Abstract
Despite the growing academic interests in educational leadership recently, hardly any of it has focused on post-conflict situations. This paper seeks to generate an understanding of the perspectives of primary school leaders in post-conflict Cambodia on the issues they face in the process of educational reconstruction and development and the strategies they adopt to deal with those issues. A qualitative research approach within the interpretivist paradigm was adopted to guide the study. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data with 20 primary school leaders. Data were analysed using grounded theory data analysis methods, namely, open coding and analytic induction. The study argues that while there has been substantial progress in educational reconstruction generally in post-conflict Cambodia, primary school leaders face multiple issues in their day-to-day work. Some of the issues may be specifically attributed to the legacies of armed conflict and genocide while others may refer to the broader context of the developing world. The findings have implications for policy and practice in educational leadership and further research in the post-conflict and developing-country contexts.
Introduction
In recent years, there has been a growing interest in education in post-conflict contexts, especially understanding the relationships between education and conflict. This interest may be attributed to increased evidence that conflicts can have destructive impacts on education, including the destruction of educational infrastructure and resources, loss of life, interruptions of learning opportunities for children, and displacement (Bush and Saltarelli, 2000; O’Malley, 2010; Seitz, 2004; UNESCO, 2011; World Bank, 2005). The interest in education in post-conflict societies may also be driven by the important role that education can play in preventing conflict through promoting peacebuilding, social cohesion, equality, and inclusive citizenship (Buckland, 2006; Bush and Saltarelli, 2000; Davies, 2005; Smith, 2010).
However, researchers have argued that academic research focusing on education in conflict-affected contexts remains scanty; Tomlinson and Benefield, 2005). Most of the studies in conflict-affected societies are based on technical reports produced by organisations operating in such contexts, rather than on rigorous research (Paulson, 2011; Weinstein et al., 2007). This situation creates a gap between theoretical and practical perspectives on education in conflict-affected societies. Consequently, researchers have called for more critically informed and policy-relevant research in this emerging field (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2020; Paulson, 2011; Paulson and Rappleye, 2007).
While academic research on education in post-conflict societies is scarce, even less is undertaken on leadership at the individual school level in such contexts (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2013, 2020; Karareba, et al., 2017, 2019; Kheang, et al., 2018). Undeniably, a plethora of studies on educational leadership and management have been undertaken in the last few decades (Bush, 2008, 2012; Hallinger, 2011); however, much of it has focused on contexts that are relatively stable economically and politically (Bush, 2014; Kheang, et al., 2018; Nawab, 2011; Oplatka, 2004). Therefore, there is a lack of empirical studies that can be drawn upon to formulate theoretical models for informing school leadership practices in conflict-affected settings (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2013, 2020).
This paper seeks to contribute to addressing the deficits mentioned above by generating an understanding of the perspectives of primary school leaders in post-conflict Cambodia on the issues they face in the process of educational reconstruction and development and the strategies they adopt to deal with those issues. As Cambodia is also a developing country, this paper can further respond to criticism that educational leadership practices in the Global South are primarily based on Western models of school leadership (Nawab, 2011; Oplatka, 2004, 2019). The unique characteristics of the study context could besides deepen our understanding of how social, cultural, and political environments shape policy and practice of school leadership in such contexts (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2020). On a broader and theoretical level, the study can contribute to an understanding of the importance of considering the neglected issue of context and its influence on leadership practices (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2013, 2020; Vroom and Jago, 2007).
School leadership in post-conflict contexts
Post-conflict situations can pose numerous critical challenges for the reform of education. These challenges relate to a lack of political leadership, weak and unstable political government systems, opposing politics, and unpredictability of financial flows (Buckland, 2006; World Bank, 2005). Also, there are specific destructive aftermaths of armed conflict that can inflict substantial burdens on the rebuilding of education in post-conflict nations. These legacies include insufficient domestic revenue to operate the education system, a severe shortage of qualified teachers, an oversupply of unqualified or under-qualified teachers, a lack of skills training for youth, poor record-keeping, a high number of illiterate people, corruption and a lack of accountability and transparency in educational management (Buckland, 2006; O’Malley, 2010; Seitz, 2004; World Bank, 2005).
The impacts of conflict can generate even more critical challenges for school-level stakeholders who enact education reform plans. Clark and O’Donoghue (2013, 2016) adapted Knapp et al.’s (2003) leadership model to portray the characteristics of school leadership in post-conflict contexts. The model has three distinct learning agendas, but they are closely interrelated in some ways. They are organisational learning, teacher learning and student learning.
Organisational learning
The organisational learning agenda is primarily concerned with providing the appropriate conditions and opportunities for school-level stakeholders to achieve their potential (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2016). The successful operation of this agenda depends upon the broader parameters of the organisational structures and policies that influence the running of schools (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2013, 2016; Knapp et al., 2003). Researchers, nevertheless, argue that school leaders in post-conflict contexts often work within dysfunctional organisational structures that are the legacy of political and economic inequality and widespread corruption (Clarke and O'Donoghue, 2013, 2016; Karareba, et al., 2017, 2019; Kheang, et al., 2018). These may be well beyond what school leaders can change and may undermine school leaders’ efforts and willingness to develop capacity in their schools.
Teacher learning
The teacher learning agenda focuses on building the professional and intellectual capacity of teachers and staff at the school level (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2016). As already described, schools operate within the broader education structures which influence the development of the professional capacities of teachers. Initiatives on teacher preparation and development, therefore, need to consider both the wider education context and the school-specific context (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2013; Karareba et al., 2019). The reality of the teacher learning agenda in post-conflict contexts is that often there is a shortage of trained teachers and an oversupply of unqualified or under-qualified teachers (Buckland, 2006; O’Malley, 2010; UNESCO, 2011; World Bank, 2005). These teachers may experience psychological trauma and a lack of motivation in teaching. Besides, they need to teach despite a lack of proper physical buildings, classrooms, classroom resources, electricity, clean drinking water, the internet, and basic amenities (Kheang, et al., 2018; O’Malley, 2010).
Student learning
The student learning agenda is aimed at helping children to build their intellectual and social capacity (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2013, 2016). Student enrolment and attendance rates in post-conflict environments can be low because the immediate return of children to schools after conflict may not be viewed as necessary by many parents due to the destruction of school facilities, shortage of teachers, and damage to social and economic structures (UNESCO, 2011; World Bank, 2005). Child labour exploitation also prevents children from returning to school. Moreover, children can be suffering from trauma from what they have experienced during the conflict (O’Malley, 2010; Seitz, 2004; UNESCO, 2011; World Bank, 2005). This can have a negative influence on the learning of children. Although psychological support can be critical to help them recover from trauma and to deal with it, little support in this area is available for them.
The leadership model described above portrays the characteristics of school leadership in conflict-affected contexts. It has indicated that school leaders in such contexts encountered numerous challenges while implementing educational reconstruction plans that often lack local responsiveness. They have to comply with the broader education structures while at the same time trying to address the needs of school-level stakeholders. However, this empirical evidence is still limited to explain how school leaders in post-conflict contexts conceptualise their work. This gap has resulted in a very poor knowledge base that can be used to develop theoretical models for informing leadership development in such complex situations (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2013, 2020). As a response, this paper aims to investigate primary school leadership in post-conflict Cambodia, focusing on the issues school leaders face in the process of educational reconstruction and development and on the ways in which they address the issues.
A brief overview of the study context
Cambodia is a postcolonial, post-conflict, and developing country situated in Southeast Asia. After gaining independence from France in November 1953, the country experienced a short period of relative stability and prosperity brought by the leadership of King Sihanouk (Chandler, 2008). However, this period did not last long. General Lon Nol overthrew King Sihanouk via a US-backed coup and established the Khmer Republic in 1970 (Chandler, 2008). The regime introduced changes to the education system that reflected its political ideology and undid some of the work of the previous regime (Ayres, 2003).
In April 1975, the opposing forces of the Khmer Rouge seized control of Phnom Penh, overthrowing the pro-US regime and founding the Democratic Kampuchea. Based on an extreme Maoist political ideology, the regime aimed to build a self-sustainable economy, mainly based on intensive agricultural activities (Ayres, 2003; Chandler, 2008). Existing political and social institutions, including the formal education system, were abolished, and civil services were dissolved. The regime caused an immeasurable loss of life and the destruction of sociocultural structures and infrastructure. At least 1.7 million people died because of execution, starvation, disease, or overwork (Ayres, 1999).
In January 1979, Vietnam successfully took down the formal system of the Khmer Rouge regime. The People’s Republic of Kampuchea came into power with strong support from the Vietnamese military and allies in the Eastern bloc countries and lasted until 1989 (Chandler, 2008). The change of the global political order in the late 1980s was a great opportunity for Cambodia to end the long political unrest in the country. Accordingly, the Paris Peace Agreement was signed on 23 October 1991 to cease the armed conflict and bring peace to the country and thus resulted in a general election in May 1993 (Chandler, 2008). Nevertheless, violent conflict was still taking place in some parts of the country until 1998, when another national election was held. That year marked the end of armed conflict in the country.
In the post-conflict period, Cambodia focused on promoting peace and political stability, leading to rapid economic growth. The country attained lower-middle-income status in 2015 and is aspiring to achieve upper-middle-income status by 2030. At the same time, the government via the Ministry of Education Youth and Sport (MoEYS) has implemented many major education reform plans which are aligned with the international education development movements and meet the national interests. Some of these education plans included the National Plan for Education for All 2003-2015 (MoEYS, 2003), Cambodia’s Education 2030 Roadmap for Sustainable Development (MoEYS, 2019a), the Education Strategic Plan 2019-2023 (MoEYS, 2019b), and Child Friendly School Policy (MoEYS, 2007). Accordingly, these reforms have resulted in progress in both access to education and quality of education. For example, net primary rates at primary schools increased from 84 per cent in the school year of 2000-2001 to 97.3 per cent in the school year of 2019-2020 (MoEYS, 2021). Also, the number of primary school teachers with upper secondary education increased from 14.1 per cent to 79 per cent between 1999 and 2020 (MoEYS, 2021).
Despite these improvements, there is still much work that needs to be done to improve education, especially the quality of education in Cambodia. Learning achievements are still low compared with other countries in the region. The results of the Program for International Student Assessment for Development (PISA-D) showed that 92 per cent of 15-year-old students performed considerably below the PISA-D average of 346 points (MoEYS, 2018). Further, professional preparation and development for teachers still require special attention, with many teachers lacking opportunities for continuing professional development (Benvensite, et al., 2008; Kheang, et al., 2018).
Research methodology
The interpretivist paradigm was selected to underpin the study because it is concerned with understanding people’s experiences from their perspectives (Hennik et al., 2011). It especially is concerned with understanding the meanings individuals construct to understand the world to which they belong (Hennik et al., 2011; O’Donoghue, 2007). Consistent with the interpretivist paradigm, purposive sampling and maximum variation sampling strategies were adopted to choose schools and participants. These approaches offer a deliberate and flexible method of selecting context, events, or the most appropriate individuals for a given study (Bryman, 2012).
The study involved 20 school principals and deputy principals from 15 primary schools located in five provinces in Cambodia, namely, Kampot (4 schools), Kampong Cham (2 schools), Phnom Penh (one school), Siem Reap (four schools), and Oddar Meanchey (four schools). Of these participants, five participants were from remote communities, 13 from rural communities and two from the capital city. The number of participants chosen from each school differed, depending on the availability of the participants, school location and school size. For large and some medium-size schools, two participants were recruited while only one participant was possible for small remote and some rural schools. Participants had a wide range of experiences, with most of them being school principals for at least 10 years. Most participants from remote communities had less leadership experience than their counterparts in rural and urban areas. While some participants, especially those in remote communities did not attain secondary education, others thrived to obtain a higher education degree.
Data were collected using a semi-structured interview technique because it is flexible, allowing the researcher to actively interact with the participants and thus gain insights into the phenomenon from the perspectives of the participants (Bryman, 2012; Hennik, et al., 2011). The interview guides were used to guide the interviews. Examples of questions from the initial interview protocol included: ‘‘What are the are the challenges and influences that primary school leaders face as they perform their work? What are the strategies that school leaders adopt to deal with those challenges, and why?’’
The interviews were conducted in Khmer, the official language in Cambodia, and were digitally recorded. The duration of the interviews varied, ranging from 35 min to 80 min. A non-participant observation approach was additionally implemented to help the researcher become sensitised to the study sites and see if they might suggest further specific questions that had not been initially articulated (Hennik, et al., 2011). The researcher spent about 30 to 60 min before the interviews observing classrooms and the school environment to gain an understanding of the study setting.
Data were analysed using a grounded theory approach which involves using flexible procedures to generate abstract concepts and categories grounded in the data (Charmaz, 2006; Glaser and Strauss, 1967). This approach requires that the researcher conducts data collection and analysis concurrently. Therefore, the researcher began data analysis immediately after the first interview was conducted and this involved transcribing the interviews in Khmer and then translating them into English. To maximize the quality of the transcription to ensure the trustworthiness of the research, the researcher used high quality digital audio recorders to record the interviews, carefully listened to each interview before and after its transcription and checked textual and grammatical errors.
Two methods of grounded theory data analysis were employed to analyse the data. Opening coding was initially adopted to analyse the data. It involves breaking data into words, lines, and segments that facilitated the construction of conceptual categories grounded in the data through constant comparison (Charmaz, 2006; Glaser and Strauss, 1967). The researcher started coding the translated transcripts, labelling codes and constantly comparing them to identify similarities and differences in the data. The process enabled the researcher to create conceptual categories grounded in terms of their properties and dimensions. What followed was the adoption of analytic induction to produce integrated statements about the phenomenon (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). This exercise ensures that the conceptual categories generated cover the entire range of the data.
Trustworthiness is central to considerations in a qualitative study to arrive at credible and worthy findings and conclusions (Lincoln and Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2009). In this study, it was established through Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) four criteria, namely, credibility, dependability, transferability, and confirmability. Concerned with whether the researcher provides an accurate and adequate description of the participants’ experiences (Lincoln and Guba, 1985), credibility was facilitated through adopting ‘member checking’ and ‘prolonged engagement’. Regarding member checking, after a draft of the study was produced, the researcher returned to some selected participants to confirm the interpretations and to see if they had any additional information. To promote transferability, the researcher employed two strategies, including’ purposive sampling’ allowing for the right selection of participants for the study and a ‘thick description’ of the study (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). The researcher achieved dependability, producing a clear and accurate description of the research design, data collection and analysis (Bryman, 2012; Lincoln and Guba, 1985). Finally, confirmability was enhanced through a review done by a group of peers and examiners to ensure consistency and accuracy of the research process.
The study was carried out with approval from the University of Western Australia’s Human Research Ethics Committee and permission to research in Cambodia by the Cambodian Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport (MoEYS). All participants were informed about the nature and purpose of the study and issues relating to privacy, confidentiality, and anonymity through information letters and consent forms. Where necessary and appropriate, the researcher explained these documents to the participants and made them aware that participation in the research was voluntary and that they could withdraw at any time without prejudice. All agreed to participate in the interviews.
Findings and discussions
The study indicated that primary school leaders in post-conflict Cambodia confront many issues in leading education reconstruction at the school level. While some of the issues may be attributed directly to the violent conflict and genocide, others may relate to the impacts of globalisation and general developing world constraints. These issues along with the strategies can be categorised into six broad themes. These are a multitude of education reforms; financial and resource constraints; a shortage of qualified teachers; political influences on education; psychosocial trauma; and a lack of professional preparation, development, and support.
A multitude of education reforms
One of the current concerns identified by primary school leaders relates to the implementation of a multitude of education reforms which can be attributed partially to the impact of globalisation and partially to the aftermath of conflict. The government in post-conflict Cambodia has introduced a wide range of education reform initiatives simultaneously and continuously with the hope of building an education system that responds to the national reconstruction needs and aligns with international education development trends. While feeling optimistic about the positive impacts that these changes may have on teaching and learning, school leaders in the study explained that the changes failed to take into account reality at the school level- whether the changes reflected the actual needs of school-level stakeholders, whether they were well informed about the changes, whether they were prepared to implement them, and whether schools had the necessary resources to embrace the changes.
To elaborate on the above points, participants cited two examples of education reform that they believed lacked local sensitivity. The first example is the frequent curriculum reform. The first comprehensive curriculum reform was introduced in 1996 and a review of the curriculum has been undertaken every five years in the past decade. School leaders observed that they were not involved in either the process of designing curriculum changes or review, and they were not well informed about the changes to be implemented. One participant explained the nature of the problem: In recent years, a range of curriculum reform initiatives have been implemented to improve quality of education, but not enough attention has been given to engaging teachers and school leaders in the process of formulating and implementing the changes. I have not seen any significant program that aimed to prepare teachers to translate these initiatives into effective practices. In short, we lack professional support to implement the intended changes. (School Principal 7)
Another example of education reform considered by participants as a current concern is associated with introducing the English language to the primary school curriculum of Grades 4 to 6 in the school year of 2014-2015. By and large, the participants felt positive about this introduction, believing that it would give students a chance to learn a new foreign language formally and would help to prepare students for participating in the integration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). At the same time, they raised multiple concerns regarding the implementation of the English curriculum in their schools. They widely agreed that there was a lack of teaching and learning materials to support the implementation of the curriculum. Some participants acknowledged the receipt of the textbooks, but the number, they argued, remained insufficient. Other school principals reportedly had not received any textbooks yet.
The participants expressed further concern regarding the lack of teachers with the competency to deliver the English curriculum. They highlighted that only a small number of junior primary school teachers have some knowledge about English and may teach this curriculum, but they lacked pedagogical knowledge of the subject. This, some claimed, can be a real challenge for teachers to implement this curriculum without appropriate support. One school principal offered a view on this matter: The English teaching and learning materials (textbooks and teacher’s guide) had been distributed to schools, but we have not implemented the curriculum yet. We do not have teachers who can deliver the curriculum. No teachers have been invited to attend any relevant training. We have been contacted about training teachers to use the materials. We are still waiting to hear an update from them. (School Principal 10)
There is little that school principals can do to address the concern about the multitude of education reforms because the education policymaking approach adopted in post-conflict Cambodia reflects a top-down approach, neglecting practical challenges confronted by those who implement the policy (Rosli and Rossi, 2014). Inputs from the most important stakeholders at the school level are not sought and represented in the policy documents. As such, they perceived themselves as the implementers of the centrally prescribed policy documents. The dearth of involvement, information, and support in the process of formulating education policy may mean that school-level stakeholders have only limited knowledge and understanding of the education changes and lack a sense of ownership of the education changes. As a result, they may be unable to translate the proposed changes into practice effectively due to unrealistic expectations (Rosli and Rossi, 2014).
Financial and resourcing constraints
Participants identified financing and resourcing constraints as a concern that limits their capacity to facilitate effective school operations. These constraints have resulted from Cambodia being both a post-conflict and developing nation. Most participants felt that the government’s funding was overall inadequate to address a school’s needs over one school year regardless of size and location. The amount of budget provided for each primary school student was from 9000 Riels (USD2.25) to 12,000 Riels (USD3) per school year (Ministry of Economics and Finance, 2013). In addition, each school received a school operation budget, ranging from 800,000 Riels (USD200) to 1,200,000 Riels (USD300) per school year. This suggests that schools with a larger population of students are most likely to receive more funding. This approach to budget allocation, as participants argued, failed to consider the actual needs and differences of each school.
School principals claimed that whereas the budget allocated to schools was already limited, it had been pre-determined, creating an additional hurdle for them to use the budget to meet their needs. The education budget program known as Program Based Budget, has complex structures which are divided into various types of expenditures, sub-expenditures, and chapters. Each of the financial structures has its account codes and sub-account codes, with a specific budget allocated to each of them. School principals explained that schools must spend the budget in compliance with the budget allocated to each account and sub-account. One participant shared his experience on this matter: Concerning financial management, it is quite challenging for us to utilise the budget we have to address our needs because it is pre-determined. We are required to comply with the budget account and sub-account set by the central office of education. This means that we cannot use the budget from one account or sub-account for another account or sub-account although there is a need to do so. (School Principal 11)
An additional concern regarding financing is that funding was often distributed to schools later than expected. School principals stated that schools, in principle, should receive the budget in four rounds of payment per school year, namely, in January, April, July, and October. However, the distributions, in practice, can be irregular, especially in remote and rural areas. While schools should expect the first payment in January, they frequently receive it in February or March. The irregularity in financial distribution, school principals held, can have a detrimental effect on school operations, particularly early in the school year when a large financial sum is required for getting the school underway. To address such financial constraints, some school principals use their professional and personal networks to obtain all necessary materials and facilities from local businesses to support the school’s operations and have the payments deferred. It should be acknowledged that the government has very recently introduced changes to financial management in education and one of the changes is that schools now receive funds via the banking system. This change is a positive reaction to improve the effectiveness of fund distribution to schools.
Regarding resourcing constraints, participants drew attention to the lack of classrooms and facilities to facilitate teaching and learning. The number and quality of educational facilities and infrastructure in Cambodia have increased significantly in recent years, but some geographical locations still experience a shortage of appropriate school facilities and infrastructure. School principals emphasised that there are not enough classrooms to accommodate students or offices in which teachers can work. One participant explained the situation: One major challenge I faced as a school leader in this school relates to the difficulty in managing teaching and learning due to the lack of classrooms. We do not have enough classrooms to accommodate all learners. So, we adopt a triple learning shift approach which can be a factor constraining the promotion of equity in education. Students in this school do not receive equal learning hours as their counterparts in other schools. In particular, many students attending the second learning shift which starts around noon are often late for class, making teachers wait for them. (School Principal 8)
Shortage of qualified teachers
There was a wide concern among participants about the scarcity of qualified teachers. While such issue is common in both post-conflict and developing contexts, it is more pronounced in Cambodia as a result of a long civil war and especially the genocide which involved the destruction of lives of many educated people. It was estimated that at least 80 per cent of the teaching force was killed or forced to flee the country during the Khmer Rouge regime (Ayres, 1999; Clayton, 1998). While significant efforts have been invested to prepare, develop, and deploy teachers to address the country’s rapid expansion of education services in the post-conflict period, they have been proven difficult, mainly due to constrained financial resources, lack of training capacity, poor working conditions, and low priority given to being teachers (Williams, et al., 2016). As a result, the shortage of qualified teachers, school principals in the study claimed, remains an alarming issue for many primary schools. This situation is more prevalent in rural and remote communities where working conditions are often poor. One participant from such a school highlighted the problem: There is a critical shortage of teachers in my school and other schools in this community. We have only two teachers in this school including myself who also works as the school principal. Both of us have to teach both morning and afternoon sessions. This situation is daunting for me as I play two roles. I frequently do not have enough rest at night because I have to prepare my teaching lessons and do administrative work. (School Principal 19)
Several strategies were adopted by school-level stakeholders to address the lack of qualified teachers. One commonly adopted strategy relates to using the double-shift teaching approach. It involves one teacher teaching both the morning and afternoon learning shifts, with each shift lasting four hours. The MoEYS (2021) reported that there are at least 10,200 two-class-two-shift teachers across education levels. In some schools with a critical shortage of teachers, a triple teaching approach was employed, with a teacher running two or three classes a day. This approach, while solving the need for teachers in classrooms, can raise a concern regarding the quality of classroom instruction due to the teacher’s heavy workload. One participant in the study commented on this situation: One of the many major challenges we faced in school management relates to teaching and learning. It does not mean that teachers do not come to teach. The actual problem is that we are adopting a triple teaching approach which can have a negative impact on the promotion of equity in education. It can create a gap in learning equity between pupils in this school and their counterparts in other schools. (Deputy Principal 2)
Another approach is associated with employing a multi-grade teaching approach which involves having children of multiple grades, ages, and abilities together in one class under one teacher (Benveniste et al., 2008; UNESCO, 1995). This approach was reportedly adopted in rural and remote schools in Oddar Meanchey Province, where the number of students enrolled in the schools is often small and where the teacher shortage is critical. Concerns relating to implementing multi-grade teaching identified by school principals include the lack of appropriate pedagogical preparation, lack of necessary classroom facilities, and inadequate teaching and learning materials.
In some schools in Oddar Meanchey and Siem Reap, using contract teachers is a popular strategy to address the lack of teachers. There were 13,941 contract teachers in 2020, many of whom taught primary education (MoEYS, 2021). The recruitment of contract teachers is done by school principals and is remunerated by the government. This strategy is similar to the previous strategies in a way that creates a few problems, including corruption involving in the recruitment process and the lack of proper pedagogical training for the teachers.
Political influences on education
Evidence from the interviews suggested that politics has a significant influence on the operation of Cambodia’s primary school education system. Such an issue can be significantly attributed to Cambodia being a post-conflict nation because the nation has experienced many political changes in the last decades. Changes in politics have implications for changes in education. One common form of political influence on the primary school system links to network use in appointment processes. Though not widely discussed in public due to its sensitivity, the use of political or personal networks has been rooted in the system for years. A typical example of such influence cited by participants in the study is that some teachers were appointed to be principals because of their connection to a political group or an influential individual. Therefore, these school principals can be viewed as political appointees in a hierarchical and politicised system in which they manage a school in a way that closely follows the centrally set requirements. Political networks, school principals argued, can also influence teachers’ applications for transferring to other schools.
Another widely reported form of political influence on the operation of primary school education is associated with attending a political party meeting. The study revealed that most school principals, teachers, and education officials, if not all, may be connected to a political party, and if they are leaders of an institution, they are likely associated with the ruling political party. Being part of a political party means that they must fulfill some party requirements or requests. School principals commented that they were requested to attend political party meetings, which were often held in their community or provincial town. The meetings, they added, might be scheduled once a month and usually on a Sunday to avoid interruption to their regular work. Concerning this matter, one school principal explained: Most school principals including myself, if not all, attend the political party which is often held on weekends to avoid any interruptions with our schoolwork. School principals are indeed required to attend such an event and we need to do so to avoid any unseen trouble. The meeting may be organised more frequently when either a national or subnational election is approaching. (School Principal 9)
In addition to attending political party meetings, school principals were requested to make financial contributions to the political party with which they were associated. In this relation, they explained that the contribution was not much, but they had to approach teachers and other staff in the school to urge them to make such contributions. This situation, they claimed, could create a misunderstanding and discomfort in the workplace. One participant reluctantly commented on the situation: We are requested to make a financial contribution to the party per month. As the school leader, I approach teachers and other staff members in the school to make this contribution and I then give it to the district office of education. While some teachers are willing to contribute, others are not. I have to convince them to participate in this process as I do not want any pressure from the higher office of education. (School Principal 6)
The study suggested that school principals in post-conflict Cambodia not only function as school leaders, but they also represent the political party to which they are connected. This political situation can harm the operation of primary school education that may result in discrimination for school-level stakeholders, especially school principals and teachers who do not subscribe to the ruling party’s political views. Therefore, the participation of teachers and other school-level stakeholders in school development may be restricted. Some school principals commented that the influence of politics on the primary school system should be minimised to achieve inclusive participation by relevant school-level stakeholders in education.
Psychological trauma
One of the destructive impacts of violent conflict identified in the study is that of psychological trauma which may negatively influence the operations of primary school. This impact has resulted from the physical and psychological disturbances that the participants experienced as a result of the violent conflict and genocide taking place in the country between the 1970s and 1990s. Although the dark period had ended some time ago, the hardships, suffering, and fear that the participants experienced had not ceased. Senior school principals reported experiencing direct and indirect physical and psychological trauma, which continued to have a detrimental effect on their day-to-day lives. While recalling the experience of living with starvation, witnessing killings directly, and escaping from being executed, they explained that they could never get rid of these haunting memories in their lives though they hoped that the terrifying memories would fade one day. One senior school principal reflected on these traumatic experiences: What I experienced during the genocide and civil war is part of my daily life although this dark period is over. I felt lucky that I am still alive. I remember that one time I was about to get killed, but I got away with it. I cannot forget the killing that I witnessed during that time. I sometimes woke up at midnight because I was dreaming about what happened back then. (School Principal 3)
The findings in the current study correspond with those of Mollica et al. (1990), who assessed symptom change in Southeast Asian refugee survivors of mass violence and torture. They found that Cambodian patients experienced an average of 16 major trauma events, which can be divided into four general categories, namely, deprivation, physical injury and torture, incarceration/concentration camps, and witnessing execution and torture. Bit (1991) made a similar argument that Cambodian survivors of the civil war and genocide suffered severe trauma, including depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, conversion disorder, aggression, anxiety disorders, and violence. On top of this, Sonis et al. (2009) revealed that 14% of Cambodians who lived through the Khmer Rouge regime showed persistent symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Some participants experienced multiple traumatic events resulting from years of witnessing the civil war and brutal genocide, yet they had received little or no support to deal with their psychological wounds. The lack of such support can put these survivors in danger because the effects of traumatic experiences can be enormous. Some of the participants interviewed, for instance, recalled experiencing sustained oppression and violence, as well as direct and indirect physical and mental abuse during the civil war and genocide. One senior school principal shared how he dealt with his traumatic experiences: I tried to get over the haunting experiences I had during the Khmer Rouge regime, but it is not easy. Practising Buddhist principles is a helpful way for me to calm myself down and forget some of those experiences. I visit a temple (religious temple) regularly, especially on holy days. (School Principal 6)
Lack of professional preparation, development, and support
Participants reported a lack of access to professional preparation, development, and support. They were not required to have any formal leadership preparation before they were appointed to be school leaders. The MoEYS (2014) indicated that the appointment of primary school leaders should meet six criteria: holding educational qualifications, specialised knowledge, a relevant set of skills, good personal characteristics, working experience, and ability to take the job. However, not all criteria are considered when appointing primary school leaders in practice. For instance, some school principals did not possess even secondary school education, and others did not have the skill sets and knowledge of school leadership and management when they became school leaders. One school principal shared her experience as follows: I completed my pre-service teacher preparation in 2007, and I was posted to this school as a teacher. In 2008, I became the school principal in the school. I did not receive any formal preparation for this position, but after the appointment, I attended some short workshops in the provincial town. The workshops were focused on how to do basic school operations, not on school leadership and management. (School Principal 12)
The study identified three general criteria that are commonly used for the appointment of primary school leaders. Most school principals interviewed were appointed based on years of experience in the education system. This approach suggests that those who stay in the service longer have a higher chance of being selected as school principals. These school leaders frequently climbed up the ranks from being classroom teachers to the head-subject teacher, then to deputy principal, and finally to the school principal. They perceived each rank as the opportunity to learn about school leadership and management and build a better perspective on education.
Some school principals were selected for the position because they had a successful teaching record. This selection approach assumes that effective teachers can become effective school principals, and teachers do not need to develop their leadership skills in intermediate leadership positions before they are appointed to be school leaders. As such, they did not have the opportunity to develop their knowledge and understanding of school leadership and management. Further, there were instances reported in the interviews of school principals being appointed because they were associated with a social or political network. These school principals often lacked knowledge and experience in school leadership and management and were therefore unlikely to effectively perform their job.
Moreover, participants reported access to continuing professional development and support as quite limited. Nonetheless, some principals acknowledged that they received management training following their appointment. The MoEYS offers training to help school principals to do their job after they are appointed. It focuses on building knowledge about administrative matters required by the MoEYS rather than on developing leadership capacity. However, the training is one-off and only usually lasts for two weeks, with no follow-up or ongoing building of principals’ skills. Access to training also appears patchy, with some principals in the study are not offered any preparatory training. For example, one school principal stated: I became the school principal in this school in 2009 and I have not received any training concerning school administration or leadership. Many school principals who were appointed about the same time as me have not attended any of this training too. I think the selection for such training may be based on seniority and educational qualifications. (School Principal 7)
The dearth of professional preparation and development has left many primary school leaders, especially newly appointed ones in post-conflict Cambodia, unprepared. This concurs with the existing literature on school leadership in post-conflict contexts (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2013, 2016) and developing countries (Bush, 2008; Oplakta, 2004) that school leaders often lack opportunities for professional development following their appointment. If professional development opportunities are available, they are often limited and ill-managed. Moreover, Bush (2008) drew attention to the lack of capacity of those responsible for designing and implementing training for school leaders. As a result, school leaders in post-conflict and developing countries often face numerous challenges in dealing with their job.
Conclusion
The study has offered insights into primary school leaders’ perspectives in post-conflict Cambodia on the issues they faced in the process of educational reconstruction and development and the strategies they adopted to deal with those issues. It highlights that primary school leaders are required to implement education reconstruction plans simultaneously that lack local inputs into reconstruction efforts and that school leaders may not have the capacity to embrace the reconstruction. What is more, is that they received minimal professional support to do their job. Primary school leaders were not required to attend any formal professional preparation before they were appointed to their position, and they lacked professional development opportunities following their appointment. The lack of such professional opportunities has put many school leaders at risk, being unable to perform their work as they are expected. This situation is exacerbated by additional challenges, including the scarcity of physical and human resources needed to implement education changes, and psychological trauma experienced by educators. As a result, primary school leaders in Cambodia work under extraordinarily challenging conditions to lead educational reconstruction and development.
The study is not without its limitations. One limitation relates to the sample size of the study which included only school leaders from 15 primary schools in five provinces. It should also be acknowledged that some of the participants may not offer an adequate representation of their experiences on school leadership practices due to political, cultural and/or emotional sensitivity. Lastly, interviews were conducted in Khmer and were translated and analysed by the author. As with any such research, the possibility that nuances of meaning are lost in translations is common.
Implications for policy and practice
The study has several implications for education policy and practice in Cambodia as well as in countries with similar experiences. The first implication is concerned with policy design and implementation. The study revealed that education policy practice in Cambodia reflects a top-down approach that neglects the voices of school principals, teachers, community members, parents and students. For example, school-level stakeholders were not included in the process for formulating education changes and specifically curriculum change, contributing to a lack of an understanding of and ownership in the changes. The lack of involvement in the formulation of education reform plans and curriculum is further compounded by the scarcity of professional development and support as well as resources available to them to implement the education changes. They consequently may not be able to translate the education changes into practice successfully. Such a situation requires special attention from education policymakers to adopt an education policy approach which involves education stakeholders at different levels of education in the process of education policy design and implementation.
The second implication relates to professional preparation and development for school leaders. The study revealed that school leaders in post-conflict Cambodia are appointed based on a traditional approach that fails to consider leadership qualities or potentials. Indeed, they are not required to undertake any formal leadership preparation or training when they transition into a leadership position. Such a leadership appointment approach opposes the increased recognition that the quality of school leadership can have a substantial influence on learning achievement (Bush, 2012; Leithwood, et al., 2008). Further, school leaders in Cambodia lack opportunities for professional development following their appointment. The importance of providing continuing professional development for school leaders has been well recognised among researchers. Bush (2008), for instance, has called for further professional development and support to help school leaders succeed in leading their schools, arguing that proper preparation, recruitment, and selection are not adequate to ensure that school leaders possess the required skills, knowledge, and qualities to lead schools in an increasingly complex global economy. Thus, it would desirable that primary school leaders in post-conflict Cambodia receive formal leadership preparation, development and support.
Implications for further research
The study has implications for further research on educational leadership in Cambodia, post-conflict and developing-country contexts as well as more broadly. Specifically, for the Cambodian context, very limited scholarly research has been undertaken to understand leadership practices at the individual school level. It is hoped that this study may assist in addressing this deficit, providing insights into how leaders at the school level lead education changes and how leadership practice is influenced by the broader social, cultural and political contexts. At the same time, the study highlights a need for further research on this area. One key finding is that school leaders lack professional preparation and development; therefore, it would be valuable to explore how teachers and school leaders learn to lead schools in such a challenging situation. Also, it would be worth studying the perspectives of primary school teachers on the issues they face in teaching as the study noted the shortage of qualified teaches and lack of professional development for teachers.
At the broader level, the study can serve as one valuable contribution to illuminating educational leadership in post-conflict contexts where there is a dearth of academic research on this emerging inquiry (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2013, 2016, 2020) as well as in developing countries where it has been argued that educational leadership models in such contexts have been taken from Western societies (Hallinger and Chen, 2014; Nawab, 2011; Oplatka, 2004, 2018). At the same time, the study highlighted a need for further research on school leadership in post-conflict countries. Future researchers might consider duplicating the current research design and focus to study school leadership in another post-conflict setting. Also, it would be interesting to adopt a comparative research approach to the study of educational leadership in conflict-affected contexts. Such a research approach would allow for a robust comparison of school leaders’ perspectives on school leadership practices and provide a broad understanding of the contextual complexity of educational leadership practices across cultural and conflict-affected contexts (Clarke and O’Donoghue, 2020; Dimmock and Walker, 2000).
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
