The Power of a Camera: Fieldwork Experiences From Using Participatory Photovoice

Abstract

Conducting primary data collection can be a fulfilling and interesting adventure producing significant learning experiences particularly for early career researchers. However, fieldwork can be marred with complex challenges and frustrations, especially if conducted in dynamic and politically sensitive environments and with highly vulnerable urban populations. This paper contributes to and advances academic scholarship on fieldwork experiences in the social sciences. Drawing from the first author’s doctoral fieldwork experiences, we share our reflections on the application of the photovoice method in researching street traders in Harare, Zimbabwe. We engage with different issues that researchers could consider in the application of photovoice, especially with dynamic and marginalized urban populations like street traders. These include dealing with and managing complex and multiple ethical dilemmas, dealing with the content-quality conundrum, exploring ‘missing’ photographs and handling ‘leftover’ photographs, handling conflictual council-street trader relations, building rapport, and ensuring participant commitment, joint interpretation, and co-construction of meaning and methodological benefits of using photovoice with street traders. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first paper that reflects on the use of photovoice with street traders in Global South cities, and we hope that the insights presented here will be useful for future urban researchers working on similar topics.

Introduction

The use of participatory and visual methods has gained momentum in the social sciences and humanities over the past several years, especially among researchers that seek to drive social change within communities (Nykiforuk et al., 2011). A segment of social science researchers are increasingly adopting participatory action research and visual methods (Erfani, 2021) to explore different subjects such as public health, access to infrastructure, community perceptions on their built environments, use of public spaces, among other topics. For instance, researchers in the social sciences are increasingly deploying “participatory visual methodologies to promote critical reflections on urban challenges” (Carpenter, 2022, p. 350). Compared to traditional qualitative approaches, participatory visual methods engage directly with participants, foregrounding their lived experiences and potentially leading to transformative social change through collaborative knowledge production.

One popular participatory visual method that is being increasingly utilized by social science researchers is photovoice. The goal of using participatory photovoice is to inform policy and decision making and incorporate the voices of marginalised groups on issues that affect them. Thus, photovoice is an emerging practice to empower vulnerable populations in decision-making and planning processes (Meenar & Mandarano, 2021). As a participatory method, photovoice “places the power of photo documentation in the hands of research subjects, empowering them to document and reflect on social issues and cultural phenomena important to them” (Allen, 2012, p.443). In our study, we used photovoice to illustrate the everyday experiences of street traders as they negotiate access to highly contested public spaces in the Harare Central Business District (CBD) in pursuit of their livelihoods. Street trading remains a major source of employment and income for urban residents globally, especially in cities of developing countries. Faced with limited options and growing poverty, the urban poor occupy different public spaces (streets, pavements, open spaces, and transport hubs) and sell different types of goods to secure their livelihoods. Street trading involves subaltern production of space and ‘creative’ appropriation of space in ways that challenge the perceived socio-spatial ordering of cities.

Despite the increased deployment of photovoice as a research method, little is known about the practical complexities and dynamics of implementing it, particularly in studies that involve dynamic and vulnerable urban populations such as street traders. Existing research on the utilization of photovoice methods are largely descriptive, with most of them lacking critical reflections on the comparative advantages and limitations of the process, and the different strategies of addressing these multiple challenges (Ronzi et al., 2016). Among the few studies that explore these issues Packard (2008), Harley (2012) and Prins (2010) examine the multiple ethical constraints experienced using the photovoice methods including: (i) managing the power asymmetry between researchers and participants; (ii) barriers to participants’ involvement and commitment, particularly with vulnerable people (e.g., homeless); and (iii) challenges associated with seeking consent from subjects who appear in the photographs. While these studies provide important insights, both Packard (2008) and Harley (2012) are based on fieldwork experiences from USA and South Africa respectively while Prins (2010) draws from experiences in a rural village in El Salvador.

These contexts differ significantly from urban environments like Harare, where participants (street traders) endure the brunt of perpetual harassment from both municipal and state police. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to highlight the complexities associated with the use of the photovoice method with street traders in Harare, Zimbabwe. Our research is the first one to apply the photovoice method with street traders in the Global South. Street traders remain one of the most marginalized urban populations in Global South cities and therefore can potentially be excluded from conventional qualitative studies if the methods used are not appropriate or adaptable to account for their multidimensional vulnerabilities (Aldridge, 2014).

In this paper, we highlight our photovoice fieldwork reflections based on our research in Harare, rather than a presentation of findings from the method itself. Although research contexts differ significantly, we believe that our field reflections will offer valuable lessons for urban researchers working on the geographies of street trading and other topics that involve mobile and marginalized urban populations across the Global South. Given the relatively similar characteristics of street traders as a study population, the methodological insights presented in this paper could be potentially useful in different geographical contexts albeit with the necessary contextual calibration. The lessons and insights from our photovoice project from Harare are relevant to researchers in other Global South cities, particularly for those that are interested in exploring street traders’ everyday experiences in contested urban spaces. Beyond street traders, the lessons from our photovoice study are also relevant to researchers working with other vulnerable and marginalized urban populations such as waste pickers, undocumented migrants, refugees, and informal transport operators, among others.

Following the introduction, the rest of the paper is structured as follows. The next section provides the context of the study. This is followed by a brief overview of the photovoice method based on review of existing literature. We then describe how we applied the photovoice method with street traders in Harare, Zimbabwe. Next, we discuss the lessons and insights from using photovoice with street traders, followed by an outline of the theoretical and methodological contributions of the paper to scholarly debates on action oriented qualitative research.

Research Context and Study Site

The photovoice study reported in this paper is part of the first author’s doctoral study that examines how contemporary modes of urban governance in Harare are experienced, resisted, and negotiated by street traders in their everyday struggles for their right to the city. The doctoral study also analyses the differential impact of urban policies and practices on street traders and examines the strategies that they use to challenge exclusionary urban practices. Within the overall doctoral study, the photovoice component served to explore street traders’ everyday experiences in contested public spaces as well as investigating the different ways in which they appropriate public spaces to meet their own needs. Existing studies suggest that photo-based research methods, such as photovoice, are vital participatory approaches for studying the interactions between people and their environment (McIntyre, 2003). Scholars highlight the importance of photography as evidence and its application for studying the socio-cultural dynamics of space and place (Heng, 2018).

The research was conducted in Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital. Harare’s urban economy is predominantly informalized, with street trading as the main livelihood practice especially for the poor who often struggle to get formal employment. Current statistics on street traders in Harare suggest that there are more than 20,000 street traders operating from Harare’s CBD (Matamanda et al., 2020). Public spaces in Harare (streets, pavements, open spaces, transport hubs) are dominated by both male and female street traders selling different types of products for survival. For our photovoice project, we focused specifically on the Harare CBD because of its symbolic and economic importance, thus becomes an arena where street traders’ activities clash with city authorities’ efforts to make them ‘invisible’. The Harare CBD is an intense battleground, where subaltern production of space often contradicts the dominant ideals of what a city should look like. In Harare, street traders remain economically and socially marginalized and their livelihood practices are perceived as a threat to the envisaged socio-spatial order by urban authorities. Street traders in Harare always live in constant fear of eviction and displacement from public spaces (Bandauko et al., 2021; Bandauko & Mandisvika, 2015).

A Brief Overview of the Photovoice Method

Photovoice was originally proposed by Wang and Burris in the early 1990s to describe the approach of blending narrative with visual photography to explore community issues. Combining photography, critical dialogue and experiential knowledge, participants in a photovoice project reflect and articulate their community concerns to highlight social problems and to drive social change (Sutton-Brown, 2014). One of the key theories underpinning photovoice is feminist theory, which indicates that power accrues with those who have voice and participate in decisions (Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001). Feminist theory acknowledges and respects all individuals’ subjective experience and, in this way, shifts the power to be more evenly distributed. Photovoice uses this theory in practice; it aims to give power through images and conversations to those who often are often marginalized and excluded from decision making processes.

While there are the standard procedures for photovoice, some social scientists have used a modified version of the approach. Some have added additional steps, while others skip most of the standard steps – example, the exhibition stage. For example, in one of their studies, Adams and Nyantakyi-Frimpong (2021) skipped the exhibition phase because they could not locate an appropriate venue and the participants felt it would be dangerous to do an exhibition. The first component of the photovoice involves recruitment of photovoice participants and target decision makers. The first component also involves training in photography and fieldwork ethics. Following this, participants will then produce images individually or as a group and select those that will be used to shape the follow up interviews. The second component involves collective interpretation of images by the study participants as a way of co-creating knowledge and co-constructing meaning. To facilitate the group discussion of photographs, the SHOWED guide is used with the following questions: What do we See here? What is really Happening here? How does this relate to Our lives? Why does this concern, situation or strength exist? How can we become Empowered through our new understanding? And what can we do? (Liebenberg, 2018). The purpose of these questions is to “identify the problem, critically discuss the roots of the situation, and develop strategies for improving the situation” (Wang, 1999, p.190). These questions can be used to: (a) understand the deeper structural issues in which experiences are embedded and the processes that maintain or uphold the status quo; and (b) the actions that can be taken to bring about meaningful change (Liebenberg, 2018). The third component of photovoice relates to the photo exhibition and dissemination of research findings to drive social change. This part of the photovoice method brings together policymakers, community leaders and participants to dialogue on key issues using exhibited photographs.

Therefore, photovoice is meant to achieve three objectives: (a) to record and reflect community’s strengths and concerns, (b) to promote critical dialogue and knowledge about personal and community issues through large and small group discussion of photographs, and (c) to reach policymakers (Wang, 1999). The photovoice method entails the production of photographs to facilitate joint reflection on the everyday experiences of groups that have always been marginalized from social science research and political processes (Sutton-Brown, 2014). Through photovoice, individuals use the power of the camera to narrate their everyday experiences using their own voices (Sutton-Brown, 2014). Though photovoice was initiated in studies involving women’s health, its application has expanded to other social science domains such as urban planning, infrastructure, and environmental management to mention but a few. As a participatory action research methodology, photovoice is concerned with the democratization of knowledge production through empowering marginalized groups as active participants in the research process. Photovoice ensures that the process of producing knowledge is grounded in the lived experiences of research participants, rather than making them passive respondents to study questions.

The growing popularity of the photovoice method has been attributed to the various benefits it can provide to different stakeholders involved in the research project (i.e., participants, researchers, the broader community, and policymakers/decision-makers). For researchers, photovoice enables them to collaboratively develop ‘socially relevant’ knowledge that can be used to drive meaningful social change (Liebenberg, 2018). By combining the narratives and visual depictions, photovoice enhances the ability of researchers to accurately capture the meaning of an issue from the participant’s point of view (McIntyre, 2003). The resulting photo stories become a very rich platform from which researchers can offer a nuanced understanding of social issues that might be harder to gain using conventional methods such as interviews and focus groups. For the participants, photovoice increases their knowledge about the issues that affect them as well as enriching understanding of their daily lives (McIntyre, 2003). The active involvement of participants in the study demonstrates to them that they are valuable members of the research team (Moffitt & Robinson-Vollman, 2004), rather than passive consumers of research outputs. This may eventually contribute to a sense of ownership through participation in a research project that may potentially amplify issues that require attention from decision makers (Wang & Burris, 1997).

Implementing the Photovoice Method with Street Traders in Harare

The application of photovoice method in our study was appropriate in exploring how street traders’ everyday experiences in contested public spaces. Thus, it was illuminating to provide street traders an opportunity to use visual stories to reflect on their everyday struggles in Harare’s public spaces as they negotiate access to these highly contested spaces. Following Wang (1999), we followed a five step photovoice process as described below. The photovoice process as described in existing literature was slightly refined to suit our context, but all the critical steps were implemented. This study received IRB approval from the Non-Medical Research Ethics Board at the University of Western Ontario.

Recruitment of Photovoice Participants and Target Decision Makers

The first step in the application of photovoice in our study was recruitment of research participants and target policymakers and key decision makers. Within the context of street trading, key urban governance actors include City of Harare officials (planners, municipal enforcement officers), civil society leaders (leaders of street traders associations for example) and political leaders (councillors) among others. The first author held preliminary meetings with the leaders of civil society groups such as the Secretary General of the Zimbabwe Chamber of Informal Economy Association (ZCIEA), selected city officials and councillors to brief them about the photovoice process, including the subsequent photo exhibition. There was significant buy-in, particularly from the civil society leaders who saw it as an opportunity for street traders to be engaged directly on issues that affect their livelihoods.

We used purposeful and convenient sampling techniques in recruiting photovoice participants through ZCEIA, one of the various associations that represents and advocate for the interests and rights of the informal economic actors in Zimbabwe. We explained the overall purpose of the photovoice process with the ZCEIA Harare Territorial President, who eventually agreed to facilitate the recruitment of participants. We decided to recruit research participants through ZCIEA for three reasons. First, ZCIEA leadership is known on the ground by some street traders because of their activities, hence it became easier to reach out and recruit participants who would be committed throughout the photovoice process. Second, street traders are a very dynamic and vulnerable urban population and thus are always suspicious of ‘outsiders’. Therefore, ZCIEA’s facilitation was instrumental in enabling the research team to build a strong rapport with the research participants. Third, working with ZCIEA ensured sustained commitment from research participants. With the help of ZCIEA, we recruited ten (10) photovoice participants (six female and four male street traders operating from different public spaces in Harare CBD and selling different types of products). Among the participants, there was a mixture of age groups and all the street traders had varied trading experiences. In terms of age, the oldest participant was 46 years while the youngest was 29. One of the participants was a disabled male street trader operating from one of the prime locations in Harare CBD. The social diversity of photovoice participants was critical in ensuring that the nuanced experiences and perspectives of street traders is captured. In designing and implementing the photovoice, we drew from feminist theory by using a method that was collaborative and inclusive of women, based on a “nothing-for-us-without-us” approach that would foster empowerment (Wang, 2006). We adopted this approach because we were also interested in exploring the gendered dimensions of street traders’ everyday experiences in Harare’s contested spaces.

Seeking Informed Consent and Participant Training

Participants were first provided with detailed information about the project, its purpose, and objectives so that they are well informed on what the research entails. Before the commencement of the photovoice process, participants signed the written consent forms to demonstrate their willingness to voluntarily participate in the photovoice activity. A photovoice training workshop was then conducted at the ZCIEA offices covering issues such as basic photography skills and photo taking ethics. The training on photovoice procedures and guidelines was done collectively (as a group). The advantage of the group-based delivery of the training session was that it enhanced camaraderie among participants and collectivity encouraged street traders to share their thoughts and mutual concerns with each other. During the training session, we emphasized that the stories associated with the photographs were more important than the quality of the images. After the training session, 10 basic smart phones (itel A14 model) were distributed to participants to take photographs of what they felt best represented their everyday struggles, experiences, and strategies of accessing contested spaces in Harare CBD. Research participants were permitted to take any number of photographs they felt adequately represented their views and experiences as street traders operating in the highly contested central city area of Harare.

Taking of Photos and Photo Interviews

After the training workshop, participants were asked to take photographs that demonstrate their everyday experience in public spaces as well as those that illustrate the different ways in which they appropriate space to meet their own needs. Initially, it was somewhat challenging for the photovoice participants to understand what they needed to take photographs of. However, after the initial briefing on the purpose of the study, participants were inspired to be creative in what they photographed. We were also cautious not to lead the participants’ attention on what to capture. The participants were then given 2 weeks to take photos. On average, each participant took 10-15 photos. After 2 weeks, the participants gathered for the individual and group interviews. Each participant selected five (5) best photos that represented their everyday experience in using public spaces. These photos were used as the basis for discussion during the interviews.

The interviews were conducted following a modified version of the SHOWED technique described earlier. During interviews, each participant was generally asked to explain the following regarding their selected photos: (i) where the photo was taken, (ii) what the photo was or what it depicted, (iii) how the photo relates to urban governance and everyday experiences of street traders, (iv) why the problem/concern shown in the photo existed, and (v) what could be done about the issues or challenges highlighted in the photo. The purpose of this phase was to initiate critical dialogue and raise participants’ consciousness on the socio-economic and political forces shaping their everyday life. The interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. The interviews with participants were conducted immediately after the photo taking activity to facilitate memory retention (Castleden & Garvin, 2008). Research participants signed photo release forms indicating their consent and agreement to have their photographs used in conference presentations and academic publications.

Photo Exhibition and Photovoice Reflection Workshop

After the interviews, the photos were printed in colour for the exhibition. However, not all photos selected by participants were printed because some of them represented sensitive issues that could potentially put the participants at risk. A photovoice exhibition was conducted on the 28^th of July 2022 at the Town House in Harare CBD. Permission was granted by the Town Clerk’s Office for the exhibition to be conducted at Town house. The exhibition was attended by officials from the informal sector section, Department of Housing and Community Services, Civil society Leaders, City Planning Officials and street traders who presented their lived experiences using photography. Photos were displayed on the walls in the flag room, and for over 4 hours, the attendees interacted with participants, asking questions about the messages portrayed in the images (Figure 1). Participants managed to share their everyday experiences with city officials, civil society leaders and members of the public. However, only three participants attended the exhibition, while others indicated that they were afraid of city council: an indication of antagonistic relationship between the local authority and street traders.

Figure 1.

Photo exhibition at Town House, Harare. Source: Fieldwork, 2022.

The photovoice process with street traders in Harare is summarized in Figure 2.

Figure 2.

Flowchart summarising the photovoice process with street traders in Harare. Source: Authors’ creation

Discussion and Insights on Photovoice

Our application of photovoice with street traders offered thought provoking and interesting perspectives that are relevant to other researchers who intend to apply this method with vulnerable urban populations. Despite the complexities associated with implementing photovoice with dynamic and spatially mobile urban populations like street traders, our reflections from Harare demonstrate that such methodological approach holds the power to unlock hidden stories that would otherwise be difficult to tell using traditional qualitative methods. When conducting research with vulnerable participants, it is inevitable to be confronted with multiple dilemmas (Aldridge, 2014) and our study was not an exception. In the next section, we discuss different methodological insights associated with utilizing photovoice with disenfranchised urban populations like street traders. While the issues we discuss may not be exhaustive, we believe they provide a useful foundation for qualitative researchers who are interested in utilizing photovoice with marginalized urban populations.

Managing Complex and Multiple Ethical Dilemmas

Our fieldwork experience with street traders in Harare reveals different ethical, practical, and methodological considerations for studies using photovoice. Though ethics approval for this study was granted by the University’s ethics review board, the photovoice method presented several ethical challenges because it involves unique relationships between the researcher, research participants (photographers) and those photographed. This is especially challenging if the images or photographs taken contain sensitive information. Though various scholars have provided guidelines on how ethical considerations can be dealt with in photovoice activities (see Grieb et al., 2013; Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001), every photovoice project presents additional ethical challenges because of cultural and contextual differences (Prins, 2010). During the initial phases of the photovoice, some of the participants asked: what will happen if some people do not want to be photographed? What will happen if some of the pictures involve municipal or state police? These questions speak to the complex ethical concerns that researchers should carefully consider when implementing photovoice in different settings.

This is particularly the case with street traders since they endure complex entanglements and contestations with different urban actors such as municipal enforcement officials, formal businesses, and other state agents. Street traders by their very nature are highly dynamic and their high levels of vulnerability presented additional challenges in implementing the photovoice process. For example, participants had to balance between taking photos and watching for municipal and state enforcement agents to evade harassment, arrests, and confiscation of their wares. The relationship between street traders and municipal and state enforcement officers remains hostile, thus it was very difficult for participants to take photos depicting real time municipal raids for instance as they could be running to save their goods from confiscation.

To avoid any potential risks to participants, copies of research approval letters from the City of Harare and the Ministry of Local Government were provided to each participant. Taking photos of people in public spaces could potentially raise ethical challenges since it could be viewed as intrusion into other people’s privacy. Therefore, this was addressed through signed informed consents from people who appeared in the photographs. Participants were also discouraged from taking photos that could potentially put them in danger. For instance, photographs involving municipal enforcement and surveillance operations were difficult to capture. Photographing such events could also expose participants to harassment and further victimization since the relationship between municipal authorities and street traders in Harare is largely antagonistic. Some of these issues came out during the photo interviews, where one female participant highlighted that, “I could not take any photos of the police running after us because that would have put me into trouble if they caught me” (Loice, photovoice participant). Another participant added that, “I was afraid to take pictures of the police harassing street traders or collecting bribes because if they saw me doing that, it would not end well” (Peter, photovoice participant). Therefore, researchers should always ensure participants’ safety and security are prioritized during photovoice activities, especially when conducting research with populations that are constantly victimized and harassed by municipal authorities.

To minimise some of the ethical challenges, we conducted a training session with participants before the commencement of the photovoice activity. In our study, we followed the ethical guidelines by Wang and Redwood-Jones (2001) and used various consent forms such as (a) the participant’s consent to take part in the study, (b) acknowledgment and release forms – for people who appeared in any photograph, and (c) a form for release of the photographs asking permission to use participants’ photographs in dissemination of results and subsequent academic papers. Our experience taught us that the effective use of photovoice requires researchers to consider various dimensions of ethical implications related to photographs, including photo ownership and individuals appearing in the photographs, which were explained during the initial meeting with participants. Participants were given consent forms and asked to obtain written consent from people who appeared in the photographs. During the photo interviews, we requested participants to sign photo release form asking them to grant us permission to use their photographs in the dissemination of research findings. This was a critical step because by virtue of being the owners of the photographs, participants have the right to have their voices heard through the representation of photographs and accompanying captions they felt best represented their everyday experience (Evans-Agnew & Rosemberg, 2016). At the end of the photovoice, we found that participants were pleased to grant permission for us to use their photographs so that their issues could attract policy attention.

Another ethical challenge we encountered was that of ownership of the photographs. Mitchell (2011) reiterated that in a photovoice study, participants are owners of the photographs that they take. At the end of the photovoice project, we gave participants printed copies of each photograph they took while each participant granted informed consent for us to use the photographs in research publications and presentations. We found out that participants felt appreciated and valued by receiving their photographs as tokens.

Dealing With the Content-Quality Conundrum in Photovoice

In our study, some of the photovoice participants expressed anxiety concerning taking what they considered as ‘proper’ photographs. One of the participants asked us this question: What happens if I take photos that are not ‘good’? Even during the photo interviews, some participants told us that they were not sure if the photographs they had taken met our expectations. One participant informed us that she did not have enough time to take many photographs; an indication that she thought the ones she had did not meet our expectations. Initially, the participants thought that the photovoice process was largely taking ‘good’ quality photographs. Evans-Agnew and Rosemberg (2016) cautioned that researchers might have influence over participants’ choice of photographs. This issue needs to be considered because participants might end up taking photographs of what they believe the researchers want to see rather than their own experience. In a study by Prins (2010), some participants reported being indecisive on what to photograph, and being embarrassed to be seen taking photos by other community members. Therefore, it is important to ensure that participants are comfortable with the photo production process. During our photovoice training session, we emphasized that we were more interested in the content or message attached to the photographs rather than the quality of the images. This helped in demystifying some of the participants’ anxieties. As a result, participants exhibited some creativity about the pictures they took. Some participants ended up selecting pictures they perceived as not so ‘good’ for the photo interviews and most of these photographs contained very powerful stories about street traders’ everyday experiences in public spaces.

Exploring ‘Missing’ Photographs and Handling ‘Leftover’ Photographs

In our study, some participants informed us that there were photographs they wanted to take but for various reasons they could not. As a spatially mobile and highly vulnerable urban population, street traders had difficult time in balancing the demands of their work while at the same time being mindful of what to photograph. For instance, one street trader told us that he could not take most photographs of state and municipal police operations as he had to run for safety. In our context, we discovered that exploring ‘untaken’ photographs reflects more of an individual experience that can be discussed during the photo interview sessions. These issues emerged when our participants indicated that more time would have been allocated for them to take pictures of specific aspects of their struggles as they negotiate access to contested public spaces. Therefore, exploring ‘untaken/missing’ photographs could be a catalyst for participants to reflect on their personal experiences during the interviews.

Qualitative studies also generate large amounts of data. The large number of quotes from interviews and focus groups for instance means that researchers must be selective when choosing which quotes to represent themes in the research. Similarly, it is not practical to include all the images or photographs that are generated under the photovoice since this will lead to excessively long and cumbersome follow up interviews. There was not enough time for the participants to discuss all their photographs. That is, why participants had to select the ‘best’ five photographs that represent their everyday experience in contested public spaces. Thus, there were several leftover photographs that did not have the participant’s meaning attached to them (i.e., photos with no story, or photovoice without the voice (Darbyshire et al., 2005). In such circumstances, it remains inappropriate and unethical for researchers to ascribe meanings to these photographs as this may undermine the real stories behind these images. The left-over photographs were given to participants as part of our token of appreciation. Therefore, based on our field experiences in Harare, we discovered that it might be useful for researchers using photovoice in the future to discuss how additional photographs can be meaningfully integrated into data analysis and dissemination of research findings. However, these additional photographs still carried significant value with respect to illuminating the struggles of the street traders and spatially mobile urban groups.

The key take-away from our experience in Harare is that researchers should strive to put a limit on the number of photos to be taken – ideally 10. If you do not put a limit on how many photos should be taken (e.g., participants are asked to take as many photos as they want), you end up with so many ‘leftover’ photographs. Some study participants can see this as a waste of their time, which might negatively affect their commitment. Once a limit on the number of photos is established, this can reduce the problems with ‘leftover’ photographs. It also shortens the SHOWED interview process, as the researcher does not have to spend 30 minutes or so going through 20 + photos to select the top 5.

Handling Complex and Conflictual Council-Street Trader Relations

Doing photovoice with street traders creates an additional layer of challenges because of the complex and conflictual relationship between them and municipal enforcement authorities. In Harare like any other cities in the Global South, municipal authorities and street traders are always in running battles in public spaces. In Harare, there is lack of trust between street traders and municipal officials. This created complex challenges for participants who found it difficult to take photographs depicting harassment and victimization of street traders by municipal police as this would potentially put them into trouble. Because of the antagonistic relationship between city officials and street traders, some of the participants did not attend the photo exhibition because they felt such an event could trigger further victimization and harassment from municipal enforcement officials. For instance, one participant told us that he does not trust the municipal officials and that attending the photo exhibition would further amplify tensions between authorities and street traders. In the words of the participant: “I do not trust council, so I will not attend the exhibition to protect myself because they do not want to see us” (David, photovoice participant). The negative relationships between council officials and street traders creates additional challenges when mobilizing policymakers for policy discussions during photo exhibitions. For instance, during the photo exhibition, one municipal official commented, “We are not going to license street traders and that will not change”. Although this comment was made in passing, it is a reflection that being invited to the policy discussions might not necessarily translate into street traders’ views being considered to inform policy formulation.

To make participants comfortable during the photo exhibition, we first conducted a briefing session together with city officials and other civil society leaders; where we made it clear that the session was a learning experience and not a fault-finding exercise. During this meeting some of the key issues discussed include, (i) overall study objectives, (ii) an overview of the photovoice method, (iii) potential benefits of photovoice findings to urban authorities and civil society among other aspects. In this briefing session, both city officials and civil society leaders indicated interest in the photovoice. However, one briefing meeting was not enough to bridge the gap between municipal authorities and street traders as their relations remain largely contentious. Therefore, building positive relationships is a long-term process, often involving a series of meetings with interested parties (such as street traders, and their associations, civil society leaders, urban policymakers, politicians). This was not possible in our study because of time constraints.

Thus, future researchers planning to use photovoice with vulnerable urban populations should invest in building strong partnerships over time, often targeting policymakers who are committed to social justice. Another important consideration from our experience is the selection of a neutral venue, where participants will feel safe and secure. Conducting the exhibition at Town House might have intimidated participants since most of them have never interacted with public officials in formal settings. The selection of the venue should be done in consultation with photovoice participants. Alternatively, social science researchers do not necessarily have to complete the photovoice exhibition if they think it can lead to further marginalization and vulnerability of the study population. The exhibition is important, but its usefulness should be judged on a case-by-case basis. For instance, Adams and Nyantakyi-Frimpong (2021) did not conduct the exhibition due to concerns regarding participants’ safety and security.

Building Rapport and Ensuring Participant Commitment

As a Harare indigene, the first author faced little difficulty in immersing himself in the subject population since street traders are always suspicious of ‘outsiders’ because of their perpetual harassment by municipal authorities. With the right participants, photovoice can produce innovative, valuable, and rich data that can explicitly illustrate participants’ everyday life. Thus, building rapport becomes critical to “create appropriate trust between a researcher and their participants” (Sowatey et al., 2021, p.4). The adoption of participant driven photovoice process facilitated better rapport between researchers and participants, which is especially beneficial when working with marginalized populations like street traders because it offers them an opportunity to literally and figuratively “show and tell” researchers about their lives (Harper, 2002). As a former street trader, the first author was able to build rapport with photovoice participants while being conscious of the biases associated with his own lived experiences of marginalization and spatialized state repression. During the photovoice, the first author made numerous visits to street traders’ workplaces to check on them, without influencing their taking of photographs.

In addition, the photovoice method is time consuming and requires sustained commitment from participants throughout. Some participants may not wish to make the time commitment required to take photographs due to pressure from competing demands. This is particularly the case in the context of street trading where participants must balance between dealing with municipal enforcements, selling their products, and taking photographs at the same time. Faced with the competing demands of their work, and a highly repressive municipal enforcement regime, participants might pull out in the middle of the photovoice process. It is important for researchers to create a lucrative incentive scheme to ensure sustained engagement of participants throughout the research process.

For our photovoice, we made a commitment that the participants would keep the smartphones for themselves at the end of the photovoice activity. This was a great way to motivate them as all of them kept engaged to the end. It would have been disempowering to collect the tools for photography (i.e., mobile phones) from participants at the end of the project. Doing this would have contradicted the empowerment potential of photovoice methodology. Before the beginning of the photovoice activities, participants also signed a commitment form to signify their commitment in participating in the photovoice. In doing this, we worked closely with ZCIEA to ensure that there was some of institutional attachment on the part of participants though some of them were not members of ZCIEA. This was an effective way of dealing with a highly dynamic and mobile group of participants like street traders.

Joint Interpretation of Photographs and Co-Construction of Meaning

Wang (1999) highlights that photovoice provides an opportunity for empowering participants through co-construction of meaning and joint interpretation of photographs. The follow up interviews in our photovoice project created opportunities for participants to be actively involved in the generation of data (Copes et al., 2018). While the researchers played a facilitator role in the photo interviews, the participants were capable of defining what is important “to reduce the researcher bias embedded in the selection of specific images, subjects, and themes used in the interviews” (Lapenta, 2011, p.206). By allowing participants to choose the images that best reflect their everyday experiences was a useful approach to disrupt traditional power imbalances inherent in social science research and empower the historically marginalized urban populations. Our project taught us that it is important for researchers to create a favourable environment for participants to collaborate in the construction of meaning associated with the photographs. If this happens, we discovered that participants did not struggle to ascribe meanings to their selected photographs and connect them to their everyday struggles in Harare’s contested public spaces. Pillow (2003) proposes that photovoice helps to create more reciprocal relationships between researchers and participants and that “hearing, listening and equalizing the research relationships – doing research with instead of on” (p. 179) participants is a good starting point for such reciprocity. Through joint interpretation and co-construction of meanings using the SHOWED technique, we managed to create a sense of pride among other participants. One of the participants told us that she has never been consulted on anything that directly impacts on her life and taking part in the photovoice was a moment of great accomplishment for her. Therefore, researchers should prioritise this co-production of knowledge in their photovoice and ensure that the ‘voices’ of vulnerable participants feature in challenging conventional epistemological assumptions.

Methodological Benefits of Using Photovoice with Street Traders

The application of photovoice with street traders in Harare generated significant methodological benefits that are sometimes impossible to gain via conventional qualitative methods such as focus groups and interviews. Despite the complex challenges involved in the implementation of the photovoice method, the introduction of photographs to interview settings resulted in richer and more nuanced insights on street traders’ everyday experiences in Harare’s tightly controlled and contested public spaces. For instance, using photographs participants were able to demonstrate how they appropriate public spaces in ways that challenge dominant modes of space production as envisaged by planners and other built environment professionals. Female participants were also able to demonstrate the gendered experiences of appropriating public space in Harare. Moreover, the generation of participant driven images or photographs revealed agency, resistance, and resilience in the face of authoritarian urban management practices. We discovered that participants had more detailed and emotional responses when photographs are included in the interview process; something that might be difficult to get through other qualitative methods. In our case study, participants were actively engaged in their own representation by directing our gaze towards images of their choice (Frohmann, 2005); thereby decolonizing the knowledge production process. As McIntyre (2003) argues, our photovoice project enabled participants to reflect on their everyday life from their own ‘worldview’. Therefore, “photographs as tangible resources are used to narrate meanings, and the significance of these meanings in everyday life, which are very much indicative of the participants’ socio-cultural and personal status” (Erfani, 2021, p.81). By allowing participants to interpret the photographs, we offered them an opportunity to clarify the subjective (interpretive) meaning of their experiences as well as to co-construct what really matters to them in their everyday urban life. The photographs taken by participants were effective tools to demonstrate and expose the complex challenges confronting street traders as they struggle to eke a living in public spaces; where they are always stigmatized and victimized as ‘out of place’ elements that must be violently removed. The process of taking photographs and discussing them with participants in follow up interviews allowed for an opportunity to connect around shared experiences that might otherwise remain hidden.

The use of visual images to demonstrate some of the strategies used by street traders to negotiate access was one of the most innovative aspects of the photovoice method. This was accompanied by detailed and richer narratives about subaltern appropriation of public spaces, contestations, and entanglements that street traders endure in their everyday struggle to survive. Moreover, the photovoice method enabled us to uncover ‘under the radar’ strategies that street traders use to appropriate space when confronted with hostile responses from municipal and state police officials. At the end of the photovoice, participants told us that they felt empowered by taking part in this activity especially after the photo exhibition where they had the rare opportunity to interact with urban policymakers and civil society leaders. Overall, the methodological potential of photovoice has shown to equalize researcher-subject power relations that dominate conventional qualitative methods, centre the ‘voices’ of participants, which is critical for historically marginalized urban populations like street traders. However, we reiterate that the ability of participants to feel empowered in a photovoice project depends on the researchers’ commitment to social justice and transformation. In our study, we had to convince street traders that their voices matter in urban governance by demonstrating our knowledge of the multiple challenges they face, showing deep interest in their work and highlighting to them the social and political implications of excluding street traders in urban governance.

Methodological Contributions and Recommendations for Future Research

Theoretically, photovoice is anchored on feminist, social justice, and community empowerment principles; where the combination of photography, critical dialogue and experiential knowledge enable marginalized groups to highlight social problems and to drive social change (Liebenberg, 2018; Sutton-Brown, 2014). The contributions discussed in this paper synthesize the photovoice methodology’s theoretical underpinnings: (a) the critical production of knowledge that can potentially drive social change, (b) the accrual of power to those who participate in illuminating their shared experiences, and (c) the analytical use of a community-based approach to photography as personal voice. However, one key question can be raised: how do we achieve empowerment and social change in contexts where participants operate in constant fear of victimization and harassment from municipal and state enforcement officials? While there are no straight answers to this question, our research has generated critical insights to spark scholarly debate on these issues. Perhaps, it is time to reimagine the meaning of empowerment as proposed in the photovoice method. Does empowerment means enabling participants to influence policy changes or is it about giving them a ‘voice’ to articulate their shared experiences to policymakers through photography?

Our study demonstrates that empowerment entails giving a voice to participants to articulate their experiences with policymakers, which can trigger further policy discussions on what needs to change. Our photovoice activity in Harare sparked the interest of a local development research firm to use the findings to initiate dialogue with city officials on how urban policies can be rethought to make them responsive to the needs of the poor. Therefore, researchers should partner with change agents that can initiate dialogue on policy reforms. For empowerment to occur, advocacy groups need to be involved and committed to the photovoice process and its findings. Thus, future studies should ensure active involvement of advocacy groups and civil society organizations that advance the socio-economic rights of marginalized urban populations. Such partnerships should be anchored on genuine commitment to social justice and empowerment of vulnerable groups to drive social change as envisaged in the photovoice method. However, no matter how lasting and committed of a relationship is developed, those involved in a photovoice project should acknowledge that power to decide policy does not result from involvement. As Strack et al. (2004) argue, “a program such as photovoice has the potential to create the negative outcome of raising hopes but failing to inform policy or rally public concern,” thus leaving participants feeling hopeless and unempowered (p. 57). Such concerns about photovoice can be addressed by taking concerted and proactive actions to gain the support of interested community and civil society leaders and policymakers when planning the project.

From our study in Harare, another key question that researchers should grapple with is: does photovoice always fulfil the ideal of equally balanced power structures? Under the photovoice method, participants are often described as marginalized (Carlson et al., 2006), socially invisible (Wang et al., 1996), vulnerable (Wang & Burris, 1997), excluded from political decision-making processes (Foster-Fishman et al., 2005), and silenced (Lykes, 2010). There are two questions that emerge from these ‘labels’: Who has the power to label participants? Do the perceived “disempowered”, marginalized, or vulnerable groups label themselves in the same way? (Sutton-Brown, 2014). Although photovoice is celebrated as an emancipatory methodological approach, an assessment of the language, structure, and assumptions that underscore photovoice exposes the underlying inequitable power dynamics. Therefore, it is important for researchers who choose to utilize the photovoice method to ensure that they are not perpetuating power imbalances.

Researchers should also leverage on urban policymakers that are sympathetic to the needs of marginalized groups. However, politics is one of the critical forces that can influence the potential of photovoice to drive social change. Our research in Harare demonstrates that despite photovoice being heralded as an empowering research method by some scholars (e.g., Liebenberg, 2018; McIntyre, 2003), it might be constrained by the spaces in which it can exercise its empowering potential. In contexts where citizens’ right to express themselves and challenge policies is suppressed, participating in photovoice could have grave consequences. Researchers should be cognisant of the fact that the empowerment and emancipatory goals of photovoice are desirable, but not guaranteed outcomes. Researchers who are cognizant of this reality are better prepared and equipped to devise strategies for effective application of the photovoice method. Therefore, future researchers should sensitize themselves on the political climate in which they plan to work and take all possible precautions to protect the participants from any potential harm that might occur during a photovoice project.

Our study with street traders in Harare demonstrates that the photovoice method as conceptualized by its proponents cannot be simply universalized without the necessary modifications to suit contextual realities. Nonetheless, the methodological insights and lessons presented in this paper can be applied in diverse urban contexts and with different study populations.

Concluding Remarks

In this paper, we have highlighted critical methodological considerations when utilizing the photovoice method with marginalized urban populations such as street traders. One of the key take-aways from our fieldwork experiences in Harare is that each urban context is different based on the prevailing socio-economic, cultural, and political circumstances which should be considered in the design of a photovoice project. This requires researchers to be adaptive and flexible and make adjustments to suit dynamics on the ground. The successful implementation of photovoice with street traders depends on the ability of researchers to effectively deal with complex and multiple ethical dilemmas, building rapport and enhancing participant commitment, handling ‘leftover’ photographs among other key considerations. These insights can apply to other social science studies that engage with marginalized populations through community based participatory research using photovoice.