Abstract
Micro-celebrities have become an integral part of social media culture, engaging with small but loyal audiences even if they do not generate significant income or wield substantial social influence. This study explores a particular subset of micro-celebrities, referred to as “micro-intellectuals.” Unlike influencers who gain popularity by showcasing idealized, often unattainable lifestyles, micro-intellectuals are perceived as authentic and obtain distinctive online status through curating and sharing knowledge. By examining how micro-intellectuals strategically craft their unique online personas, this research seeks to uncover how digital distinction sheds light on the logic behind individual self-presentation in the digital age. Our findings reveal that digital distinction is not only achieved through content but also through the manner and context in which it is presented. Digital platforms function as taste assemblages, where cultural production by users actively contributes to the process of distinction-making. In addition, the study illustrates that digital distinction is often a personalized choice rooted in identity construction, rather than merely a reflection of social class structures.
Introduction
On social media, influencers and micro-celebrities often seek to project a distinctive self-image to stand out amid the overwhelming flood of online content. To achieve this, they deliberately craft personalized strategies, often curating picture-perfect lives to differentiate themselves from others online (Khamis et al., 2017). However, this practice has raised concerns about authenticity, as social media influencers frequently present heavily edited, idealized versions of their lives to maintain their appeal (Abidin, 2016; Marwick, 2015). As audiences become increasingly aware of these artificial portrayals, influencers and micro-celebrities begin to seek out content perceived as genuine and trustworthy.
In this context, recent years have seen a growing of micro-intellectuals—individuals who strategically present their accumulated knowledge online, positioning themselves in the micro-celebrity culture. Often experts or semi-experts in their fields, micro-intellectuals demonstrate their “real” expertise and talent by answering questions on Q&A platforms like Quora and Zhihu. Unlike prominent intellectuals with institutional affiliations and large followings, these micro-intellectuals start from scratch, building a fan base within niche communities. They strive to craft a distinctive persona through the knowledge they share. Compared to other forms of cultural representation, knowledge and intellectual skills can highlight one’s educational achievements and ability to make a “distinction” (Bourdieu, 1987).
In China, an increasing number of educated urban youth are turning to online knowledge production as a means of asserting distinction (Fu, 2021). Beyond concerns regarding authenticity, this trend is deeply rooted in a broader Chinese socio-cultural context where education has historically been regarded as the foundation of intellectual excellence and upward mobility, a belief shaped by Confucian ideals that position academic achievement as a pathway to self-realization (Huang & Gove, 2012). However, the rapid expansion of higher education has led to an oversupply of degree-holders, far exceeding the availability of suitable employment opportunities in competitive urban environments (Chong, 2020). This imbalance, exacerbated by economic uncertainty in the post-pandemic era, has left many young professionals grappling with feelings of inadequacy and frustration. To counteract these pressures, some educated urban youth pursue micro-intellectualism as a means of reclaiming a sense of value and distinction—while also exploring monetization opportunities. Platforms like Zhihu provide a space where individuals can curate knowledge, answer questions, and share insights, enabling them to gain recognition, attract followers, and secure commercial rewards.
However, the strategic presentation of expertise is not without risks. Knowledge-sharing can sometimes be perceived as pretentious if presented in an “inappropriate” manner (Tanesini, 2016). For example, an individual highlighting their fine dining experiences acquired through international travel may intend to showcase cultural capital but might instead be perceived as self-indulgent. Similarly, someone emphasizing their academic credentials, certifications, and awards may seek to demonstrate expertise but risk being seen as boastful. In such cases, attempts at digital distinction may backfire, undermining the original intent. These concerns are particularly relevant on Zhihu, which has faced criticism for fostering elitism. Micro-intellectuals on the platform must carefully navigate these perceptions, ensuring that their self-presentation remains accessible rather than alienating. The challenge, therefore, lies in crafting an online persona that is both authoritative and relatable.
These complexities give rise to critical questions regarding the mechanisms of digital distinction. Specifically, this study explores the following research questions:
RQ1. How do Chinese micro-intellectuals strategically make digital distinctions through the presentation of knowledge and expertise?
RQ2. What are the roles of the digital platform in the process of making digital distinctions?
To address these questions, this study employs semi-structured interviews with micro-intellectuals on Zhihu and conducts thematic analysis of their responses. By framing micro-intellectuals as a distinct subset of micro-celebrities, this research extends existing discussions on micro-celebrity culture, examining how digital distinction is produced, curated, and sustained. It further demonstrates how knowledge-based personas serve as a foundation for digital prestige and popularity within niche online communities.
Micro-intellectuals, knowledge production, and self-presentation
Micro-celebrity is understood as a form of strategic performance in which social media creators construct public personas within niche communities (Marwick, 2013; Senft, 2008). For these individuals, self-presentation is crucial as they rely on their online image to attract viewers, manage relationships with followers, and eventually monetize their online fame (Marwick, 2015). Similarly, micro-intellectuals operate within the logic of micro-celebrity, while hinges primarily on knowledge production to gain online prestige. They seek to cultivate unique intellectual taste to secure a distinctive position in the online sphere. Unlike public intellectual elites, who establish their authority through mass media visibility and institutional affiliations (Scott, 2008), micro-intellectuals—while often highly educated—possess smaller followings and limited influence outside digital platforms. Based on this, micro-intellectual is conceptualized as a strategic performance in which individuals with specialized knowledge amplify their digital presence and elevate their online status through knowledge production.
Existing scholarship on micro-celebrities and self-presentation suggests that three key factors can influence how micro-intellectuals construct an authentic self-image: the content they produce, the manner in which it is presented, and the platforms where it is shared.
The image of micro-intellectuals primarily relies on the distinctive forms of knowledge they produce. Their credibility and authentic images are not only associated with institutionalized credentials but also their intellectual competence (Prieur & Savage, 2013). Online knowledge is no longer confined to formal academic discourse or codified scientific information; it now encompasses personal talent, creativity, lived experience, and practical skills (Preston et al., 2009). Many micro-intellectuals are autodidacts, attracting audiences by demonstrating self-taught expertise and niche knowledge. This aligns with the platformization of knowledge, where participatory digital culture enables the lay production of expertise (Wyatt et al., 2013).
In addition to content, the way content is presented is also crucial in shaping a credible and authentic image. One common approach for micro-celebrities to construct authenticity is “staged authenticity” (Willment, 2020), in which micro-celebrities curate glimpses of their “hidden inner life” to create the illusion of transparency (Marwick, 2013). This back-stage curation is carefully orchestrated to convince audiences of their authenticity without exposing their actual private lives. Micro-intellectuals differ in their approach—they do not foreground personal life narratives to establish credibility. Instead, their authenticity is rooted in knowledge, conveyed through genuine expressions and distinctive intellectual styles. A relevant example can be found in political influencers, who produce content designed to emphasize their perceived “genuine” ideological stances in opposition to mainstream narratives (Lewis, 2020). This strategy fosters audience trust and enhances their ability to maintain a loyal following.
Finally, the image of micro-intellectuals is also associated with the places where the knowledge is presented. Different platforms and their various sections have different socio-technical characteristics (van Dijck, 2013) and cultural atmospheres (Khilnani, 2021), which influence how social media users perceive and engage with content. For instance, Instagram is often seen as a venue for sharing polished, idealized lifestyles, prompting users to curate a well-crafted persona, whereas Snapchat encourages more casual, unfiltered self-representation (Schreiber, 2017). Social media creators, including micro-intellectuals, frequently adjust their strategies to showcase multiple selves (Goffman, 1959) and tailor their personas to fit the different functionalities and styles of each platform (Uski & Lampinen, 2016). Consequently, the choice of platforms to produce knowledge also helps craft different online persona of micro-intellectuals.
While the notion of self-presentation is valuable for analyzing how individuals navigate their behaviors and social interactions (Goffman, 1959), it primarily emphasizes individual-level interactions. However, Bourdieu’s framework of distinction extends this analysis by integrating broader social structures and cultural hierarchies into the study of self-presentation (Kang, 2023). As Bourdieu (1989, p. 20) observed, Goffman’s framework focuses on how individuals manipulate self-image but overlooks “the image of one’s position in social space”—that is, how broader social hierarchies shape individual behaviors and taste performance. In this sense, digital distinction extends beyond personal branding to reflect deeper socio-cultural dynamics. In the context of Chinese urban youth, digital knowledge production is not merely a practice of self-presentation but also a means of asserting social identity and cultural capital. When young Chinese professionals curate content emphasizing cosmopolitan sensibilities or unique cultural tastes, they are not only managing their online persona but also aligning themselves with a specific social group—such as the aspiring middle class or a globalized elite (Liu, 2008). This alignment reflects a broader socio-cultural background, including the influence of Confucian values, the impact of globalization, and the pressures of economic competition.
In light of this, Bourdieu’s framework of distinction serves as an essential complement to self-presentation, allowing for a more holistic understanding of digital personas. While micro-intellectuals engage in strategic self-presentation, their behaviors are also shaped by broader structural forces and cultural hierarchies. Thus, this study redefines digital distinction to analyze how Chinese urban youth engage in knowledge production to secure a distinctive position in the digital sphere.
Redefining digital distinction
The concept of digital distinction offers a valuable framework for analyzing how individuals craft unique digital personas on social media platforms (Rao & Xie, 2023; Zillien & Hargittai, 2009). The idea is rooted in Pierre Bourdieu’s (1987) notion of distinction, which examines how social groups, particularly the ruling class, perform their tastes to display and maintain their high socio-economic status. Bourdieu argued that the ruling class produced their distinction through defining their taste as “good taste” and imposing these standards on society as a whole. Taste, encompassing cultural preferences and aesthetic sensibilities, can be seen as a socially constructed classification system that reflects and reproduces the larger social order (Bourdieu, 1987). Leveraging their possessed knowledge, individuals publicly perform their taste to signal their social position, an act that becomes especially pronounced in the “front stage” of self-presentation (Kang, 2023). The performance of good taste is like a taste competition, or what Bourdieu (1987, 1993) termed “symbolic struggle,” in which individuals leverage the symbolic power of taste to gain prestige.
Efforts to achieve distinction are shaped by both individual agency and broader social structures. Cultural tastes do not merely reflect personal preferences but serve as markers of social belonging, reinforcing existing hierarchies. While Bourdieu (1989) acknowledged that distinction is not solely about reproducing social structures but also about how individuals perceive and navigate them, his theory has been criticized for its deterministic and class-centric approach, which may overlook factors such as gender, ethnicity, and generational dynamics (Gartman, 1991).
Recognizing this interplay between agency and structural constraints, we redefine digital distinction as a framework that captures emerging patterns of differentiation in the digital sphere, particularly among micro-intellectuals, who navigate the tension between their educational attainment and their unfulfilled aspirations for middle-class status. Existing research on digital distinction has emphasized individual perception and agency in creating social difference (Hesmondhalgh, 2006; Ollivier, 2008). Individual desire is regarded as a key role in shaping patterns of distinction (Ollivier, 2008; Paßmann & Schubert, 2021). In China, for example, young people deliberately curate their coffee consumption (Xu & Ng, 2023) and gaming preferences (Rao & Xie, 2023) to produce their digital distinction. This approach explores how individuals within specific groups produce content in particular ways to achieve digital distinction, which signifies not just class position, but a distinguished identity, symbolic boundary and prestige-seeking aspirations (Jarness, 2017).
This approach is particularly relevant in the Chinese context, where Bourdieu’s traditional notions of middle and working classes do not easily apply. Successive communist movements before and after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China disrupted the class structures typical of Western societies (So, 2013). Today, the Chinese middle class is often defined not strictly by economic status but through consumption practices, cultural attributes, and expression of taste (Dong, 2018). Among Chinese urban youth, middle-class identity is often aspirational, representing a lifestyle that reflects the aspirations of young people who emulate the Western middle class, shaped by exposure to global consumer culture and media representations. While economic capital remains important, the performance of taste and cultural refinement has become a critical marker of social distinction. This is particularly evident in digital spaces, where young professionals use knowledge production as a means of attaining prestige and credibility. Thus, digital distinction offers a valuable framework for analyzing how Chinese micro-intellectuals craft authentic and authoritative personas through knowledge-sharing practices.
As discussed, distinction-making extends beyond the content itself—both the manner and context in which knowledge is presented significantly shape a micro-intellectual’s digital image. While prior studies have emphasized the role of content in constructing distinction (Lindell, 2018), we argue that the way knowledge is articulated and the platform on which it is shared is equally crucial in determining its effectiveness.
First, digital distinction is closely tied to how individuals present their knowledge. In digital spaces, knowledge-based distinction may not directly correspond to offline status or class position. Instead, it is the strategic use and presentation of knowledge that allows individuals to establish a distinctive online persona (Lizardo, 2008). For micro-intellectuals, the ability to mobilize knowledge in a compelling and accessible manner is key to securing digital distinction. Similar to some scientific influencers, micro-intellectuals can produce a credible and authentic self-image through displaying their knowledge in a genuine style (Zhang & Lu, 2023). Rather than flaunting an overwhelming reserve of academic capital, they need to cultivate an approachable yet authoritative form of expertise that resonates with their audience (Maddox, 2023).
Furthermore, digital distinction is also shaped by the choice of platforms and contexts for curating content. Digital platforms are not just “stages” for identity performance. They are also “fields” in the Bourdieusian sense (1990), each governed by its own rules that structure individual behavior shaped by the platform’s affordance and architecture (Evans et al., 2017). Similarly, within a digital platform, different sections function as sub-fields, each with its own symbolic boundaries and behavioral expectations. Social actors must navigate these field-specific rules, adapting their knowledge-sharing strategies accordingly. This aligns with the concept of data assemblage, which conceptualizes platforms as socio-technical ecosystems shaped by user interactions, algorithmic mechanisms, and cultural trends (Williamson, 2017). We propose that digital platforms can be understood as taste assemblages—symbolic systems that encode platform-specific affordances, cultural ambiance, value orientations, and internal rules (Paßmann & Schubert, 2021). User-generated content contributes to reinforcing each platform’s distinct taste culture, solidifying digital spaces as arenas for taste competition and self-presentation. Whether across platforms or within specific sub-fields, micro-intellectuals strategically mobilize these assemblages to enhance their digital prestige.
Materials and methods
This study adopted a qualitative approach including semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis to examine how urban youth achieve their digital distinction and construct the identity of micro-intellectuals through their knowledge production.
Fifteen semi-structured interviews were conducted to obtain the micro-intellectuals’ attitudes toward their knowledge production on Zhihu. Participants were selected based on criteria that align with our definition of micro-intellectuals. First, participants must demonstrate a certain level of digital presence by receiving a minimum of 1000 likes from other users and maintaining at least 100 followers. Second, participants must actively produce and share knowledge within their respective areas of expertise, with a minimum of 50 posts or answers on Zhihu. Participants were recruited through direct invitations through private messages on Zhihu and researchers’ personal relations. Those who accepted the invitation were asked to recommend other micro-intellectuals. All participants receive a consent form outlining ethical considerations to ensure their participation is voluntary. They are also given the opportunity to withdraw at any stage of the process. In addition, their personal information remains anonymous. The participant group had an average age of 28, with all holding at least a bachelor’s degree. All participants were either studying or working in urban areas of China, aligning with Zhihu’s primary user demographic (see Table 1). Each interview lasts from 20 to 40 min, focusing on three key aspects: the motivation for their knowledge production, the tactics of how they curate their knowledge and make the distinction from other users, and their specific engagement and interaction with the platform (see Supplemental Appendix 1). To better understand how they produce knowledge, five most-liked posts from each participant were collected and included in the thematic analysis.
Respondent Information.
The follower count was recorded as of 8 March 2025. Some respondents preferred not to disclose their exact number of followers.
Thematic analysis was used to examine the qualitative data, which included interviews with micro-intellectuals and their posts on Zhihu. The study followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-phase approach to thematic analysis: (1) familiarizing with the data, (2) generating initial codes, (3) searching for themes, (4) reviewing themes, (5) defining themes, and (6) producing the final analysis. A combined deductive and inductive approach was used to develop the thematic framework. Two overarching themes—manners of curating knowledge and arenas for curating knowledge—were initially derived based on the study’s theoretical framework on distinction-making. The sub-themes were generated inductively. In the early coding phase, segments of textual data were assigned labels such as “authentic knowledge” and “rejecting grandiose expression.” These labels were then grouped into broader codes, resulting in four primary categories: authentic expertise, clarity of knowledge, platform traits, and cultural atmosphere as initial codes. Sub-themes emerged based on the codes we have summarized and the framework of digital distinction, including strategic authenticity, moderate complexity, within-platform taste navigation, and across-platform taste distinction. Researchers then reviewed these themes to ensure that they accurately captured the dataset’s meaning. The final thematic framework was synthesized and structured accordingly (see Table 2).
The Themes.
Zhihu was chosen for this study due to its reputation as a leading knowledge-sharing space in China (Donews, 2021). As a Q&A platform, Zhihu primarily relies on an open-ended content production mode, in which all users are allowed to pose questions and share their insights in response. In addition to its regular Q&A section, Zhihu has introduced some additional sections such as “Trending List,” which highlights current affairs and trending topics based on user discussions and contributions. Zhihu was initially perceived as a high-barrier space for expertise-driven discourse (Jiemian News, 2015). Over time, its user base has diversified, encompassing individuals without formal professional backgrounds who contribute knowledge on a broad spectrum of topics, ranging from technical discussions to everyday advice (DoNews, 2021). Despite this broader participation, Zhihu continues to be regarded as an elite platform, maintaining a reputation for intellectual discourse and specialized knowledge-sharing. Over 80% of Zhihu users hold a bachelor’s degree or higher, and more than 70% reside in first- and second-tier cities (iResearch, 2018; TF Security, 2021). These demographics make Zhihu a suitable place to study the digital distinction among Chinese urban youth.
Manipulating the way to win taste competition
The first key aspect of micro-intellectuals’ distinction-making focuses heavily on manipulating the manner in which they deploy their knowledge to enhance their online status. In the competitive digital landscape, micro-intellectuals engage in a “taste competition,” where they vie for and maintain a distinct prestige. Specifically, we identified two strategies they use to succeed in this competition and maximize their digital distinction: curating knowledge with strategic authenticity and maintaining moderate complexity in the knowledge they present.
Strategic authenticity: disenchanting online personas
In response to the increased social competition and a sense of inadequacy, some individuals attempt to flaunt their privilege and expertise by crafting inauthentic personas in digital spaces. Zhihu once became known for showcasing such behavior due to its elitist atmosphere. A popular style, mockingly referred to as the Zhihu style (知乎体), was characterized by boastful expressions like “I just got off my flight to the US” (刚下飞机，人在美国) or “I woke up with more than a thousand likes of my posts” (一觉醒来好多赞). This approach gave creators a superficial sense of belonging to an intellectual elite, often ridiculed with phrases like “everyone graduates from the Chinese Ivy League with a million-dollar salary” (人均‘985’，年薪超百万). With people increasingly teasing such style, micro-intellectuals reject these self-aggrandizing ways of presenting knowledge and tend to strategically employ an authentic expression.
Micro-intellectuals criticize inauthentic content because it often serves to artificially elevate one’s social status rather than foster genuine engagement with the audience. This façade of expertise does not facilitate real upward mobility but instead creates an illusion of superiority. For these individuals, “inauthentic knowledge” produced in these boastful posts is merely a flashy way to capture attention, but it lacks credibility due to its shallow content. As one respondent noted,
Some bloggers use grandiose expressions to repackage their content, such as using exaggerated headlines and patching together stories, which makes it like showing off their real-life status. (A12, Female, Academics/emotion) These people are “pseudo-elites.” They only create a superficial exclusiveness but haven’t produced enough content to convince the general public. (A1, Male, Sport/digital products)
Superficial content, devoid of real substance, is often geared toward self-branding and performance rather than meaningful knowledge-sharing, as another respondent described it as “a flash in the pan.” While crafting a fabricated persona may attract short-term online attention, it does not lead to enduring prestige or meaningful recognition.
In contrast, micro-intellectuals increasingly prioritize strategic authenticity to establish themselves as “real intellectuals” and solidify their online status. Authenticity has become a strategy for influencers, where content is presented in a “natural” and “approachable” manner, even if this approach is contrived and carefully calculated (Abidin, 2017). As one respondent explained,
I attempt to keep my posts authentic. I don’t particularly use flashy rhetoric in my expression. This is what differentiates me from some influencers who only care about traffic. (A12, Female, Academics/emotion)
For micro-intellectuals, strategic authenticity—removing showy styles and in favor of sincere expressions—ensures their success, even for those who are not formally recognized experts. For instance, one blogger, although not a certified specialist in ethology, gained respect and a loyal following by sharing self-taught insights:
I want to be a “peace ambassador” between humans and animals. There is a gap existing between ethology theory and practical experience. I try to keep my knowledge accurate and authentic to reduce people’s misunderstanding of pets’ daily behaviors. (A13, Male, Animal behavior)
Instead of flaunting his expertise, this blogger obtains online fame by making his knowledge and claims convincing with an authentic and unbiased expression. Online knowledge dissemination potentially challenges the class-based hierarchy and extends beyond traditional elite experts. It enables individuals who possess information and skills to engage in knowledge production even without credentials to become knowledge influencers (Maddox, 2023). Our analysis further demonstrates that the “genuine knowledge claims” contributed by “semi-experts” and autodidacts, who may lack institutionalized and formal authority, can still gain recognition and distinguish themselves within the online intellectual sphere.
Moderate complexity: clarity as a form of rarity
Beyond maintaining authenticity, micro-intellectuals strategically employ a distinctive textual style in their knowledge curation, which can be described as “moderate complexity,” a balance between esoteric knowledge and common sense. A history blogger exemplifies this approach by expressing complex ideas in an accessible manner, which he believes is key to making his content competitive. Although he is a history enthusiast rather than a specialist, his unique style differentiates him from peers:
I position my style as the “golden mean.” There are highly professional history enthusiasts on Zhihu and their expressions are intricate and obscure. On the contrary, creators who use gimmicks are indeed superficial. My knowledge is in between the two extremes of reconditeness and superficialness. For instance, sometimes I interpret the historical materials in the literary sense, which guarantees my posts are highly readable. (A8, Male, History)
In one of his posts, “How did the aristocracy disappear in Chinese history?” he incorporated the classical Chinese novel Dream of the Red Chamber (红楼梦) to explain the historical decline of aristocracy. As he noted in the interview, “This post received significant engagement from the audience, since it’s more readable and compelling to employ the literature elements to interpret history.” By referencing a well-known text, he resonates with audiences more effectively than if he had presented pure abstruse historical knowledge. According to Bourdieu (1987), individuals who are recognized as “distinguished possessors” can maintain their rarity and engage in continual negotiation within symbolic markets. By ensuring their content is clear and accessible, micro-intellectuals preserve this sense of rarity and project a unique intellectual identity, enabling them to acquire prestige and succeed in the taste competition.
Moreover, the strategy of “moderate complexity” allows micro-intellectuals to repurpose their knowledge and enhance their online status. A respondent specializing in cosmology (A7, Male, Cosmology) explains how he makes complex scientific theories more digestible for his audience. Unlike history, which can be discussed through familiar narratives, cosmology has a higher entry barrier for laypeople. Without a basic understanding of key concepts, it is difficult to grasp the significance of scientific arguments. Rather than using academic jargon to assert intellectual superiority, the blogger consciously lowers the professional threshold to make his knowledge relatable to a broader audience. For instance, he used the theory of general relativity to answer an unexpected question: “Why does the virtual idol Diana appear younger than her official age?” Through this seemingly trivial topic, he skillfully imparts scientific knowledge about black holes. By using common-sense topics to explain complex ideas, the blogger makes difficult concepts approachable, rendering him a distinguished creator in his niche community.
The success of micro-intellectuals in the taste competition illustrates that digital distinction is not solely dependent on the volume of cultural capital one holds, but on how that capital is deployed. Unlike top-tier and institution-supporting experts who dominate the taste hierarchy through sheer accumulation of capital (Bourdieu, (1987), micro-intellectuals earn legitimacy by emphasizing the uniqueness of how they wield the symbolic power of their expertise. This highlights the importance of not just possessing cultural capital, but also knowing how to strategically manipulate it for distinction-making (Lizardo, 2008).
Digital platform as taste assemblage
The second key aspect of micro-intellectuals’ distinction-making lies in the place where knowledge is curated. The analysis reveals that knowledge producers strategically seek distinction by selecting and engaging with digital spaces. Within a single platform, various sections function as distinct digital fields, each governed by its own internal rules, prompting individuals to adopt tactics that enhance their online prestige. Across different platforms, micro-intellectuals recognize unique aesthetic atmospheres and value orientations, guiding their choice of platforms to showcase differentiated tastes.
Navigating taste within the platform
Experienced Zhihu creators navigate their intellectual taste and bolster their online status by strategically releasing content in a platform’s certain arena and “ingeniously” interacting with the rules governing those spaces. As the platform introduces various sections with different modes of engagement, it allows talented creators to share professional content while reinforcing identity boundaries between creators. For instance, “Zhihu Roundtable” (知乎圆桌) is an official event that invites prominent micro-intellectuals to share knowledge through an online roundtable format. For example, a micro-intellectual specializing in cosmology, observed how his article, “What is Dark Matter,” gained visibility after being tagged with the platform’s official label “Roundtable Included” (圆桌收录):
For my long article without the platform’s support, it may only receive a few thousand reads even if I think it’s well-written. However, posts that are officially labeled as “Roundtable Included” or similar tags tend to receive very high pageviews. (A7, Male, Cosmology)
These platform-endorsed labels act as symbolic markers that legitimize the content as high-quality, boosting traffic to the posts. In this way, micro-intellectuals enhance their authority and status, gaining greater recognition and visibility for their knowledge. While high viewership and followership help micro-intellectuals stand out and elevate their prestige among users, their sense of distinction is not solely dependent on platform metrics. A respondent explained, “It’s primarily about whether or not I can influence enough people through my arguments and knowledge.” Therefore, their prestige is not only measured by data-driven metrics but also reinforced by their perceived identity and status within the intellectual community, where they gain recognition and exert influence on others.
In addition, micro-intellectuals utilize their understanding of the specific rules governing different sections of the platform to impart knowledge effectively. Each section can be considered a distinct field with its own internal rules, aligning with Bourdieu’s (1990) concept of field. A field is a structured social space where individuals engage in competition and struggle for dominance. By mastering the rules in a field, which Bourdieu (1996) called the logic of a field, micro-intellectuals can gain a competitive edge in the taste competition. For example, the “Trending List” section on Zhihu’s homepage features the most popular posts, updated in real-time. One micro-intellectual specializing in digital products began tailoring his content to align with the Trending List in 2019. Based on his experience, if a post appears on the list, the platform algorithm allocates more traffic to it. However, the Trending List operates under complex rules influenced by factors such as platform algorithms, recent social events, and user preferences. The micro-intellectual noted that the “smarter” approach is not merely reacting to current trends, but actively predicting emerging topics based on a deep understanding of social agendas and knowledge reserves. This proactive strategy allows micro-intellectuals to stay ahead of the curve and excel in the competition for audience attention.
Furthermore, the exclusive knowledge, tastes, and norms that define each field allow micro-intellectuals to establish symbolic boundaries between fields and assert their autonomy while resisting “external intrusion” (Wu et al., 2019). For example, the topic of “keyboard politics” (键盘政治) on Zhihu is well-known for its unique communicative norms of using “internal jargon” (内部梗)—a set of implicit and metaphorical terms of political knowledge and views—which can only be understood by its internal members. Without familiarity with these rules, it is challenging for outsiders to participate, produce knowledge, or gain standing within the field. As one respondent from the Keyboard Politics section explained,
This is a way to deconstruct a [camp] whose stance may differ from ours. These metaphors create an echo chamber of taste between different fields. (A15, Male, Politics)
After the interview, the respondent even provided the researchers with a detailed version of the “internal jargon” that describes different cliques and stances within the field, based on the dimensions of (anti) nationalism and left-right political orientation. Originally developed to bypass structural censorship and regulatory controls, these obscure terms have evolved into symbolic markers of members’ distinct identities. This illustrates that although the rules of each field are shaped by structural forces that dictate how social actors behave, they are also reshaped by the agency of the actors themselves (Wu et al., 2019). Ultimately, these field-specific rules are adopted as part of the micro-intellectuals’ strategies for distinction-making.
Distinguish taste among different platforms
Different platforms can be viewed as distinct arenas for performing taste. Users craft their self-presentation by aligning with the cultural ambiance of a platform that suits their desires for taste performance. The role of platforms in shaping taste performance introduces a new perspective on digital spaces—as taste assemblages—where a platform’s digital architecture, immaterial ambiance, and user engagement collectively influence micro-intellectuals’ distinction-making processes. In this sense, platforms are not merely neutral spaces for content dissemination but actively mediate and structure how intellectual taste and cultural capital are performed and recognized.
Unlike other platforms, Zhihu primarily organizes content in text format, allowing educated users to systematically share insights and knowledge with embedded values. A platform’s cultural ambiance is shaped by its foundational schemes, which are influenced by factors such as value orientation, market strategies, governmental policies, and development goals (Gillespie, 2010), thereby promoting certain types of content. Individuals choose platforms for cultural production based on the popular trends and cultural ambiance they perceive:
The anthropomorphic portrait of Zhihu in my mind is an intellectual wearing glass in the library who is concerned about domestic and international affairs. Compared with Xiaohongshu (an Instagram-like platform for imagery feed sharing), the topics on the Trending List in Zhihu are more related to serious and complex political and social issues such as nuclear waste disposal. (A10, Female, Human relations/psychology) Personally, I prioritize sharing knowledge-based content on Zhihu instead of Xiaohongshu. Xiaohongshu is more suitable for lifestyle-related posts like daily routines and product recommendations. (A6, Male, Digital products/technology)
Similarly, one micro-intellectual specializing in history shared his experience based on an entirely different perception of Zhihu and Bilibili (a bullet-screen video platform that initially targets younger users in China):
Once I planned to produce content on Bilibili, I shared this plan on Zhihu and the comments said that Bilibili was a “child’s toilet” (儿童厕所). Later I was attending a conference and posted the same academic views on both platforms. Zhihu users can communicate academic insight with me, while the comments on Bilibili are flooded with shallow understanding and personal attacks. (A7, Male, Cosmology)
These perceptions of content ecosystems drive micro-intellectuals to choose Zhihu as a fitting platform to disseminate in-depth, professional knowledge. The user’s impression of a platform’s cultural ambiance reflects a collective feeling co-created by the platform’s affordances and user interactions (Khilnani, 2021), which users, in turn, leverage to express their distinct tastes.
The differences in platform culture also establish an implicit hierarchy of taste. The distinct tastes across platforms tend to attract users with similar socio-economic backgrounds, fostering content creation that aligns with the platform’s cultural values. For instance, Kuaishou, a short video platform popular among socio-economic marginal groups, such as rural youth, is often criticized for its crude, vulgar content (Li et al., 2020). In contrast, most respondents acknowledge that Zhihu was initially designed for high-status intellectuals and social elites. Although Zhihu is open to more general users due to growing market demand, its holistic content ecology remains knowledge-oriented.
However, instead of overtly dismissing platforms like Kuaishou or favoring knowledge-oriented spaces like Zhihu to showcase their middle-class sensibilities, micro-intellectuals often pursue a more individualized expression of taste. This pattern reflects both their perception of a platform’s cultural ambiance and their exercise of personal agency. When asked if using knowledge-oriented platforms like Zhihu gives them a sense of superiority as intellectual elites, respondents rejected this pure class-based distinction:
You can’t arbitrarily judge a person’s taste just because they produce content on different platforms. It’s about personal choice. (A7, Male, Cosmology) Although platforms help shape different boundaries of taste, I think the differentiation is still produced by people themselves. (A9, Female, ACGN culture)
Micro-intellectuals resist projecting elitism based on their use of knowledge-focused platforms. Instead, their distinction arises from the intricate interplay between individuals, content, and digital platforms (Paßmann & Schubert, 2021). They strategically leverage a platform’s features and values while carefully curating content to shape their unique expression of taste. Yet, as user engagement and content creation grow, a platform’s ambiance evolves. This is evident as less-educated users increasingly populate Zhihu. Many respondents complained: “Zhihu is not as it used to be. Everyone can post content even if it’s not true knowledge.” Therefore, digital distinction is an interactional process of meaning-making between individual agency and platform dynamics, constantly evolving through ongoing taste cultivation.
Conclusion
Through our analysis, we identify two key dimensions of digital distinction that address RQ1: how knowledge is presented and where it is curated. An individual’s online distinction is not determined solely by the volume of knowledge they produce, but rather by the strategic ways in which they express their knowledge and the digital field they choose to engage with. To address RQ2, this study argues that micro-intellectuals perceive digital platforms as taste assemblages—they articulate their cultural capital by deliberately curating their presence across different digital spaces, thereby reinforcing their elite status. In this sense, platforms do not simply mediate content. They actively shape users’ tastes and the symbolic markers of their identity, such as expertise and intellectual authority (Bourdieu, 1989). The analysis provides a novel perspective on digital distinction by examining a new category of micro-celebrity—micro-intellectuals—who cultivate a distinctive online status through the strategic performance of knowledge and intellectual taste within digital spaces. While adopting the behavioral logic and mindset of micro-celebrities, micro-intellectuals exhibit a key distinction: they do not solely perform for audience attention but also seek recognition as high-status intellectuals and social elites by establishing digital distinction.
In the age of platformization, the digital platform is not only confined to the role of technological object and computational agent but also serves as a socio-cultural artifact that is involved in shaping people’s online practices (Vicari & Kirby, 2023). Studies have suggested that the platforms render possibilities that mediate and intervene in people’s online taste performance (Webster, 2023; Xu & Ng, 2023). This is evident in the way users employ platform-specific features—such as algorithms, recommendation systems, and user-generated data metrics—to achieve distinction and visibility. Our research builds on this by arguing that platforms, alongside user practices, are integral components in the process of taste-making. Social actors not only use platforms to maximize their influence but also to pursue and cultivate their cultural identities. This indicates that platforms, with their symbolic and rhetorical aspects, play a crucial role in shaping individual taste formation. They help reproduce cultural differences among users by influencing how content is produced, shared, and consumed. A user’s actions—such as engaging with the platform’s affordances, following its internal rules, and producing content in specific arenas—are deeply involved in creating digital distinction.
Furthermore, this research contributes to a broader understanding of distinction in the digital age by shifting the focus from traditional social hierarchies—such as socio-economic status—to a more individualized form of distinction driven by the desire to construct symbolic identity. While earlier studies on taste often linked social difference and inequality to external constraints like class, income, or education, our study frames distinction in the social media era as a more dynamic and personalized process. Increasingly, research is paying attention to new patterns of taste and distinction-making (Friedman et al., 2015; Prieur et al., 2023). The emerging forms of capital and distinction suggest that merely appreciating objects traditionally associated with high-class tastes no longer guarantees a highbrow identity. Instead, individuals now distinguish themselves by demonstrating their ability to “play the game”—that is, by understanding and adhering to the specific rules and codes of behavior within certain digital fields (Prieur & Savage, 2013; Prieur et al., 2023).
Our study demonstrates that in the digital era, distinction has shifted from a rigid hierarchy of taste to the symbolic construction of individual identity and influence. While the socio-economic foundations of taste remain important in shaping social differences and contributing to the digital divide (Ragnedda & Muschert, 2013), there is an increasing tendency for internal motivations and personal autonomy to drive the creation of distinction on digital platforms. On digital platforms, people strive to distinguish themselves from others, symbolically represent their unique persona, and succeed in a competitive environment where attention and cultural influence are highly sought after. This process is not merely about accumulating cultural capital but also about how effectively users can manipulate the digital environment to enhance their perceived status. As users engage with platforms, their actions and content creation contribute to a continuous reconfiguration of platform dynamics, which in turn influences their capacity for distinction. The role of digital platforms in shaping individual taste performance also suggests a new understanding of platforms as taste assemblages. These assemblages integrate the platform’s digital architecture, its immaterial cultural ambiance, and the ongoing engagement of users. Together, they form an integral part of micro-intellectuals’ distinction-making processes and serve as a critical factor in the construction of online identities in the digital age.
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-1-sms-10.1177_20563051251340142 – Supplemental material for Crafting Digital Distinction Through Knowledge Production: Micro-intellectuals and Chinese Urban Youth on Q&A Platform Zhihu
Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-sms-10.1177_20563051251340142 for Crafting Digital Distinction Through Knowledge Production: Micro-intellectuals and Chinese Urban Youth on Q&A Platform Zhihu by Manxin Xu and Renyi He in Social Media + Society
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We wish to express our sincere appreciation to Professor Elmo Gonzaga and the three anonymous reviewers for their insightful and constructive feedback on this article. We are also grateful to all the respondents for generously sharing their views during the interviews.
Authors’ note
The authors agree to the submission and the article is not currently being considered for publication by any other print or electronic journal.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
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