Abstract
The goal of the paper is to shed light on gendered nature of labor migration in the post-Soviet Georgian transitional families. Based on qualitative research methods, this study tries to identify how both, an immigrant wife and her husband left in Georgia conceptualize their gender roles and functions toward family members amid existing challenges. Our research showed that the both financial and emotional burdens of the family are on the part of immigrant women mainly. In few families, fathers take care of children, but in most cases mother’s role is played by a grandmother. Even though almost all respondents noted improvement of economic conditions, the temporary separation of the family members is seen as a social loss. The vast majority of families have not invested remittances in small businesses. It indicates the stagnation of the process of economic and social development in Georgia that restricts the migrants’ way back to home.
Introduction
The Republic of Georgia is a post-Soviet country in the South Caucasus with slightly more than 3.7 million people (National Statistics Office of Georgia [Geostat], 2023a). The break-up of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, produced a difficult political and socio-economic situation, which prompted mass emigration. In the mid-1990s negative net migration averaged 40 migrants per 1000 population (Gachechiladze & Gogsadze, 2021). According to the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA) for 2019, the Georgian emigrants numbered 852 000 nationals, among which 51% were women and 49% were men (State Commission on Migration Issues, 2020a). This equaled 22.8 % of Georgia’s total population (Statse Commission on Migration Issues, 2021). These migrants primarily emigrated to other post-Soviet countries, EU states, and the USA. In 2019, 105107 Georgian nationals left the country (National Statistics Office of Georgia (Geostat), 2023b; State Commission on Migration Issues, 2021), while 42 386 people immigrated into Georgia (Gogsadze et al., 2022). This has maintained a permanent negative net migration (−1.7 per 1000), except in 2020 when there was a positive net migration (4.2 per 1000) (National Statistics Office of Georgia Geostat, 2023b). This can likely be attributed restrictions to mobility and border closures used to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 virus during the pandemic (International Organization for Migration-Georgia [IOM Georgia], 2021; State Commission on Migration Issues, 2021).
Through simultaneous economic activities in two countries, ordinary Georgian families have become participants in a comprehensive process of globalization, becoming the main beneficiaries of transnational migration (Iashvili et al., 2014). Transnational family members live and work in more than one state with the migrant working in better conditions in the destination state than in their home country, while the remaining family members benefit from remittances at home (Ho & Bedford, 2008). Such arrangements reflect an absence of alternative income generating options at home and a set of opportunities produced by globalization and challenges arising from changing political, economic, and social environments (Huang et al., 2008).
The existing literature on labor migration trends and emigration from Georgia began with Gachechiladze (1997), followed by the series of studies by International Organization for Migration (IOM) in collaboration with Georgian scholars (Tukhashvili et al., 2003), including the “Migration in Georgia: A Country Profile” (2008). Since 2010, migration studies have been widened to include two EU-sponsored initiatives by the International Center for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD), including the Migration Textbook in Georgian (International Center for Migration Policy Development [ICMPD], 2017) for university students and the establishment of the State Commission for Migration Issues. Support in many directions continues up to this date (State Commission on Migration Issues, 2020a; 2020b).
Notable among the existing literature is a special focus on gender-based surveys on international labor migrant women from Georgia written by Zurabishvili (2010) and others (Badurashvili & Nadareishvili et al., 2012; Iashvili et al., 2014, 2016; Salukvadze & Meladze, 2014; Tukhashvili et al., 2003; Tukhashvili, 2012, 2018, etc.). These projects have emphasized emigrant women solely, their labor activity, civil status, the process of adaptation in the country of destination and remittances.
Our research builds from this existing literature by asking about the impact of emigration on the transnational migrant family, emphasizing relationship dynamics and the experience and perspectives of husbands, who perspectives have been missing or underrepresented in prior studies.
As a result, the main goal of this research is to shed light on the gendered nature of labor migration in the Georgian transitional families by accomplishing the following: - To determine which factors are influencing the decision-making process related to labor migration; - To review the shifting role (new functions) of migrant women in the Georgian society; - To identify transforming roles and duties and socio-economic tasks of a wife and a husband in a transnational Georgian household; - To identify economic and social merits and drawbacks of female labor migration for Georgian transnational family members both for spouses and children.
As such, this article is divided into four parts. The first part presents the theoretical framework focusing on gendered transnational migration patterns and reasons and opportunities for international move from Georgia. This is followed by a discussion of research methodology and study limitations, before discussing primary findings and conclusions.
Theoretical Framework
Theorizing Gendered Transnational Migration Patterns
In our research we refer to the
The theory of
Since the 1980s, NELM has had a big impact on migration studies. NELM theory has two innovative aspects: first, involvement in migration processes is a
In its notion, NELM considers a
The transnational studies from the point of view feminist geographers became relevant in recent decades (Lulle, 2014; Ho & Bedford, 2008; Huang et al., 2008; Sechi et al., 2021) with main line of gender based international mobility in the globalized world. The “expression of femininity and masculinity” that defines gender, varies by cultures. In this context, transnational migration affects two aspects of a family life: hierarchical power division and women’s personal interactions with their partners or other household members (Boyd & Grieco, 2003). In the presented study we will try to identify how this refers to the Georgian reality.
During the socio-economic turmoil of the 1990s, like it happened in post-Socialist countries, the changes of gender stereotypes put more pressure on established gender roles and status in a society and within a family. In many cultures, women (and transnational female migrants among them) appear to fulfill multiple transformed roles, functions and duties simultaneously. However, when it concerns transnational households’ men left behind, to sustain established gender norms and at the same time fit the role of caring fathers, they tend to be more reluctant, although in many cases they accept this transformation (Yeoh & Kamalini, 2014). The characteristic of females, more flexible than males, is greatly linked with special environments and arrangements with employment and migration regimes in both sending and receiving countries. As Levitt and Glick Schiller (2004) argue, transnational perspective highlights how the family as a socio-economic, gendered and emotional unit is shaped and altered in the process of international migration across time and space. Our coherent discussion in this paper based on empirical studies of the Georgian transmigrant families will be dedicated to support this idea.
Theorizing Transnational Migration from Georgia: Reasons and Opportunities for Leaving
Emigration flows from Georgia are determined by macro, meso-, and micro driving factors—first, demand for
While discussing the transnational labor mobility, two points should be taken into consideration—
In many cases, the mission of “an emigrant” turned out to be more acquired for females, partly due to ongoing macro processes in Western societies—aging of population as well as women’s active engagement in the professional labor market or so called “feminization of employment” (European Union Agency [EUAFR], 2011).
As Lulle argues (2014), post-Soviet women’s strategy for international work mobility to the Western countries in the 1990s, was a “project of betterment” (p. 239) for both themselves and their left-behind family members. In migration studies it is more common to evaluate a migrant and her family based on acquired socio-economic position. However, an individual’s social or gender status might change. Frequently, as it is in our Georgian case, women accept employment with lesser status and qualifications and endure labor discrimination, especially those engaged in the caring sector or domestic work in host states. They could be middle class females with higher education backgrounds from their own countries. Often, these kind of social and gender transformations arise in households where husbands have started to share childcare and housekeeping duties as wives entered the workforce in the immigration state, reframing other aspects of equality as well (Levitt & Glick Schiller, 2004). From the beginning Georgian migrants planned short-term separation from their households, but for most of them the stay became endless (Iashvili et al., 2016). We consider that the research of the issue is important from the gender point of view in the Georgian context because such a phenomenon has never been typical for the Georgian family and society.
Even though, since the 2015 by the 2018, the number of Georgian immigrants with regular residence permits has increased by 8.1% compared with the previous years (State Commission on Migration Issues, 2019; State Commission on Migration Issues, 2021), big part of Georgian migrants still does not hold a regular migrant status (State Commission on Migration Issues, 2019; State Commission on Migration Issues, 2020b). Most of them are engaged in live-in domestic care sector that means a certain isolation from the outside world working 24/7 with rare exceptions. On the one hand, their irregular status and on the other hand, such a pattern of life and employment as a “security” (Kröger & Zechner, 2009, p. 18) that also means to solve the problem of housing at least at the beginning of their employment (EUAFR, 2011), leads to the problems that characterize Georgian emigration—the long-term severance of the migrant’s physical connection with the family which greatly hurts both parties (Iashvili et al., 2016). Most often, migrant women from less developed countries by caring for others’ children or elderlies in the host country create “vacuum …at the southern end of the care chain… [creating in this way] … an immense sense of ambivalence” (Yeoh & Ramdas, 2014) for themselves. Beyond our main findings that proved the role of an emigrant woman as a main financial provider and socially highly responsible person towards her family, in the presented research the above mentioned emotional trauma is revealed as well.
Data and Methods
To understand transnational migration from a gendered perspective, we deployed a qualitative research design that included in-depth interviews with married Georgian couples, that is, migrant wives abroad and husbands at home. Using separate interview questionnaires, we conducted online interviews using Skype or Messenger with the migrant wives in destination states, while using face-to-face interviews with their husbands in their homes in Georgia. Interviews were conducted in Georgian and took between 1 hour and 1 hour and 30 minutes. These interviews were tape-recorded with following verbal consent procedures. The interviews were then transcribed into English. To respect the confidentiality of the research subjects, respondents were asked not to identify themselves on the recording. After collecting standard demographic information such as age, education, current occupation, and household size, interview questions for the wives centered on understanding their decision-making process and motivation for emigration. Our inquiry was especially interested in women’s perspectives and experiences of transnational migration as breadwinners, wives, and “neoliberal mothers” (Lulle, 2014). In contrast, our interview questions with the husbands asked about men’s perspectives on changing gender roles, tasks, and responsibilities within the family unit. Interview responses were then analyzed using discourse analysis and triangulated with existing literature and periodicals, electronic sources, and statistical data. Such a comparative approach to the interview procedures allowed us to analyze the impact of migration on spousal relationships and the family as an entire household system in more complex ways (Robila, 2010; Boyd & Grieco, 2003).
This research study was conducted in the spring and autumn of 2019 and involved 22 couples in total: 12 were from Kutaisi and 10 were from Rustavi. Both are large, former industrial cities with a population of around 1,30,000 inhabitants. These were chosen because diminished manufacturing functions following the Soviet collapse have contributed to high emigration flows since the period of the independence of Georgia (Badurashvili & Nadareishvili, 2012; Tukhashvili, 2012). Population decline has been especially pronounced in the case of Kutaisi. Its dwellers in the period from the last Soviet census of 1989 up to 2022 decreased from 232.500 to 134.400. As for Rustavi, the number of its citizens also declined from 159.000 to 130.100, although to a smaller degree due to the city’s proximity to the capital city of Tbilisi (National Statistics Office of Georgia (Geostat), 2022).
Female respondents came from mixed geographic mobility backgrounds temporarily residing in Greece, Italy, Tukey, and the USA. The average length of their stay, both irregular and legal, in the host country was six years. As an age group they ranged from their early 30s to late 60s. The majority of our respondents have a college education. According to former Soviet standards, they belonged to the middle class—school and university educators, engineers, technical specialists with low income but relatively good social standing. This type of split was common in the Soviet social hierarchy (Tarkhan-Mouravi, 1998). Our research subjects for this study were recruited using snowball sampling, beginning with familiar transnational households known to the research team. Because we required participation and consent from both spouses, this limited the number of participants and resulted in a small sample size. Moreover, sample size was also limited because all unemployed husbands who relied on their wife’s remittances and whom we reached out to, declined to join. Male participants in general were less open to communication and their responses often scant and short. Of the 60 migrant families we contacted, only a third contributed to the results of this study.
Two separate versions of discussion plans as a research tool was chosen for a few specific reasons, namely: first, the study of migration from the perspective of the family allows for a much more complex and complete analysis because at this time the impact of the process on the entire household system is clearly visible (Robila, 2010); next, in transnational households new economic duties and obligations have an impact on spousal relationships in some circumstances, especially, where one partner is still living in the home country (Boyd & Grieco, 2003) and finally, paying attention only to women would destroy the gendered perspective of migration for understanding the experience of both sexes at any phase of the migration process (Boyd & Grieco, 2003). Thus, as transnational migration forms different experiences for spouses we considered that the research would have benefited more from our dual and gendered approaches. The methodology enabled us to obtain a significantly more comprehensive and authentic depiction of the transnational family pattern. In addition, by conducting interviews separately with respondent couples, we prevented any overlapping responses and avoided any mutual influence.
In-depth interviews were recorded by the first and the third authors and was translated into English by the first author. It was checked by a second author to ensure accuracy; editing of the final manuscript was done by him as well. All interviews were transcribed verbatim by the third author.
Results and Discussion
Presented study is aimed to demonstrate how the daily duties and responsibilities of a Georgian transnational family are shared among its members; how both, an emigrant wife and her husband conceptualize their gender roles and functions toward family members (particularly children) amid existing socio-economic and emotional challenges.
Our research showed that preconditions of Georgia’s labor migration, with some peculiarities go in line with key concepts of the NELM theory—
One of the main results of the research is that the initiators of migration are our respondent women. Referring to Pessar & Mahler, 2001, Levitt and Glick Schiller (2004, p. 1017) indicate that negotiating communication between spouses, allocating work responsibilities and deciding who will migrate and who will remain behind over long distances, are all part of transnational family life. All our respondents noted that during the decision-making process they took into account opinions of other members of the family (parents and parents in-law), but highlighted the fact that the final decision-making occurred between spouses collectively, even though the initiative to migrate came mainly from females. In comparison, in her research Oishi (2002) discusses the opposite situation when the vast majority of Asian female migrants from highly organized migration countries (Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Indonesia) individually make decisions on migration, which is contrary to one of the basic principles of NELM. As a strong contributing factor for international move, she underlines readiness and the power of decision-making of females in the family. Although, unlike our research, Oishi distinguishes between the motivations of single and married emigrant women. Similar to our findings, the latter is to provide for their children’s future, while the former is to support their extended kinship—in both cases the decision is made on an individual level. In contrast, our research confirmed that the emigration of Georgian wives is related to the burden of both duties—children upbringing and education, as well as financial provision of the family members and in some cases close relatives. Referring to Hugo (1994), Castles and Miller (2003) (see also Boyd & Grieco, 2003) note that Asian communities prioritize young females as potential migrants as more reliable to send remittances and for high demand for them on the labor market, especially in domestic or caring sectors, while simultaneously accepting the reality of less existing job options for men. One of our respondent’s comments echoes this point/position: Before she left, we discussed it… we decided so because I have lived in Europe and I know what the situation is. It is more difficult for men to find a job, or if they do, their income is not that high, the expenses are higher – they have to rent an apartment. When a woman goes to be a caregiver, she does not have problems with housing, she stays in the host family. That's why we decided to do so. Plus, I had my business here and it would be lost. Husband, a driver, in his late 40s. Kutaisi, Georgia.
Almost all our respondents said that their family members initially had a very negative attitude towards the idea of possible migration (especially resistance from the women’s parents). As for husbands, they realized the difficulty of the idea but seen no other choice. …Of course, in agreement with the spouse. In general, the family members knew about it, no one was in favor of it, neither my mother, nor parents in-law, no one met this with enthusiasm. But my husband and I decided that our family needed it. The first was economic situation of the family and all this, so to speak, for the children and not for the accumulation of some wealth; everything for children, that was the main issue. How to say... if we put everything together, emotional, social, economic… I don't regret it. If the parents were against it, now they are convinced that it was better that way. Wife, former geography teacher from Kutaisi, in her mid-40s. Greece.
Both aspects of NELM theory—to maximize gross income and minimize risk, determine the family decision to migrate (Stark & Bloom, 1985). More often, this decision in middle and low income population in transitional economy countries is largely influenced by family and community dynamics. It means that the theory views migration to be a coping strategy for relative deprivation rather than absolute poverty (Castles et al., 2014; Castles & Miller, 2003). Supporting this theory, in the Georgian case our respondents migrated because, even though almost all of them were employed, they still lacked finances to advance their living conditions. Families were not able to cope with increased demands from children’s education, price rising on products, medical care, elderly care and high taxes for heating, electricity, etc. Thus the decision to migrate was made. You know, he saw the conditions, what the situation was and the economic conditions were going back. He saw that I was working after my job at the university. He was a lecturer at the State Technical University as well. I don’t know... I worked at many places, but nothing... I literally worked 24 hours and the income was nothing. Therefore, no one could oppose me. I made the final decision, it was difficult for him but he couldn’t suggest any other choice. To this day it hurts my heart...Wife, in her early 40s, former lecturer of the Department of Informatics from Kutaisi. Italy.
In this regard our study echoes the microeconomic model of neoclassical economics theory which argues, that people migrate for “positive net return, usually monetary […] to where they can be most productive, given their skills” (Massey, 1993, p. 434). The income we had was in no way enough, we needed to think about everyday problems, how and in what way. Like all parents, I wanted my son to learn a foreign language, music, play sports... something, something, and it was difficult for us to drive it. Then there was also that my husband has two brothers, I mean we were an extended family. This was also that in some way, we wanted to have our own house... Then it was added that my husband’s father, then mother both became seriously ill, the treatment of which turned out to be very expensive. Basically, my spouse took this responsibility more, because he is the elder brother. We almost didn't have any left, so to speak… Therefore, day by day I saw that the decision was taking effect - I have to go. What hurts me the most, I left my family, my favorite activity... I left everything. Wife in her late 40s, former teacher from Kutisi. Italy.
When speaking about economic benefits from female emigration almost all respondents state that the funding of children’s education comes first, in particular, their upbringing and future education. In this regard they consider themselves obligated toward their children and family. Remittances cover tuition fees (both secondary and high school students), college fee, elderlies’ treatment allowances, and household expenses. My wife was the English language teacher. When our children became high school students, it became necessary to prepare them for a college with private tutors. This was the most important thing for us, this was the main reason for her departure. All three passed but they still need their mother's financial support. Once all of them start working, my wife will probably come, although if I had a better financial income, she would have returned even before. Husband, in his late 40s, a driver. Kutaisi, Georgia.
If the primary motivation for the migration is to give children better educational possibilities and living conditions for the future, we could say that in this regard migrants succeeded. However, the process becomes self-perpetuating when the number of contacts in the country of origin hits a crucial threshold. It is a Everyone arrives with the help of a network of friends or relatives. Some newcomers even find jobs upon arrival. We deal with many problems with the help of familiar Georgians...While I'm here, I'm not worried, but when I arrive, if the situation doesn't improve, what's the point of coming? We all think about the financial situation and worry because Georgia is not an economically strong country and that's why my husband and I think that we should utilize the collected money wisely and start a business that will give us income. I won't have to run far away from our family again. So to speak… I made a sacrifice by coming here. Wife, in her early 50s, former housewife from Rustavi. Greece.
However, as our findings indicate none of the respondents have made savings, neither invested nor started their own business due to lack of funds. In such an occasion, the emigration process goes on indefinitely and cannot be evaluated positively. At that point, the Georgian case goes beyond the limits of NELM which underlines the purpose of remittances sent to the family as a tool for “consumption smoothing and investment activities (e.g., […] (investing in businesses)” (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, p. 14). As time goes by, migration becomes an alluring choice for stable income that enables migrants’ families to maintain better living standards (Massey, 1993) while the migrants remain in the host country. The results of the research clearly showed that the labor migration of women and hence remittances, has become one of the main, if not the basic means for educational and elderly care and for the improving of material conditions in our researched families. After I left, the family's economic situation improved. Now, I think, they do not lack anything, thank God it's better. Wife, in her early 50s. Former engineer, from Rustavi. USA.
Migration is the gendered process with hierarchical division of power incorporated in the practices of states, institutions, workplaces, families. Labor migration from Georgia is gender structured as well and is less changeable during the last decades (State Commission on Migration Issues, 2015). Gender roles have shifted in interviewed transnational families, with women playing the role of a I am sending almost the entire salary, I keep only the necessary here. Children's education, taxes and food - these are all three expenses. You know what? When my children succeed, then I’ll come back … but at this moment I can't say yet. If my children succeed, then I’ll tell you. Wife, in her early 40s. Former lecturer of the Department of Informatics from Kutaisi. Italy.
However, it is important to show how this role refers to decision-making towards the management of remittances. It should be noted here that when a family grants freedom to its female member for transnational migration, it does not mean gender equality at all. In many traditional societies of developing countries like Georgia, a household and a migrant woman herself consider sending of larger part of their income to be a moral obligation toward their own families (Yeoh & Ramdas, 2014). Almost all our respondent husbands confirmed that wives send the biggest share of their total income to Georgia and keep only minimum for themselves. In all the cases but one, among researched households, the family members in Georgia do the distribution of money. Some of them were able to repay debts, made renovations of an apartment, and purchased a car. My wife sends 80–90% of her income. Of course, a large part is spent on daily expenses. About 30% of this amount goes to debt repayment. Investing in business is not even considered, the funds are not enough... During these years, since she left, we bought a car and household appliances. Husband, in his late 50s, engineer. Rustavi, Georgia.
As Robila (2010) notes, Migration is a complex process, the effects of which are most visible at the family level. On the one hand, the quality of material relations improves dramatically; however, on the other hand, the long-term separation of the married couple, lack of physical communication and often, the formation of different views on family issues, create serious problems, both in marital relations and in the interdependence of parents and children. To our migrants and their household members, temporary separation of the family is seen as a
From the beginning, some difficulties with migration decision making were related to anticipated separation of spouses and especially with children. The reason for splitting of a nuclear family was caused due to expected illegal status of a potential migrant. Male respondents remarked that separation of such a long time (7 years) destroyed former relationship between him and his wife:
Financially we are better off, but the negative side is that we are not like spouses any more… Yes, we communicate via phone, but this is a totally different thing… this is nothing. Husband, in his late 30s, teacher. Kutaisi, Georgia.
It seems that this pain was expected by some of our male respondents even before the separation. On the eve of my departure my husband was lying on the sofa, pretending to be watching TV. His eyes were full of tears. Wife, in her early 30s from Rustavi, former technical worker. Milan, Italy.
Male respondents are reluctant often to use the word “estrangement,” but rather use “tension,” “longing,” “pain.” All but one of the interviewees said that migration had an alienation effect in the family. However, husbands express this pain more than wives do, while the latter indicate their “alienation” and “estrangement” more often with spouses and especially with children.
Unlike men, women consider their decision about moving as a successful project, while most husbands worry about children growing up without mother’s care. They realize whole sharpness of the problem, although, note that wife’s emigration was the only way to help with the upbringing of children: From my point of view her move isn’t approved. It is very hard when a woman is not at home, when kids are without mother… no one and nothing can replace her. Yes, I am here but mother is a mother… you know… Financially yes, but in general there are no benefits from her migration, of course due to emotional costs…due to our girls, parents, everyone and everything. Husband, in his middle 40s, engineer. Kutaisi, Georgia.
In few of our researched families father takes care of a child or children, but in most cases mother’s role is played by a grandmother. Respondents (both spouses) say that this is a more reliable source for childcare whereas husbands continue to adhere to traditional gender roles. As it was already mentioned, Faist et al., 2013 introduced the concept of transnational social spaces as an empirical instrument for understanding of migration. Among three types of social spaces he identifies “the transnational kinship group” that refers to our research. A typical example of this group is the transnational family as a socio-economic unit, that utilizes resources found in social bonds, such as “reciprocity” (2013, p. 58). Hagen-Zanker calls it “household co-insurance” when migrant family members “co-insure each other by diversifying their labor portfolio” (2008, 14; p. 15). Reciprocity refers to the mutual exchange of rights and obligations, both financial and social, when the family receives remittances from the migrant and manages risks, while non-migrant members undertake the obligation of caring for left-behind family members whether children or the elderly. The process includes changes in gender roles, in general the demand for more egalitarian partnerships. However, these changes may not be without some objections (Faist et al., 2013, 58; p. 85). My mom is the main carer of my children. Yes, my husband is at home too but you know… he himself needs to be cared for, like to be normally and accurately dressed at work... let no one say that he is careless without me. Wife, in her early 40s from Rustavi, former housewife. New York, USA.
The family environment is critical in determining whether or not such a contract would be successful. For such an agreement either the household must have a strong home leader or altruism and coordination should be a dominant strategy of the family members (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, p. 15). My parents-in-law help me, well… more precisely I help them (is smiling), they are the main who look after the children; and my sons prefer to be with them. My wife and I from the beginning agreed. Husband, in his middle 30s, service distributor. Kutaisi, Georgia.
The most painfully our female respondents experience separation from their children. When talking about the social costs of emigration men primarily mention the “spoilage” of the relationships with their spouses, while females suffer from the severance of emotional ties with their children. Almost all interviewee mothers left when their children were teenagers, in the period of their life when demands from family members (children as well as aging parents or parents-in-law) were on rise. All women respondents noted that they were crying for months if not for years due to homesickness. Lulle (2014) indicates about the tearful interviews when concerns the same issue with Latvian immigrant mothers in the UK. Sadly, in nearest 5–10 years, Georgian migrants still see themselves as financial supporters for the new families of their adult children: Emotionally I am very stressed. I haven’t done anything and probably will never be able to do something for my son to compensate for my absence, this separation with my husband and child… We expected his birth for 4 years and now… I couldn’t take care of him. Now he is very alienated to me. I can hardly imagine leaving him without me even for days not for years. Nothing can substitute this loss. Unfortunately, I don’t think that I’ll return soon. Wife, in her early 50s, former nurse from Kutaisi. Bari, Italy.
These married, educated, working and reproductive age migrant women stretched between the home and host countries are the “neoliberal mothers” (Lulle, 2014, p. 239) - members of the post-Communist societies who due to the economic or social hardships appeared as a low-skilled labor force at global markets of Western states. In this context, the notion of “transnational care” (Kröger & Zechner, 2009, pp. 17–19) is associated with “neoliberal mothers.” In several positive cases, beyond the financial provision some of them provide their underage children with emotional and social support. Among a number of critical factors that determine frequent and very available connections of transnational communities in today’s globalized world are technological advances in communication systems (Glick Schiller, 2018). While letters were effective in connecting distant transoceanic contacts in the past, modern migrants can communicate with “stay-at-homes” in a variety of ways, resulting in faster and more immediate connections (Waldinger, 2008). Such a strategy of caring worked well with one of our live-in caregiver respondents, whose two daughters leaving back home with their aunt, simultaneously received maternal care and assistance from overseas: During the siesta hours from 3:00pm to 5:30pm I had the opportunity to communicate with my school age girls to help them with their homework. If not for modern technologies, I mean Skype or Messenger, I don’t know how I underwent this separation… It really helped us both. And I was all in touch with them but of course it wasn’t our only talk during a day… no, these were special hours just to fulfil school tasks together. Wife, in her late 20s, former geography teacher from Kutaisi. Athens, Greece.
One of the advantages associated with women's labor migration from Georgia is the increased acquisition of legal immigrant status among women. On the one hand, this status enables them to visit their families and on the other be protected as a human and person in the host country.
Conclusion
After providing the overview of gender-based labor migration from Georgia, here are some conclusions that highlight the key challenges associates with this international move. Discussion of the structure, trends, motivations, and outcomes of the process has shown its multi-faceted nature. We support the idea that in order to fully understand the essence of the Georgian migration, it is important to see it not as a problem to be solved but as a product of development, globalization, and social transformation (Castles, de Haas & Miller, 2014, p. 26).
Presented research has provided evidence that transnational migration, together with other macro-level causative factors, is a premeditated mobility strategy employed by individuals and their family members to enhance household livelihoods and safeguard against prospective economic disruptions. Our findings supported the NELM theory on collective migration decision-making for crisis-related family risk reduction, while the incorporation of the feminist perspective enabled us to examine both overt and covert aspects of Georgian transnational migration. The study also demonstrated the role of women as initiators of migration. Our methodical approach—using two separate versions of discussion plans for our target audience—also served this purpose.
The research showed that the primary factor driving emigration is the escalation of costs and the relatively low level of household income in Georgia, while the openness of international political borders of the states behind the “Iron Curtain” (Brunarska et al., 2014, p. 6) that is less accented in migration relevant academic literature, became the first-rate factor that created the opportunity for international migration for the survival of thousands of families.
The most striking finding of our research is the significant challenges associated with child rearing in Georgia, coupled with a notable lack of state-provided elderly care services and insufficient family incomes. These circumstances result in families having limited resources and possibilities to address this issue.
It became abundantly clear that Georgian reality burdens both financial and emotional obligations on women mostly. Despite the fact that all our male participants are employed, it is noteworthy that remittances play a crucial role in the financial dynamics of the household, although the duty-responsibilities within a family are clearly divided between husbands and other family members.
The existence of wide networks of Georgian immigrants in the host countries leads to a prolonged stay in the destination location and makes the return strategy less relevant for immigrants. From this position, the Georgian reality contradicts the fundamental principles of NELM which emphasize the temporary leaving for overcoming risks.
One of the key challenges that the paper highlights is that a significant proportion of researched households have not been able to utilize remittances as a means of direct investment in economic activities in Georgia. According to them, remittances have not been used for the purpose of acquiring possible sources of revenue. In this particular scenario, discussing the policy pertaining to the return of migrants proves to be challenging. This suggests that the lack of progress in the economic and social development of migrants’ country of origin hinders their ability to return to homeland. Moreover, most respondents expressed anxiety about the family’s future financial situation and claimed that if the migrant returns they will have no alternative means of income. The Georgian example differs from NELM in this aspect as well. One of the key discoveries from the research is that left-behind household members are responsible for managing the family budget, which is mostly funded by remittances provided by the migrant breadwinner.
The majority of respondents view the decision on migration in a positive light. However, some of the husbands, express doubts over the value of this decision, citing the significant social expenses associated with it despite its economic benefits. The phenomenon of family members being separated has an essential impact on the dynamics of relationships, both between spouses and between mothers and children. As indicated by both parents, reestablishing these altered ties to their previous state, is a challenge. Males exhibit greater anxiety regarding changes in spousal relationships, whilst women tend to demonstrate a heightened level of estrangement in regards to their children. Despite the fact that young children may be cared for by their fathers or grandparents, this arrangement does not serve as a substitute for the love and attention provided by a mother. On the one hand, it is evident that the cases of female migrants assuming the role of breadwinners and the consequent transformation of gender roles, and on the other hand, separation sadness of spouses and maternal loss among Georgian transnational families, are not an exception from the general trends. It is rather the outcome of global political, economic, and social turmoil. This tendency goes in line with retrieved articles and the experience of other traditional societies and post-Soviet states with some peculiarities and slight differences of the Georgian case.
Appling a transnational framework, our research sheds light in which the family, as a socio-economic, gendered, and emotional entity, undergoes transformation over the course of international migration across time and spatial dimensions. Financial gain and social/psychological costs of loneliness of a migrant, gives the net happiness rate. If the cost overweighs the benefit, “migration would not be an investment, it would be a mistake” (Collier, 2013, p. 176).
In our opinion, there are several important issues the study of which will enrich the scientific field of labor migration in Georgia. The key findings of this paper indicate that in further research we should delve into at least two important issues of labor migration of married women: Why the households left behind in Georgia could not diversify the income? and what are the factors that prevent women from returning? In addition, research of labor migration of unmarried women would be valuable. This will provide a more detailed study of the transnational migration landscape in Georgia.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences at Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University (Georgia) in the framework of the competitive targeted scientific research projects.
