Abstract
Background
Following decades of siege and systemic violence, the recent Israeli war on the Gaza Strip has further intensified the genocide, displacement, and severe shortages of basic necessities endured by Palestinians. Among the most affected are Gazan women, who have taken on multiple roles in the face of these hardships. The lack of essential resources and opportunities has significantly hindered their ability to provide for their children and families.
Objectives
This study explores the impact of displacement on the lives of women in Gaza, focusing on the loss of privacy, dignity, and the daily struggle for survival in overcrowded shelters.
Design
Drawing from in-depth testimonies of displaced women, the research highlights the physical, emotional, and psychological tolls caused by ongoing displacement due to the genocide in Gaza.
Methods
The study adopts a qualitative approach, using semi-structured interviews to gather personal narratives from women who have faced multiple displacements.
Results
Key themes include the erosion of personal autonomy, the challenges of securing basic necessities such as food and healthcare, and the psychological effects of living in unsafe and overcrowded conditions. The findings reveal the profound impact of displacement on women’s roles as caregivers, as well as the resilience and solidarity they exhibit despite the overwhelming hardships.
Conclusion
This research provides a critical insight into the dehumanizing consequences of displacement while showcasing the strength of Gaza’s women in their fight for survival and dignity.
Introduction
Amid the ongoing Israeli military operations and escalating violence in the Gaza Strip since October 2023, the majority of residents, including a large number of women, have been internally displaced to the Rafah region. The displacement of women in Gaza is not simply a result of immediate conflict, but is shaped by deeper patterns of systemic structural violence. 1 Structural violence, understood as the way political, economic, and social systems produce and sustain harm against marginalized populations, is evident in Gaza through the ongoing blockade, restrictions on movement, the destruction of housing, and the collapse of essential services. 2 For displaced women, these conditions create unique gendered vulnerabilities, as the lack of secure shelter often forces them into overcrowded and unsafe spaces, where exposure to violence and exploitation is an embodied, everyday risk. Thus, the displacement experience for women in Gaza is not only a humanitarian crisis but also a manifestation of structural and gendered injustice. 3
At the center of Gaza’s humanitarian crisis is a form of structural violence that severely limits access to essential resources, affecting women who carry added responsibilities as family caregivers amid siege conditions. 3 Scholars argue that displacement in Gaza is not merely an outcome of conflict; it is part of a “processual” phenomenon embedded in political and economic control, with the ongoing blockade and continuous bombardment systematically destabilizing the region.4,5 These structural restrictions act as mechanisms of control, dismantling social structures and placing Palestinian women in positions of continuous vulnerability.6,7 For many women, displacement is not just a physical reality but a multi-layered experience of socio-political exclusion that undermines their autonomy and survival capabilities.2,8
Overcrowded shelters in Gaza worsen the crisis for displaced women, increasing health risks and exposure to gender-based violence. 3 According to Al Bakri, 9 these shelters lack basic provisions, such as privacy and sanitation, forcing women to endure insecure environments that erode their dignity and autonomy. In overcrowded and precarious living conditions, women are frequently compelled to share space with strangers, a situation that significantly heightens their risk of sexual and other forms of gender-based violence and exploitation. 9 The absence of privacy and security in these conditions disrupts social support networks, isolating women further and intensifying their vulnerability to gender-based violence. This environment is especially harmful to women’s mental health, as the constant threat of violence compounds the psychological toll of displacement.5,10
Food scarcity adds to the hardships faced by displaced women, who often make sacrifices to meet family needs, even at the expense of their own health. As primary caregivers, Gazan women typically prioritize feeding their children, which has resulted in widespread malnutrition, especially among pregnant and lactating mothers.7,11 Reports reveal that extreme food shortages have left 90% of Gaza’s children with limited food variety, contributing to severe malnutrition. The gendered aspect of food scarcity underscores the intersection between caregiving roles and systemic deprivation, where women disproportionately bear the burdens of an imposed scarcity.2,12 Beiraghdar et al. 7 further note that food insecurity in Gaza has heightened the vulnerability of women and children to malnutrition-related diseases, reinforcing the systemic failure to meet even the most basic humanitarian needs.
The collapse of Gaza’s healthcare system poses particularly life-threatening challenges for pregnant women, who face critical health risks without adequate medical support. According to MSF 11 and Gisha, 5 many pregnant women are forced to give birth in tents, bathrooms, or other unsafe makeshift environments due to the destruction of healthcare facilities. Al Bakri 9 7 details cases like that of Karmel, who experienced severe malnutrition during pregnancy and struggled to find a safe place to deliver her child, illustrating the maternal health crisis. Kuttab 13 emphasizes that in prolonged crises, women’s health needs are further marginalized, worsening both physical and psychological suffering. The protracted nature of the conflict continues to further disrupt the remaining medical facilities.
Psychological trauma from repeated displacement, compounded by exposure to various forms of violence, including colonial violence, loss of children, persistent grief, malnutrition, and destruction of homes — has taken a profound emotional toll on women in Gaza. The recurring experience of miscarriage, child death, and family separation intensifies long-term psychological suffering. 7 Testimonies shared by the International Rescue Committee 10 reveal the mental health challenges posed by life in overcrowded shelters, where the absence of social support structures exacerbates trauma. Kuttab 1 highlights that such environments isolate women, depriving them of essential coping mechanisms, while constant upheaval and the loss of loved ones intensify emotional distress.5,9 Mahamid 8 adds that such conditions contribute to collective trauma, where generations of Palestinian women and children experience an enduring psychological toll due to displacement and conflict-related stressors.
Despite these overwhelming challenges, women in Gaza continue to demonstrate remarkable resilience, often becoming the backbone of their families and communities. They not only provide emotional and economic support but also organize grassroots initiatives to meet urgent needs. Women-led organizations (WLOs), such as the Women’s Affairs Technical Committee (WATC), play a vital role in delivering aid, advocating for women’s rights, and offering psychosocial support, even as their efforts are severely hampered by ongoing conflict, resource shortages, and movement restrictions.9,14 This resilience embodies a form of defiance against oppressive structures, as women persist in their caregiving roles while challenging occupation and gender-based oppression. Cherevko Dönmez 15 recounts stories of female physicians in Rafah, who, despite personal losses, continue to provide medical care in displacement camps, showing women’s commitment to supporting their communities. The OCHA 16 reports further affirm the importance of women-led initiatives, which act as essential lifelines in a region facing chronic resource scarcity and violence.
The lack of access to water, sanitation, and hygiene products in Gaza further exacerbates women’s health crises, especially regarding menstrual hygiene. Previous studies showed that the scarcity of sanitary products and clean water forces women to rely on unsafe alternatives, which significantly increases the risk of infection. This lack of basic hygiene supplies, combined with inadequate sanitation, has led to the spread of diseases such as hepatitis, further endangering women’s health.5,17 These conditions highlight how material deprivation and gender-based vulnerability converge, deepening the crisis for women who must balance caregiving roles with personal health needs under extreme scarcity. 18
This theoretical framework thus positions the displacement of women in Gaza within a broader context of systemic oppression, where women’s experiences reveal the compounded impacts of forced migration, structural violence, and gender-specific challenges. The resilience of Gazan women signifies more than mere survival; it is an act of resistance against dehumanization and marginalization. This study contributes to the understanding of Gaza’s displacement crisis, showing how migration under extreme coercion reshapes gender roles and demands that women navigate survival in a severely restrictive environment. 7 The current study was designed to answer the following questions: How do Gazan women experience and cope with the daily challenges of displacement in overcrowded shelters, particularly in relation to their privacy, emotional well-being, and access to basic needs?
Methods
Participants
Demographic characteristics of quoted participants.
Instruments and procedures
This study adopts a qualitative research approach to explore the experiences of displaced women in Gaza, focusing on the themes of privacy, dignity, and survival in overcrowded shelters. By utilizing in-depth testimonies, the study provides a detailed and personal account of the daily struggles faced by these women. The qualitative method is particularly suited for this study as it allows for a rich, nuanced understanding of how displacement and dehumanization affect women and their families emotionally, psychologically, and physically.
Data collection
Data was collected through semi-structured interviews with displaced women living in various shelters across Gaza. The semi-structured interview guide was developed by the research team based on the study objectives and existing literature on gendered displacement, privacy, dignity, and survival in conflict settings. The guide was pilot tested with two displaced women who met the inclusion criteria but were not included in the final sample. Minor modifications were made to improve clarity, cultural sensitivity, and question sequencing. The final interview guide is provided as Supplementary File 1. The interviews were conducted in person or over the phone, depending on accessibility and security conditions. Additionally, written testimonies provided by women who had previously shared their experiences with humanitarian organizations were also included in the data set. The interviews were conducted with informed consent, ensuring that participants were fully aware of the study’s objectives and their right to withdraw at any time. The testimonies were translated and transcribed for analysis, preserving the original wording as much as possible to maintain authenticity. The reporting of this study conforms to the COREQ statement. 19
The data collection focused on gathering personal narratives that provide insight into the emotional and psychological impact of displacement, loss of privacy, and the erosion of dignity. Each interview was recorded, with key themes identified and organized according to recurring issues such as food insecurity, overcrowding, and lack of healthcare. For confidentiality, all participant names in this study are aliases.
Data analysis
The qualitative data were collected through thirty semi-structured interviews with Palestinian women displaced living in internally displaced camps in Rafah. All participants (both interviewees and the interviewer) were native Arabic speakers. Research assistants in each camp acted as gatekeepers in recruiting participants. The data collection process began with interviewing the research assistants to explain the aims and purposes of the study. The second step involved informing them about the research activities, the total number of participants to be interviewed, and the ‘snowballing’ technique used for selecting participants from those who accepted the invitation. The survey questions used in the interviews were designed to avoid emotional distress. Participants were informed that they could discontinue their participation at any time if they felt distressed. The investigators, licensed mental health professionals, were available for any participant who experienced an immediate negative response to the survey questions. Furthermore, all participants were given contact information for mental health services in case symptoms appeared after the survey. The data was collected during the war on Gaza, with interviews conducted directly in the shelter schools in Rafah. The research assistants faced a number of challenges during data collection, including the risk of being targeted by airstrikes, the lack of logistical resources, and the ongoing displacement, which posed a significant obstacle to data collection. The rapid displacement in Gaza made it difficult to reach participants. Additionally, the difficult security conditions and the reluctance of some women to participate due to their psychological distress and inability to talk about what they experienced during the war were also significant challenges. The research team conducted multiple rounds of review to ensure that the nuances of the original data were preserved. In terms of thematic analysis, the translated transcripts were analyzed using a process based on Braun and Clarke’s (2006) framework. The researchers familiarized themselves with the data by reading the translated transcripts multiple times, followed by open coding to identify key themes. This analysis was conducted manually to support the organization of codes. Throughout the analysis, the researchers worked to ensure that the cultural and linguistic nuances of the original Arabic data were preserved in the translation and analysis process.
We identified meaningful segments of text and created initial codes inductively, based on the data itself. Following this, we grouped similar codes into broader categories, or potential themes, through an iterative process. For example, one of the main themes that developed was “ The Nature of Displacement in Gaza: A Recurring Nightmare.” As themes began to developed, they were refined through multiple rounds of discussion among the research team to ensure they accurately represented the data. Themes were then finalized by revisiting the coded data to ensure coherence and alignment with participants’ responses. Throughout this process, we kept detailed documentation of how codes were applied and how themes evolved, ensuring transparency and consistency. All procedures performed in this study involving human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of An-Najah National University Research Ethics Board, as well as the guidelines of the American Psychological Association (2010) and the Declaration of Helsinki. Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the IRB of An-Najah National University (protocol number: Mas. NOV.2024/14) prior to data collection. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants. The data collection focused on Gazan women during the recent Israeli war on the Gaza Strip. Interviewees were provided with an information sheet detailing the research agenda. The shortest interview lasted approximately 35 minutes, while the longest lasted 60 minutes; most interviews were around 50 minutes.
Data saturation
Data saturation was assessed concurrently with data collection and analysis. Following the principles of thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006), transcripts were reviewed and coded iteratively as interviews were completed. After approximately 24 interviews, the research team observed repetition of key themes, including displacement trauma, food insecurity, loss of privacy, erosion of dignity, and collective coping mechanisms. No substantially new themes or categories emerged in subsequent interviews. Six additional interviews were conducted to confirm thematic redundancy and ensure depth and variation across participants of different ages and displacement backgrounds. Saturation was determined when additional interviews did not generate new codes, concepts, or dimensions of the existing themes. Therefore, the final sample size of 30 participants was considered sufficient to achieve thematic saturation.
Coding reliability
A random selection of transcripts was independently coded by the researchers to establish inter-coder reliability, with coding disagreements resolved through discussion until consensus was reached.
Results
Thematic content analysis of the interview transcripts led to the identification of four main themes: First, The Nature of Displacement in Gaza: A Recurring Nightmare. Second, Food Insecurity and Basic Survival. Third, The Loss of Privacy: Living in Public. Fourth, The Erosion of Personal Dignity: Living Without Control, Collective Assistance as a Means of Defiance.
Theme one: The nature of displacement in Gaza: A recurring nightmare
Displacement in Gaza is a recurring nightmare that afflicts families with the constant threat of bombings and violence. Families are forced to flee their homes, often with nothing but the clothes on their backs, unsure of whether they will ever return. This cyclical displacement erodes not just physical spaces, but the emotional and psychological fabric of family life. Du’aa, a mother displaced multiple times, recounts, “We were displaced from our home eight times, and each displacement is a story of suffering and expenses we cannot afford ” (35- year-old, mother of 3, Beach Camp). For women like Du’aa, each uprooting brings new trauma, piling instability upon instability. The absence of a stable home not only leaves women and their families without physical shelter but robs them of the emotional and psychological grounding that a home provides.
The shelters themselves are a source of ongoing distress. They are overcrowded and ill-equipped to handle the vast numbers of displaced people. Alia described these conditions succinctly: “Most people have left their homes and taken refuge in shelters like schools, tents, or relatives’ homes overcrowded with displaced people” (42- year-old, mother of 4, Jabalia Camp). Overcrowding introduces new challenges, with families forced to share spaces with strangers, which increases tension as people struggle for resources and personal space. The cramped quarters strip away any semblance of privacy, magnifying the emotional strain on those living in these shelters.
Participants in the current study indicated that their greatest suffering occurred at night due to continuous shelling. They faced real difficulties in sleeping, which manifested in nightmares and disturbing dreams experienced by women in Gaza and their children. This is considered one of the symptoms of the ongoing collective trauma that the Gazan community has faced. The immense psychological pressures that women endured as a result of the war on Gaza have negatively impacted their mental health, leading to various psychological disorders, the most notable of which are sleep disorders.
Theme two: Food insecurity and basic survival
Food insecurity has become endemic in Gaza, magnified by displacement. Women struggle daily to feed their families in the midst of chaos. Nurhan shares her experience: “We no longer have the ability to care for our children... Even when we manage to secure food and water, it comes with great difficulty” (29- year-old, mother of 3, Deir Al-Balah). Hunger has become a constant companion for the displaced, and the collapse of Gaza’s agricultural sector has worsened the situation. Khitam, explains: “There is no food left. We survive on one meal a day—if we are lucky” (45- year-old, mother of 5, Khan Yunis). The blockade on aid has made survival increasingly difficult.
Aya, displaced with her young children and pregnant again, shares her constant fear: “Each day we wake up, and I don’t know if I will be able to feed my children. Hunger is always there, and it’s killing our hope” (31- year-old, mother of 2, Rafah) Her testimony reflects how displacement, compounded by food insecurity and the collapse of healthcare, crushes any semblance of stability or peace, leaving women like Aya in a perpetual state of survival mode. The destruction of agricultural lands and homes intensifies the struggle for survival. Rola reflects on the deep personal losses associated with displacement: “The continuous bombings and demolitions of homes with people inside have forced people to leave their homes, which were the result of their hard work, and were places of security and stability filled with memories and belongings” (38- year-old, mother of 6, Beit Hanoun) Losing a home means losing a repository of memories, a place imbued with emotional significance, and the destruction of stability and continuity leaves families vulnerable to constant fear. Even when families manage to secure food and water, it often comes with great difficulty. The lack of basic infrastructure, including access to food and water, further compounds their hardship.
Theme three: The loss of privacy: Living in public
One of the most immediate and agonizing consequences of displacement is the invasion of privacy. In overcrowded shelters, personal boundaries are almost non-existent. For women, particularly in a conservative society like Gaza, the loss of privacy is a profound violation of dignity. Alia captures this sense of violation, stating, “There is no privacy, and even the simplest actions lack freedom” (42- year-old, mother of 4, Jabalia Camp). The inability to carry out basic personal tasks, changing clothes, bathing, or even nursing a child—without the eyes of others upon them strips women of their autonomy and sense of self. Nariman describes the conditions in the shelters: “We share one toilet with hundreds of people. It is humiliating and unbearable, especially for us women. There is no place to escape” (29- year-old, mother of 2, Beit Lahia). In such conditions, the very notion of personal space disappears, forcing families to live in close proximity to strangers. This constant exposure not only strips women of their privacy but also leads to heightened tensions and emotional strain. Reem, who has been displaced numerous times, expresses the overwhelming sense of helplessness: “There is no personal life or lifestyle anymore, just a war lifestyle” (48- year-old, mother of 5, Khan Yunis). Her words express how the very notion of a private, personal life has been obliterated by the displacement. Women are no longer in control of their daily lives; instead, they are constantly at the mercy of external forces, whether it be the violence of bombings or the oppressive conditions in the shelters.
In shelters overcrowded with displaced people, the loss of privacy leads to heightened tensions and emotional strain. Rola describes the conflicts that arise in such cramped conditions: “Living with others in one place has its positives and negatives... frequent quarrels between children and adults due to the confined space” (33- year-old, mother of 3, Al-Shati Camp). This constant tension, combined with the stress of displacement, makes an already difficult situation nearly unbearable. Kawthar explains: “Our children have no place to play or things to play with” (37- year-old, mother of 2, Deir al-Balah Camp) In shelters, where space is limited and conditions are harsh, mothers must contend with the emotional strain of watching their children grow up in an environment devoid of joy, safety, or normalcy.
Theme four: The erosion of personal dignity: Living without control
Living in overcrowded shelters has not only taken away privacy from the women of Gaza but has also systematically eroded their sense of personal dignity. Manal, a displaced woman, voices the emotional toll of living in such conditions: “Sharing a living space with others outside my family was extremely exhausting... there was no privacy for me or my family” (33- year-old, mother of 3, Tall as-Sultan). The exhaustion Ali speaks of is not merely physical but psychological. It stems from the constant feeling of being exposed, of being unable to escape the watchful eyes of others, and of losing control over even the most intimate aspects of life.
Khitam, displaced and still recovering from childbirth, speaks to the emotional pain caused by the inability to care for her newborn: “I cannot feed her properly. There is no milk for me to produce, and formula is impossible to find. I am failing as a mother because I cannot even keep her nourished ” (43- year-old, mother of 5, North Gaza) For mothers like Khitam, the loss of control over basic caregiving adds to their sense of helplessness, eroding their sense of identity and purpose. The lack of sanitation and deteriorating conditions within the shelters further strip away personal dignity. Yasmin speaks of the degradation she feels as a mother: “I can’t even keep my children clean, and that is the most degrading thing as a mother” (26- year-old, mother of 2, Rafah)
Theme five: Collective assistance as a means of defiance
During the current genocide in the Gaza Strip,20–22 Palestinian women have forged strength through collective assistance, turning emotional solidarity into a powerful form of resistance. Their shared experiences of loss, displacement, and trauma have cultivated spaces of mutual care, enabling women to support one another where institutions and the international community have failed. As Yasmeen explained, “We provide solace to one another when others do not. Just talking to another woman who understands makes me feel less isolated” (49- year-old, mother of 5, Deir al-Balah). This emotional interdependence functions not merely as a coping mechanism but as an act of defiance against the efforts to fragment, isolate, and dehumanize them.
In shelters overcrowded with displaced families, women often care not only for their own children but also for others left vulnerable by the genocide. Layla recalled, “My neighbor’s daughter wails each night, her mother was killed in an explosion. I try to hold her like she’s my own, because no one else will” (54- year-old, mother of 4, Gaza City). These moments of shared caregiving express a refusal to relinquish compassion in the face of systemic cruelty. Noor echoed this ethos of collective survival: “We exchange our meager possessions, blankets, food, even stories. That’s how we survive, by refusing to let this war strip us of care” (21- year-old, mother of 1, Deir al-Balah) These testimonies show that Palestinian women’s solidarity is a deliberate, communal assertion of humanity and refusal to be reduced to silence or suffering.
Discussion
The findings of this study reveal the severe impacts of displacement on Gazan women, showing how their experiences are shaped by intersecting social, cultural, and economic factors that heighten their vulnerability and deprivation. As participants recounted, displacement robs them of essential necessities, forcing them to survive in overcrowded, unhygienic shelters devoid of privacy, safety, or personal space, which exacerbates both physical and psychological challenges. Such conditions mirror Ghnadre-Naser and Somer’s 23 exploration of the Nakba’s intergenerational trauma, revealing how forced dislocation endures as an unresolved source of emotional distress and identity disruption among Palestinians. 8 The repeated nature of displacement in Gaza, similar to the Nakba experience, affects not only the immediate generation but resonates across time, embedding a deep psychological wound within Palestinian families and communities. 3
Moreover, these experiences are rooted in structural violence—systemic inequalities embedded in political, social, and economic institutions such as the blockade and restricted movement. This structural violence limits access to food, healthcare, safe shelter, and economic opportunities, further marginalizing displaced women and compounding their vulnerabilities. It frames their hardships not only as personal or immediate crises but as consequences of prolonged, institutional oppression.
Privacy loss became as a significant concern for Gazan women, with implications extending beyond personal boundaries to cultural and religious values. In Gaza’s conservative society, gender-specific roles are deeply embedded in cultural and social structures. Women’s dignity and adherence to cultural norms, including the observance of hijab, hold substantial importance. These roles often define the public and private spheres for women, influencing their social mobility, access to resources, and opportunities for participation in the workforce or public life. The significance of privacy and modesty in this context underscores the complexities women face in balancing traditional expectations with the demands of daily life, particularly in times of crisis. 13 In crowded shelters lacking privacy, women are deprived of the autonomy needed to uphold these values, heightening their sense of shame and vulnerability. Kuttab 6 emphasizes that privacy for Palestinian women transcends physical space, serving as a cultural and personal extension of identity. Forced visibility within shelters disrupts traditional practices, leaving women unable to observe modesty, which leads to a profound emotional strain and a sense of cultural violation.
Food scarcity also observed as a critical theme in the study, with many mothers sacrificing their own nutrition to prioritize their children’s needs. This choice, though culturally expected, further strains their health and psychological well-being. This dynamic echoes Moghadam’s 2 discussion of gendered deprivation, where caregiving roles expose women to more severe impacts of resource scarcity. Food insecurity disproportionately affects women, particularly mothers, who are often expected to meet family needs over their own. 6 Recent reports from Gisha 5 reveal that approximately 70% of Gazan families face food insecurity, with women and children enduring the harshest consequences of malnutrition and food shortages, particularly for lactating and pregnant women 7
The loss of self-esteem and dignity experienced by Gazan women as they assume stigmatized roles in the absence of male breadwinners also holds severe consequences. With many of these women having lost husbands to violence, they are often forced into low-paying jobs carrying social stigma, which erodes their sense of identity and cultural dignity. Kuttab 13 and Moghadam 2 indicate that displaced Palestinian women’s economic marginalization results from systemic violence that restricts them to roles outside their traditional and culturally accepted scope. This shift not only affects women’s self-worth but subjects them to societal stigma, deepening their alienation. In Palestinian society, gendered economic expectations have traditionally confined women’s roles to the domestic sphere. 11 Displacement disrupts these boundaries, forcing women into economically vulnerable and socially stigmatized roles, exposing them to exploitation and social isolation.
The psychological toll of displacement further complicates Gazan women’s situation, as unsafe, overcrowded conditions alongside unfamiliar men heighten anxiety, depression, and trauma risks. Studies by Kuttab 12 and Roy 3 point to how the lack of safe, private spaces amplifies women’s distress, as they are unable to engage in personal rituals or uphold cultural boundaries that provide emotional stability and continuity. The absence of safe spaces also increases the risk of gender-based violence, as documented by the International Rescue Committee, 10 which reports that displaced Gazan women and children face heightened risks of violence. This environment strips women of traditional coping mechanisms, depriving them of emotional resources typically supported by family and community networks 5 .
Furthermore, the loss of dignity tied to displacement is particularly devastating for women in Palestinian society, where family honor and autonomy shape social identity. The inability to maintain cleanliness and properly care for their children heightens feelings of shame and self-blame. Gisha 5 reports that mothers in Gaza express feelings of degradation as they struggle to meet basic caregiving responsibilities, as reflected in Yasmin’s account from this study: “I can’t even keep my children clean, and that is the most degrading thing as a mother.” The enforced dependency on limited shelter provisions robs women of their autonomy, reinforcing their helplessness. 18 This condition illustrates how structural violence intersects with cultural expectations, placing disproportionate burdens on displaced women to meet family needs in an environment that denies them basic dignity and self-respect. 4
These findings expand upon existing research on gendered displacement, showing that for Palestinian women, displacement transcends mere survival, evolving into a continuous erosion of personal and cultural boundaries.2,3 The loss of privacy, essential resources, and economic stability deepens their exposure to stigma, violence, and trauma, creating an accumulation of effects that extend beyond immediate survival needs. Addressing these challenges requires international and humanitarian efforts that consider the specific needs of displaced Gazan women and prioritize culturally sensitive, gender-focused aid. Women-led initiatives, as highlighted by OCHA, 16 provide essential services that uphold dignity, resilience, and agency, advocating for a humanitarian response that respects the cultural and personal boundaries of Gazan women within their displacement.
Limitations of the study
This study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the sample size was relatively small (30 participants) and limited to displaced women residing in shelters in Rafah. Although participants originated from different governorates, the geographic concentration may limit the transferability of the findings to women displaced in other areas of Gaza or living in different types of accommodation. Second, the use of a qualitative research design prioritizes depth over breadth. While this approach allows for rich, detailed accounts of lived experiences, the findings cannot be statistically generalized to all displaced Gazan women. The results reflect the specific experiences of the participants interviewed during a particular period of the ongoing conflict. Third, data collection occurred during active war conditions, which posed significant logistical and psychological challenges. Ongoing insecurity, repeated displacement, and trauma may have influenced participants’ emotional states and their ability or willingness to fully articulate their experiences. Some women may have avoided discussing highly distressing events. Fourth, the reliance on snowball sampling and gatekeepers may have introduced selection bias, potentially excluding women who were more socially isolated, severely traumatized, or distrustful of research participation. Fifth, although careful translation and review procedures were implemented, translating testimonies from Arabic into English may have resulted in subtle losses of cultural or emotional nuance. Finally, thematic analysis involves interpretive judgment. Despite efforts to ensure credibility through inter-coder agreement and team discussions, researcher subjectivity cannot be entirely eliminated. Despite these limitations, the study provides important insights into the gendered realities of displacement and contributes valuable qualitative documentation of Gazan women’s lived experiences during conflict.
Conclusion
The displacement of Gazan women highlights a profound, systemic erosion of their basic human rights and well-being, creating conditions that extend beyond temporary hardship to a sustained humanitarian crisis. As illustrated by their testimonies, displacement in Gaza deprives women of fundamental aspects of human dignity, from personal privacy and security to the autonomy essential for family caregiving. The impact on Gazan women is compounded by severe food shortages, inadequate healthcare, and crowded shelters that compromise both physical health and psychological stability. This study underscores how displacement is not merely a physical disruption but an all-encompassing experience that dismantles traditional social roles, imposes economic deprivation, and heightens vulnerability to gender-based violence.
The resilience displayed by Gazan women, however, serves as a powerful counter to this dehumanization. Despite the deprivation and constraints, these women continue to uphold their roles as caregivers and community pillars, supporting each other and navigating survival under conditions that test human limits. Their resistance is not simply a struggle for survival but an assertion of dignity and collective strength in the face of systemic oppression. To honor this resilience, the international community must engage with urgency, not only by acknowledging the grave conditions under which Gazan women live but by implementing robust, gender-sensitive humanitarian policies that prioritize their safety, privacy, and agency. Without a comprehensive response that addresses these unique gendered challenges, the ongoing displacement will perpetuate cycles of trauma and loss, leaving an indelible impact on future generations of Gazan families and eroding the social fabric of Palestinian society.
Supplemental material
Supplemental material - Enduring displacement: The struggle for dignity, privacy, and survival among Gazan women
Supplemental material for Enduring displacement: The struggle for dignity, privacy, and survival among Gazan women by Bilal Hamamra, Fayez Mahamid and Dana Bdier in Women’s Health.
Footnotes
Ethical considerations
All procedures performed in this study involving human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of An-Najah National University Research Ethics Board, as well as the guidelines of the American Psychological Association (2010) and the Declaration of Helsinki. Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the IRB of An-Najah National University (protocol number: Mas. NOV.2024/14) prior to data collection.
Consent to participate
Written informed consent was obtained from all participants.
Author contributions
All authors contributed equally to this work and approved the final manuscript.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.
Supplemental material
Supplemental material for this article is available online.
References
Supplementary Material
Please find the following supplemental material available below.
For Open Access articles published under a Creative Commons License, all supplemental material carries the same license as the article it is associated with.
For non-Open Access articles published, all supplemental material carries a non-exclusive license, and permission requests for re-use of supplemental material or any part of supplemental material shall be sent directly to the copyright owner as specified in the copyright notice associated with the article.
