P20 is challenged by her social media advisor, as the expert recommends creating content related to sexual therapy and romantic love relationships to increase the number of followers, despite her specialization in post-traumatic stress disorder. While she raises ethical concerns, emphasizing that creating content on such topics is beyond her expertise and professional boundaries, her consultant portrays it as a necessary step to enhance visibility. Optimization efforts may also require compromises in professional ethics, as highlighted by P14’s reflection: “Algorithms prefer catchy and sensational sentences, which can lead to oversimplification and generalization. In psychology, where every story is unique, this becomes a challenge. I find myself asking: what should I do?” This statement powerfully captures the conflict between the need for attention-grabbing content favored by algorithms and the ethical responsibility to preserve the complexity of psychological narratives. Various legitimization arguments are frequently employed to resolve this dilemma. P11 asserts that she never provides false information, aiming for interesting content while simplifying it for better understanding. She justifies this approach by saying that “everything is permissible in war.” Similarly, P10, nearing one hundred thousand followers, emphasizes evaluating content production not based on psychological ethics but from a legal standpoint. According to him, the absence of professional laws and regulations that could restrict their actions makes their presence on Instagram in this manner acceptable.
Authenticity on the edge: ordinary or professional?
Authenticity is a complex and contextual concept that is always shaped by the individuals who embody it (Banet-Weiser, 2021, p. 142). Peterson (2005) defines authenticity as a social construct that refers to “a claim that is made by or for someone, thing, or performance, and either accepted or rejected by relevant others” (p. 1086). It involves the creation and enactment of a persona that is relatable and inspiring, while simultaneously retaining an essence of realness and integrity (McRae, 2017). The rise of commercialization has led authenticity to emerge as the central narrative for mitigating the perception of profit-oriented motives in various realms of cultural production (Grazian, 2010). Influencers seek to project themselves authentically through a variety of strategies such as disclosing personal details that align with their established personal brand (Salisbury & Pooley, 2017), providing glimpses into the “backstage” of their personal lives (Hou, 2019) or incorporating commercial products into their signature selfies (Abidin, 2016).
Psychologists, while drawing on strategies reminiscent of influencer practices, navigate authenticity through a distinct lens that emphasizes the subtle display of professional expertise. For instance, they share visuals of their daily lives but deliberately foreground their occupational environments, such as therapy rooms or client couches. This incorporation of professional elements into personal content exemplifies what Duffy (2017) and Abidin (2018) term the “performative nature of authenticity.” By embedding their professional identity into ostensibly personal posts, psychologists cultivate a persona that is both relatable and authoritative. In addition, they often incorporate recommendations for books, films, and cultural events into their content, introducing a personal touch that enhances relatability. However, these recommendations are consistently paired with professional commentary, strategically reinforcing their expertise. This practice aligns with influencer strategies where even personal endorsements are carefully branded to maintain credibility (Abidin, 2016; Banet-Weiser, 2012).
Another key dimension of authenticity is the display of “failure, pressure, depression, tears, and vulnerability” (Banet-Weiser, 2021, p. 143). Psychologists also openly share personal challenges, such as a child therapist discussing difficulties in motherhood or a couple therapist revealing personal relationship issues. While presenting themselves as ordinary individuals navigating common human struggles and displaying vulnerability, they simultaneously offer unique perspectives on addressing these shared experiences. These disclosures not only portray them as relatable individuals but also emphasize their expertise. Thus, psychologists’ practices in this context align well with Pooley’s (2010) conceptualization of “calculated authenticity,” which refers to seeking a balance between being too promotional or too real. Psychologists engage in calculated authenticity in a distinct manner, maintaining a delicate balance between appearing “too ordinary” and “too professional.” An excessively casual presentation risks transforming the psychologist into a more familiar, friendly figure, thereby diminishing the perception of their professional expertise. On the other hand, an excessively “professional” image can reduce relatability and discourage followers from seeking assistance. This twofold challenge demonstrates that psychologists must project an authentic image that resonates with their audience, striking a nuanced balance between professionalism and relatability in the digital realm.
Discussion
Building on these findings, we contend that influencer creep not only reshapes individual professional practices but also engenders systemic transformations within the core structures of professions, driven by four mutually reinforcing, interconnected shifts. First, influencer creep creates a fundamental change in the audience by expanding it localized and small-scale clients to mass followers. As audiences act as arbiters of legitimacy for professions (Abbott, 1988, p. 68), this transformation compels professionals to adapt accordingly. For instance, the primary audiences of psychologists have traditionally been their clients, with whom they develop one-on-one, trust-based relationships grounded in demonstrated expertise within therapeutic settings. However, with this shift, their audience has inevitably grown, forcing them to embrace a new mode of professional visibility and engagement based on platform-mediated interactions. Second, influencer creep dismantles traditional gatekeeping structures within professions. As noted by many participants, gatekeeping in psychology has historically been maintained through professional associations and peer networks, which regulate entry into the field, validate expertise, and facilitate career advancement. These networks have also played a crucial role in enabling financial success, as psychologists often gain clients through referrals from their peers. However, these conventional mechanisms are increasingly being replaced by platform algorithms that now determine which professionals attain recognition and influence. As a result, professional status and success are becoming more contingent on one’s ability to navigate the “visibility game” (Cotter, 2019). Third, the rise of influencer creep alters the widely accepted markers of expertise in professions. While expertise lacks a precise definition, it is often understood as a combination of complex knowledge and the ability to perform specialized tasks (Abbott, 1998, p. 19). In the professions of the modern era, degrees, certifications, and professional experiences are generally accepted as key indicators of expertise. Nevertheless, these markers have been undermined by the metrics of the “visibility regime” (Bucher, 2012). Professionals with larger followings and higher engagement rates are often perceived as more expert and credible, regardless of their qualifications. This shift not only redefines how expertise is recognized but also changes its nature. The expertise has now become a commodified display that is embedded in ongoing acts of self-presentation. Professionals must continuously exhibit their competence through platform affordances. Finally, the skills needed to be a successful professional are typically acquired through structured learning or peer-supervised experiences. However, influencer creep requires a new set of skills that are no longer taught through formal education, training, or peer review. Professionals must now cultivate personal brands, effectively manage social media accounts, create engaging content, optimize their visibility through algorithmic literacy, and exercise “calculated authenticity” (Pooley, 2010). Acquiring these skills and effectively managing all presents significant challenges for many professionals. Therefore, half of our participants recruit “social media experts” to optimize their accounts in alignment with platform algorithms and to create content accordingly. It seems that influencer creep is spawning a new “subordinate profession,” as Abbott (1988) termed it, that specializes in guiding professionals who are unfamiliar with the platform dynamics. It is important to note that these changes also collectively shape how professional jurisdiction is claimed, validated, and maintained. For instance, the shifting in the audience and the redefinition of expertise fundamentally affect the public jurisdiction of professions by reconfiguring their social and cultural legitimacy. On the other hand, changes in gatekeeping structures exert a more profound effect on legal jurisdiction by weakening regulatory control of professional associations and eroding their capacity to uphold ethical standards and defend their boundaries. The institutional power over the professions is now gradually transitioning to platforms, where visibility and engagement metrics often take precedence over formal qualifications and ethical considerations. Finally, alterations in required skills undermine a profession’s workplace jurisdiction by redefining internal hierarchies and introducing new competitors who bypass conventional professional pathways.
Conclusion
In this study, we draw attention to the expansion of influencer creep (Bishop, 2023) into psychology by analyzing psychologists’ experiences on social media, particularly Instagram. Our findings demonstrate that while self-branding efforts are not a recent phenomenon within the field, influencer creep, particularly its two pillars—the ongoing optimization of a carefully curated online persona and the projection of an authentic self-image—has expanded the scope and heightened the intensity of these activities. Instagram has emerged as a critical intermediary in the labor market, and the construction of a personal brand on the platform has become an indispensable facet of psychologists’ professional journeys. They strategically utilize the platform as a “visual curriculum vitae” and leverage platform affordances to generate micro-selling points for their self-brand. They now address a mass audience, extending beyond their traditional reach to clients. Their expertise is no longer evaluated solely based on formal credentials or professional experience; instead, prospective clients assess their credibility through visibility metrics on the platform. Consequently, to achieve professional recognition, influence, and even financial stability, psychologists must increasingly align with the algorithmic dynamics of the platform. This alignment necessitates the acquisition of new competencies that are not taught in formal educational settings nor directly related to the specific knowledge of the profession. All these changes create the pressure to reconcile their professional identity with the increasingly blurred boundaries between therapist and influencer. This intricate negotiation often leads to feelings of alienation and ethical quandaries, as they struggle to balance the demands of algorithmic visibility with the ethical and epistemological foundations of their professional practice. All these changes in individual professional practices demonstrate that influencer creep fundamentally reconfigures professions by expanding audiences, dismantling traditional gatekeeping mechanisms, redefining expertise, and necessitating new skill sets, thereby challenging established jurisdictional authority across legal, workplace, and public domains.
We have yet to fully grasp the scope and power of influencer creep, and future research should prioritize exploring its reach, particularly its expansion beyond the creative and cultural industries. This study shows that despite its strong jurisdiction, psychology is not immune to influencer creep. However, the exact cause remains uncertain. This vulnerability may also arise from the distinctive characteristics of psychology, particularly its public jurisdiction shaped by “therapeutic culture” (Illouz, 2008). This dynamic may represent a cyclical process: psychology initially provided a foundation for the emergence of influencer culture, which, in turn, is now exerting influence back onto the field of psychology. Therefore, investigating its influence across diverse fields, especially those that have traditionally strong jurisdictional authority, like medicine and law, should be a central research focus. Such inquiry would clarify whether established professional authority can serve as a buffer or if even the most robust professions are susceptible to the transformative pressures of influencer creep. It is also critical to recognize that while influencer creep has permeated various professions, its effects on their operational structures may vary significantly; identifying and analyzing these variations will be essential to understanding the phenomenon’s impact. Finally, future studies should investigate whether influencer creep not only reshapes existing professions but also contributes to the emergence of entirely new ones, as evidenced by our findings regarding the rise of social media experts. Consequently, influencer creep demands urgent interdisciplinary scholarly attention, particularly from the sociology of work and media studies.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to two anonymous reviewers for their constructive and insightful comments, which significantly contributed to the improvement of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.