Generativity and Nigrescence: The identity of a Black school principal pursuing social justice

Abstract

This study explores the relationship between the identity development of a school principal and the concept of social justice leadership. We examine how one African American principal used equity-focused leadership in two different high schools to improve the conditions of all students. Erikson's view of identity and Cross's conception of Negrescence guided the research questions guided the study of the identity development of a Black school principal as a social justice leader, what actions he took, and what supports and barriers he encountered. The principal's case suggested several factors that form a social justice leader. He acknowledged a history of oppression, confronted racial animosity, and showed empathy through action. He had strong role models and received a solid education with Black professors and mentors and formed lifetime friendships. He developed the confidence to believe in himself as an educator and advocate for others. As an innovative educator, he was able to take risks. As a Black man, he fit well into one culture but was limited by racism in another. He became a leader who continued the pursuit of social justice after the principalship.

The leadership of principals is second only to the role of classroom teachers in affecting student achievement (Leithwood et al., 2004) and having a Black principal is especially important for the academic achievement of Black students. Bartanen and Grissom (2023) found that Black principals are more likely to recruit and retain Black teachers who in turn are likely to affect Black student achievement. Moreover, Black principals serve as positive role models, inspiring students, faculty, and the broader community.

The principal's actions are derived from values and beliefs. The identity of the principal informs actions that affect the development of students. This study explores how a Black principal used equity-focused leadership in two high schools to improve conditions for all students. The study investigates how a Black school principal develops his identity as a social justice leader; what he did as a social justice leader; and what supports and barriers he encountered as a social justice leader.

Two classic theories of identity have informed this research. Erikson's (1968) work on identity is important to consider because it has had a major impact on education and psychology. While the theory is intended to apply to the identity development of all people, it is important to examine the identity of people of color since they have been excluded from past research. Cross (1971, 2021) developed Nigrescence as an identity process specific to the Black experience, acknowledging that Black people are intentionally miseducated and socialized into an unreasonable quest to assimilate into White culture. These two theories can help understand the identity of a Black principal.

Review of related literature

Identity theory has been applied to understand the motivation and development of school principals as educational leaders. Slater (2011) called for a narrative approach to study the development of principal identity in international contexts. Crow et al. (2017) concurred, and they were critical of narrow, technical approaches that excluded the human values of the leader. Gilbride et al. (2021) studied adult ego development as a process of active sense-making among principals. Cruz-Gonzalez et al. (2021) reviewed the literature on school principals’ identity from 1993 to 2019 to show influences on the education of students.

Kelly and Hasimi (2021) took an Eriksonian perspective to study the values of 10 self-described authentic leaders. They also examined crucibles, which were critical times when these leaders faced challenges. Erikson (1950, 1968) posited that psychosocial development is dependent upon crises experienced as people advance in a series of stages from birth to old age. These crises involve the psychological needs of the individual conflicting with the needs of society.

However, if society is actively in conflict with a particular racial group, successful advancement through the stages and maintenance of a healthy self-concept become challenging. DuBois (1897) tackles this through the concept of double consciousness, which is a challenge Black people have continued to experience. Double consciousness is:

this sense of always looking at oneself through the eyes of others, of measuring one's soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his two-ness, — an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder. (DuBois, 1897)

While Erikson's psychosocial theory (1950, 1968) has been instrumental in understanding human development through a series of crises and stages, it often overlooks the complex challenges faced by individuals who must navigate multiple social identities. In the context of school principals, particularly those of color, this complexity is captured through the lens of DuBois's concept of double consciousness (1897).

DuBois's double consciousness illuminates a duality experienced by Black people, where they must constantly reconcile their identity as both a member of their racial community and the broader American society. This sense of “two-ness” creates a unique psychological tension that not only affects personal self-concept but also the way these individuals lead and interact within educational institutions.

Unlike the Eriksonian perspective, which emphasizes the resolution of conflicts between individual needs and societal expectations, double consciousness underscores an ongoing struggle. School principals of color, who experience this dual identity must simultaneously align with the expectations of their ethnic community and the often-conflicting norms and values of the broader educational system. They may find themselves in a continuous balancing act, striving to affirm their racial identity while also conforming to professional standards that might not always recognize or value their unique cultural background.

The integration of double consciousness into the study of school principals expands upon traditional theories by acknowledging the intersectionality of racial and professional identities. It recognizes that the experiences of Black principals are not simply shaped by generic psychosocial stages but are also profoundly influenced by the specific sociocultural context in which they operate. This multifaceted understanding of identity enriches the exploration of leadership and presents opportunities for more inclusive, culturally responsive practices within schools.

In considering both Erikson's stages and DuBois's double consciousness, this study seeks to create a more nuanced and comprehensive framework for examining principal identity. It acknowledges that leadership is not a one-dimensional construct but a complex interplay of personal, professional, and societal factors. By embracing the diversity of experiences, including those defined by race, it aims to contribute to a more equitable and empathic understanding of educational leadership.

Theoretical framework

Erikson's Theory of Identity Development (Erikson, 1950, 1968), and Cross’s (1971) conception of Nigrescence as an identity process specific to the Black experience in the United States, guide this study. Erikson's stages begin at birth, with trust versus mistrust, and continue through autonomy versus shame and doubt, initiative versus guilt, and industry versus inferiority in the childhood years. The central conflict of identity versus identity diffusion takes place in adolescence, followed by intimacy versus isolation, the adult stage of generativity versus stagnation, and integrity versus despair in old age. Each of the stages reemerges in a new form of expression later in the life cycle.

Generativity is the stage of most interest in this study because it is the adult stage of development that corresponds to the psycho-social concerns of school principals. Slater (2003) specified the connection between the earlier stages of development and the adult stage of generativity versus stagnation: inclusion versus exclusion, pride versus embarrassment, responsibility versus ambivalence, career productivity versus inadequacy, and mutuality versus loneliness.

A sense of trust from childhood is expressed as inclusivity versus exclusivity for the adult principal who struggles to include all students. A sense of pride has its roots in a childhood sense of being one's own person. A principal with a sense of pride will encourage its development in the school and will identify with the victories and successes of students. A sense of responsibility has its origins in early initiatives of the child. As an adult, the principal with a sense of responsibility confronts problems directly, feels ownership, and takes action. Career productivity relates to the childhood stage of industry versus inferiority. The productive principal works with teachers to create work products.

The teacher, who becomes a principal, begins to adopt a new identity of self-expression that goes beyond previous self-conceptions. On the other hand, a sense of absorption is when a principal does not have a sense of being in charge and worries about the image of the school. Finally, the principal with a sense of mutuality works with others as partners and shares the excitement of accomplishments. Principals with a sense of mutuality extend themselves to teachers and parents without expecting anything in return and see partners’ successes as reflecting on their own. On the other hand, excessive individualism and self-centeredness lead to a sense of loneliness.

While Erikson's seminal work on psychosocial development has been influential in understanding human identity formation, it largely omits direct discussion of racial identity for Black Americans. In contrast, Cross’s (1971, 2021) Nigrescence theory offers a robust framework for understanding the Black racial identity development within the context of the United States. This theory extends beyond mere cognizance to encompass a person's relationship with Black culture and community. Unlike Erikson's universal model, Cross’s theory explicitly aims to capture the nuances of the Black experience, leading to a distinct end state of self-awareness and commitment to social justice. Cross’s stages are preencounter, encounter, immersion/emersion, internalization, and internalization/commitment.

Stage 1: Preencounter

In the preencounter stage, individuals primarily identify with the prevailing White cultural norms, frequently at the expense of acknowledging their own racial or cultural heritage. There is a certain ambivalence or even outright denial regarding the significance of one's Blackness. In this phase, the tension is less about negotiating between assimilation and rejection and more about an unconscious ignorance or willful neglect of racial identity.

Stage 2: Encounter

The encounter stage serves as an existential milestone, often introduced by direct experiences of racism or racial discrimination. This pivotal moment challenges the individual's previously unexamined belief systems and initiates a journey toward racial consciousness. Although this awakening may correspond with Erikson's stage of pride versus embarrassment, the outcome here is transformative; it encourages a deep-rooted pride in one's Black identity and a richer understanding of the systemic racial disparities that exist.

Stage 3: Immersion/emersion

During the immersion phase, there is an intense gravitation toward all things representative of Black culture, sometimes accompanied by a categorical disconnection from White culture. As the individual progresses into the emersion phase, they begin to appreciate the complexities of both Black and White cultures, transitioning away from an either/or dichotomy to a more sophisticated understanding that maintains the integrity of their newly realized Black identity.

Stage 4: Internalization

By the time individuals reach the internalization stage, they have achieved a stable and affirmative sense of their Black identity. Their interaction with society at large is nuanced, characterized by a balance between commitment to the Black community and an understanding of the broader social fabric. Their racial identity becomes integrated into various life roles, whether as a parent, a professional, or a citizen, enhancing their ability to navigate racial challenges with confidence and purpose.

Stage 5: Internalization/commitment

The culmination of this identity journey is the internalization/commitment stage, characterized by a profound understanding of systemic racial issues and a dedication to social justice. The individual not only maintains a vigorous sense of their own racial identity but also actively assumes a role in mitigating societal inequities.

This final stage can be mapped onto Erikson's principles of mutuality and generativity, though the application might vary between Black and White individuals. While Black people may concentrate on collaborative methods to dismantle systemic oppression, White individuals may need to confront and navigate their individual and collective privilege, thereby assuming a unique form of social responsibility.

Interaction between generativity and Nigrescence

To establish a more complete understanding of identity development, Figure 1 depicts Cross's stages of Nigrescence in bold and parallel Eriksonian concepts of generativity in italics. They are presented sequentially, ascending from left to right, ending with a sense of social justice. These stages are part of a dynamic, interwoven system where aspects of each stage can connect or overlap.

Figure 1.

Cross's five stages of Nigrescence with Eriksonian conflicts in generativity.

Equity leader

A more complete view of identity acknowledges oppression in society and includes the experiences of people of color, and more specifically, Black people. For the school principal, this ideal can be summarized by the concept of an equity leader. Equity leaders are transformational. They not only exercise managerial skills, but they engage in profound changes in themselves and others by building trust (Tschannen-Moran, 2014) and challenging the established process (Kouzes and Posner, 2012). The equity leader is a transformational leader who changes the motivation and values of followers and is, in turn, influenced by them.

Shields (2010, 2016) extended the concept of transformational leadership to deal more directly with inequity. She called for transformative leadership with a critical perspective that addresses how inequalities in the outside world affect what happens within schools. Other authors have described equity leaders as transformative school principals in a variety of contexts. Cowie (2011) reported principals working in challenging contexts in which they had to negotiate between the values of indigenous groups and the values of the dominant society in Western Australia, New Zealand, East Timor, China, South Africa, Tanzania, Romania, the United Kingdom, and North America. DeMatthews et al. (2016) described a principal who worked with marginalized communities in Mexico to give them a sense of pride in conditions of extreme poverty, and Crawford (2017) shared the story of a principal who protected students and parents from threats of deportation from California in the United States. Slater and Nelson (2013) described equity leaders as having an inclusive view of leadership distributed to others. Anderson (2009) defines this as advocacy leadership. These leaders included an awareness of others and their feelings. Brown (2004) said that self-awareness was critical to a commitment to social justice for principals.

An equity leader is mindful of the opportunity gap between students of color and White students. The opportunity gap includes five tenets that get in the way of the advancement of Black students: color blindness, cultural conflicts, meritocracy, deficit mindsets, and low expectations, context-neutral mindsets, and practices Milner (2012).

Santamaria (2014) developed a type of transformative leadership based on social justice and critical theory. Applied critical leadership (ACL) looks at advocacy, diversity, critical theory, and educational leadership. ACL involves conducting critical conversations, assuming a critical race theory lens, building consensus, addressing stereotype threat, promoting academic discourse, honoring all constituents, leading by example, and establishing trust. Khalifa et al. (2016) approached social justice through the works of Gay (2018) and Ladson-Billings (1995). He labeled transformative practices as culturally responsive school leadership. They include critical self-awareness, developing, implementing, and sustaining culturally responsive curricula and teacher preparation, maintaining an inclusive school environment, and engagement with students and parents. Santamaría (2014) and Khalifa et al. (2016) have paved the way to examine transformative leadership practices among principals of color. Erikson (1950, 1968) and Cross (1971) can be combined to provide a conceptually rich view of identity to examine one principal of color who strived to be an equity leader.

Methods

This study followed a basic qualitative research design (Creswell and Creswell, 2017) to understand how a school principal enacted social justice leadership in a variety of contexts. The participant is a former principal of two urban high schools and is now a faculty member at an institution of higher education. He spent 26 years in PK12 settings and has taught in the university educational leadership program for six years. He was both a participant and a coauthor of this study.

Having a participant serve as a coauthor has been used as a methodology in several studies. Drysdale et al. (2021) pioneered this type of research collaboration with the participant also serving as a researcher. They argued that research about school principals should be inclusive and carried out with them rather than making them subjects for study. Other examples include Gooden (2014) who served as both the author and participant in an autoethnography to analyze his professional and social identity as a Black professor. Combining the roles of author and participant implies an asset-based methodology, as used by Johnson (2021). It searches for goodness and acknowledges weaknesses within the participant's context. Johnson also used the portraiture approach of Lawrence-Lightfoot and Davis (1997) who attempted to describe the context and characters in a case study with vivid detail so that the case resembled a portrait. It is intended to overcome distance and understand how people construct their own reality.

The participant served as a principal in two high schools. Communal High School is the flagship school in the city of Communal, California. The school opened in 1896 and was exclusively White until the 1960s when Black students began to integrate the school. After the Los Angeles Rebellion, commonly referred to as the Watts Riots of 1965, the White population fled from the city of Communal, leaving the city in ruins economically. After this demographic shift, the Black population was the dominant subgroup at Communal High School. In 1992, after the Los Angeles Uprising (also referred to as the LA Riots), another racial shift took place in Communal as Black families left the city for other opportunities, this population was replaced with first-generation Latinx students. In 2017, Communal High School had an enrollment of 1673 students: 84.5% Hispanic and 14.4% Black. More recently, new arrivals, including unaccompanied minors, came from Central America and faced immigration issues. The leadership of the school district was predominantly Black, and the Board had just hired a new Black superintendent who brought a new vision for the schools.

Whispering Cedars High School is a comprehensive high school located in the city of Whispering Cedars, California. Originally, a predominantly White suburb post-World War II, Whispering Cedars has undergone significant transformations. In the latter part of the 20th century, the city experienced substantial demographic shifts, transitioning to a more diverse population comprising Latino, Asian, and Black residents, mirroring broader trends seen across California and the Los Angeles area. Economically, the city evolved from its agricultural beginnings to an urbanized commercial hub. The school opened in 1956. Today the school has mostly White students but as many Latinx students, with some Asian students and a few Black students. In 2017, Whispering Cedars High School had an enrollment of 2286 students: 73.7% Hispanic, 11% Asian, 5.7% White, and 3.5% Black.

The study was carried out in the spring of 2022 with an interview of approximately two hours for the school principal to explore how he made sense of social justice leadership. Interview questions were adapted from the semi-structured interview protocol developed by the International Study of Leadership Development Network (ISLDN) (Slater et al., 2014) and based on the research questions. An initial set of questions asked about the schools and the context of the principal's leadership as well as information about how the participant became a principal. The interview then addressed how the participant made sense of social justice leadership, what he did as a leader, what helped and hindered his work, and finally, how he came to be a social justice leader.

Results

The results are presented according to the research questions. First, we examined the principal's beliefs about social justice and how he became a social justice leader, the identity of the principal, and his development as a social justice leader. His views were grounded in values passed on from his parents in the context of segregation and racism in America. Second, we reported what he did as a leader to confront racism and show empathy to students and parents. Finally, we explore the supports and barriers varied by district leadership, district policies, and the community. These differences played out in the racial contexts of the schools.

Beliefs about social justice

In this study, the principal shared his beliefs on social justice as an extension of his upbringing, stating, “For me social justice is making things right, you know, doing what is necessary to make things right….” This idea of “making things right” was illuminated by the idea of Blacks being legally restricted from access to educational resources after the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision where the Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) doctrine of separate but equal was overturned. However, in the wake of the Brown decision, there was a systematic displacement and replacement of Black educators who were barred from teaching in desegregated schools and were thereby laid off or fired altogether. The principal said:

So, when we get to Brown v. Board, I think what's missing in the current conversation is the fact that teachers that were Black, especially teachers that were male and black, (were) pretty much pushed to the side and were taken out of that mix.

This exclusion meant that Black principals and teachers were removed from their positions; only a limited few were allowed to work in predominantly White schools, mostly Black women (Fenwick, 2022).

This concern with social justice can be traced back to the values inculcated in the principal by his parents through his upbringing. The principal is the son of an educator and a military veteran, both of whom are Black. As a youth, the principal's parents expected him to strive for academic excellence while accepting and honoring himself through his knowledge of African and Black history. The principal's parents shared some of the lessons they were taught in their segregated schools:

We're literally teaching Black students to reimagine America. They weren't in these settings just to teach arithmetic, or, you know, history, etc. They were there to say, ‘Look, you're going to learn this. The standard is excellence, and we want to make sure that you are going to leave this schoolhouse, and be able to go to another institution, or to go into business or something like that and you're going to continue to be excellent.’

Prior to Brown v BOE (1954), Black teachers maintained high academic expectations for their students while making them aware of the social realities which surrounded them. Students were intentionally and strategically prepared for the realities of American society. The principal wanted to help students see themselves as part of America.

As a result, the principal operationalized these expectations with the students he served by honoring all cultures and maintaining high expectations for academic excellence, which could result in postsecondary opportunities. The principal also worked to create academic programming for Latinx students to gain postsecondary opportunities which had not been afforded previously. He stated:

There were a number of students that were Latinx, and the perception to some–not me, but to some, was that going to community college (versus aiming for a 4-year university) was fine. A lot of the reasons why I had pushback was because I would vocalize it. ‘That cannot be the standard because we have the ability to get them into a university setting.’ And that's a lot of different things … that's programming, that's placing students in the right classes….

This change in policy created a professional risk to the principal. Teachers and counselors felt attacked and debased due to this level of change, however, it was personal for him, and he wanted to do something about it. The principal's personal and professional investment in the students may have ultimately resulted in a negative outcome for him, but a positive one for the students he was serving.

The origin of the principal's awareness of what was right was rooted in his upbringing. Members of his immediate and extended family discussed how Black people sacrificed for the greater good of their community. However, these acts of altruism came at a cost. He said,

You know who certain people are—or who certain people were, and how they sacrifice for you. It doesn't really resonate with you as an eight-year-old or a 10-year-old. But maybe you read a book and then you start to realize. Wow! You know (Rev. Dr Martin Luther) King was 39 when he got shot and killed. It's crazy, you know. Malcolm X was 39 when he got shot and killed. This is crazy, you know. Medgar Evers was what, 37? He was a veteran, yet he got shot and killed in his driveway. —and you start to realize these things, and you're like, ‘Well, what were they fighting for, and what were they doing, and why were they doing it?’

At a young age, through his interaction with family and by reading books on Black history, the principal realized the sacrifice Black men and women, including his parents and grandparents had made for him merely to exist.

It's remembering in other ways, but I don't think that there were any other (more) significant role models than my parents and my grandparents growing up when I did, in the 60s and 70s. (They) were adamant about me (being) quiet and sitting and listening (to them) or reading a book, and staying out of grown people's business, and I just learned from them.

Through these lessons from family members, the principal understood the expectation to strive for greatness while serving a community that was great but had been historically marginalized. The principal was taught that his duty was to serve. As a result, the principal rejected the term social justice leader as an identifier.

So, when folks say social justice leader—nobody else says that and that's okay. Well, I shouldn't say that. I think that many of us (Black people) aren't looking at ourselves as social justice leaders. So, I don't think you learn to be a social justice leader in that way.

The principal's actions for social justice

There were three major actions which showed how the principal embodied social justice leadership. First, he understood his stakeholders’ oppression in American history. Second, he confronted racial animosity in the community, and third, he displayed empathy through action.

History of oppression

The principal understood the American history of inequitable struggle with minoritized groups and took an asset-based approach to supporting his stakeholders. In relation to his own identifying experiences, he recognized the difference between the privileged majority and underprivileged minority. He described the situation of minoritized students in schools that were hegemonically White, like Whispering Cedars High School:

I think that these settings that are viewed as better aren't always better for our kids, because you don't have students there that are with teachers that understand them and encourage them and want them to do their level best. —and if they aren't doing their level best, let me figure out how to get that out of you without being a problem … a lot of the students can't articulate that, so they are looked at and treated as if they are, like W.E.B. DuBois said at the beginning of Souls of Black Folk, ‘How does it feel to be a problem.’ You know, and that's what a lot of students are dealing with, and that carries on through adulthood.

This notion plays into the Nigrescence Theory (Cross, 1991), that Black children start thinking of themselves as “less than” because of these institutional oppressions.

Besides Black students, the principal also recognized the unique gifts that immigrant parents and students brought to the table. He recognized the problems that were important to the community; he named them and made them transparent for community stakeholders.

Confronting racial animosity

The principal also combated ingrained racial stereotypes in the school and racial awareness and animosities in the community. He confronted the teacher's union and the superintendent at Whispering Cedars High School when he challenged grading policies and called them racist. He wanted to know the outcomes, and he questioned why those outcomes had to be. He expressed outrage:

There were some things that were going on at the school that could not continue! Two and a half months of school left … a senior class of about 500 students—a quarter of them were in danger of not graduating! How is this possible? It's crazy! No one can find a pathway to allowing students to make up work? They cannot make up any work within two and half months? However, students can finish everything you want within a week [in an intensive make-up program] after school's out? Well, you just don't like Moms celebrating their kids’ achievements. You are penalizing families and the student for this. They should not be allowed to do these things.

He found it unfortunate that those entrusted with students’ care could not effectively engage in support and guidance conversations with families.

It has been my experience that some White teachers are afraid of Black parents, and they don't want to talk to Black parents. They instead relay important information through the students. In the instance of a young Black man not passing his class, they (teachers) talked directly to the student. They (teachers) have these adult conversations with students rather than with the parent about what the condition of their student happens to be academically …. We can't leave the parent out of the conversation.

He was not afraid to take risks, and when he determined that he had pushed social justice issues as far as he could at Whispering Cedars High School he said, “For maybe nine months, I'm a good soldier. I'm going to do what I'm told to do. But it's like, well, you know it's probably time for me to start looking (elsewhere for a new position).”

Empathy through action

The principal displayed empathy through action by enacting equity leadership for minoritized students (e.g., creating college pathways, ensuring minority student athletic eligibility, and funding registration for SAT Day). He held previously neglected conversations at both Whispering Cedars and Communal High School. Teachers and staff were making decisions that led to inequities for minoritized students; he challenged the status quo and elevated the sense of social justice by addressing issues of race directly. These conversations led to the expanded use of Advancement Via Individual Determination, a specialized program that seeks to encourage high expectations for minoritized students while promoting access to the most rigorous curriculum available at school sites.

Supports and barriers for a social justice leader

The supports and barriers varied according to the context of the principal's two different schools. District leadership, district policies, and the community of the Communal School District provided support for the principal whereas they were barriers in Whispering Cedars. These differences need to be understood in the racial contexts of the schools.

The major support at Communal High School came from the district that persistently recruited the principal in this study to come as part of a cadre of new administrators. The principal's philosophy of educating all students and raising expectations for students of color fit the mandate from the board and superintendent. The faculty wanted to increase the number of marginalized students in Advanced Placement classes, the graduation rate, and the rate of college attendance. After several years of success in implementing new programs in Communal High School, a new supervisor with a more top-down approach was hired and the voices of principals had less resonance. This type of supervision proved to be a barrier that led the principal to take a new position at Whispering Cedars High School.

At Whispering Cedars High School, the faculty functioned as a barrier to social justice because they were content to do things as they had always been done. The new principal challenged the status quo and faced teacher resistance and defensiveness. The teachers did not see issues of equity the same way that the principal did, as a Black man, and they saw no reason to change. He felt that his role was to challenge these views even when he might be perceived as heavy-handed:

I think there's a sacrifice that you make in a lot of ways for being in the front trying to make sure that other people understand where the accountability is, because you've become perceived, maybe, as the police. But what if we are doing it for the betterment of our students?

The principal confronted teachers by “really having those conversations, going to those department meetings, having opportunities for teachers to engage in questioning and critical thinking, and really pushing their thinking.”

The principal began to experience racial battle fatigue when he had to continually challenge narrow views of inclusion. For example, some teachers felt that the success of one student of color could serve as a demonstration of equal treatment of all students.

One teacher told me, ‘We had a Mexican student, and he's a doctor, and he went to Harvard.’ And she said his name. And I said, ‘Well, if you can name him (the one student), that's a problem.’ You know, there should be so many that you can't name them all.

It was difficult for the principal to sway some teachers’ conceptions about racial equity. He said that they were not bad people, but they were just not ready for the conversation. The principal's conflict with Whispering Cedars’ teachers over failing students was emblematic of his tenure at the school. He wanted to see higher enrollments of students of color in Advanced Placement classes. He did not believe that students should be satisfied with attending community college when they might push themselves to be eligible to attend a four-year university. He wanted to make things right by using his power as principal to bring a sense of social justice to students who had subsisted within the system and needed advocacy.

Discussion from the principal's perspective

In this article, we addressed research questions about the principal's identity as reflected in his beliefs about social justice and how he came to embrace those beliefs. We examined what he did as principal in two quite different schools, and we looked at the barriers that he encountered. Now the principal, who was a coauthor, provides a perspective from Erikson and Cross to understand his identity as a Black principal and to extend the narrative into his life after the principalship. His identity can be understood in terms of his experience, values, and the context within which he was working.

Experience and values

During the time period of this study, the principal was an adult in his late 40s and early 50s, at the stage of generativity versus stagnation. Adults in this stage are concerned with the development of the next generation. The principal developed a strong sense of generativity that was rooted in earlier stages and left a foundation for the values of inclusivity, pride or self-worth, responsibility, productivity, parenting, and mutuality.

The principal was born in southern California, the only child of a mother and father whom he described as extremely loving and demanding. His mother showed her love by expecting success and settling for no less. She was a key figure in his life. His mother later remarried a man with whom she had a daughter and another son, and later, they adopted three daughters. The principal was 11 years older than his younger sister, 13+ years older than his brother and almost two decades older than his new sisters. He became like a parent to them and felt responsible for them (Eriksonian values of responsibility/parenthood). He expressed the same high expectations for them that his mother had for him. He showed concern for his siblings as his mother did for him and, in some ways, tried to guide them around obstacles which might have harmed them (Cross’s stage of encounter). He also inculcated his siblings with African and African American history to stave off feelings of racial self-hatred that they would be expected to learn in their schools (Cross’s stage of immersion). He embraced his siblings as part of the family and in some ways, as his own children (Eriksonian value of inclusivity); he felt they should aspire to the same high goals his mother had instilled in him. He was especially insistent they master their daily lessons from school (Eriksonian value of career productivity) and unlearn these lessons by recognizing a complement in African and African American history with which they could be proud (Cross’s stage of emersion).

The principal left home, going across the country to matriculate at Morehouse College, a prestigious historically Black college. This decision was met with resistance from his parents because of the overt racism experienced by Black people living in Southern states such as Georgia. Nevertheless, the principal thrived in this setting, meeting classmates who became lifelong friends who supported one another and helped each other along in their careers (Cross’s stage of internalization). With this experience of studying, living, and learning with other Black students from around the United States, he made a commitment to share this experience with younger students who may have felt lost or confused by where they fit in American society (Cross’s stage of internalization-commitment). He returned to Southern California and became a middle school teacher. He enjoyed working with students who were attracted to his warm and engaging personality. He felt proud of their accomplishments (Eriksonian value of pride and self-worth). He treated them as if they were his own children, with a high level of investment in their academic success (Eriksonian values of parenthood/career productivity). He held a deep sense of pride in his African ancestral and historical heritage (Cross’s stage of internalization-commitment), and he acknowledged and embraced the complex, often ignored history of enslavement and oppression experienced by Black people in the United States. In addition to what he learned from home, his collegiate studies taught him about the strength and resilience of Black communities and Black schools that were under the direction of the community. The struggle for integration presented a dual-edged reality: it offered the promise of equality for Black people, yet it also meant relinquishing control over their own curriculum and instruction, and in some cases, future aspirations.

He might have been content with his position as a teacher, but he had internalized his parent's expectations to achieve more and began to advance into a career in administration. He also met his wife and fell in love. They settled in Orange County, California and pursued parallel careers as educators. They had to navigate the competing demands of home and work and the challenges of being an interracial couple (Eriksonian value of mutuality).

They had a daughter and moved to a small, mostly White suburban community. After he left the principalship, he became the primary caretaker for his daughter while his wife was able to devote more time to her principalship (Eriksonian value of mutuality). When one of his younger sisters could no longer take care of her two sons, he became the primary caregiver to his nephews (Eriksonian values of responsibility/parenthood).

Context

He held principalships in two quite different contexts. Communal High School is the site of many famous graduates Students mirrored the racial composition of the school population which at first was White, later was Black, and is now mainly Latino. The school developed a proud history of educating all its students. His demands that students take more Advanced Placement classes, gain the requirements for college admission and attend four-year colleges matched the desires of his parents and teachers for him. He convinced students that he wanted them to succeed. His pride and the pride of the school came together in a bond of trust.

At Whispering Cedars High School, the faculty is expected to be the priority of the principal. When the principal challenged this norm for being student-centered, he ran into obstacles. His ideals at Communal High School clashed with the culture where he had to convince the faculty that he was committed to students. He presented a similar agenda at Whispering Cedars to what he had advocated at Communal: high expectations for all students. However, he was met with an attitude that allowed some students to advance to the highest levels while others would be expected to do less.

The principal wanted to take the same responsibility and pride in Whispering Cedars that he had taken at Communal, but instead of cooperation, he felt isolated (lack of mutuality) without the strong support of parents, teachers, and administrators necessary to succeed.

Conclusion

The principal's case demonstrates the actions of a social justice leader. Wherever there was a wrong to right on behalf of his students, he took the necessary actions to repair the breach. The principal's beliefs about social justice views were grounded in family and community influences from the American Civil Rights era. This enhanced lens of his cultural identity demonstrated his commitment to social justice for minoritized students. This strong sense of generativity was influenced by personal environmental factors.

The role of Black principals has recently been under intense study around the world, and the factors discovered in this study could have considerable relevance. Cruz-Gonzalez et al.'s (2019) systematic literature review confirms that the leadership identity of principals is critical for achieving effective leadership in schools worldwide. In Johnson's (2021) portraits of U.K. Black and South Asian headteachers and Lopez's (2020) study of school leadership and Anti-Black racism in Canada, leaders of color faced similar challenges to develop their identities in somewhat hostile environments, and they found support from their families and guidance from mentors. Lomotey (2022) chronicled over 50 years of work in ethnohumanism to confirm that Black principals can make a positive impact on the academic and overall success of Black students.

Factors influencing the principal's social justice leadership began with high expectations from role models in the home, Black professors and mentors, and lifetime friendships with fellow students who validated his identity. Through these experiences, he developed the confidence to believe in and trust himself as an educator and be an advocate for others (Cross’s stage of internalization). Other global school leaders might also develop their social justice lenses based on their cultures and communities—a complex interplay of personal, professional, and societal factors. With a marriage of mutuality to someone of the racial majority, the principal navigated life in a White community as a Black man. While fitting well into one culture, he was aware of the limitations beset by racism in another. This minoritized lens which helps him be a more culturally responsive school principal, might be a perspective other school leaders manifest from their connection between their earlier stages of development and the adult stage of generativity versus stagnation (Slater, 2003). This principal maintained a strong commitment to support his family, and other students to work tirelessly toward their goals while being proud of who they were as minorities in America (Cross’s stage of internalization).

There is a worldwide need for leaders of color. This requisite is of particular significance given the continuous disenfranchisement and subsequent underachievement of Black children in U.S. schools and the importance of Black principals in addressing this quagmire. The case of this principal suggests new ways to address the practice of leadership and apply the identity theories of generativity and Nigrescence. The story of this leader may well encourage a self-evaluation for other school leaders of color to understand how context, experience, and values have shaped their identity.