Fathering in a Pandemic: Low-Income Black Fathers’ Experiences and Mental Health Stressors

Abstract

COVID-19 interventions disrupted family life, disproportionately affecting low-income Black fathers. Although family relationships are critical aspects of men’s mental health and overall well-being, studies examining the effect of the pandemic from a Black fathering lens are sparse. This study explored Black fathers’ experiences and adaptive responses to fathering during the pandemic, highlighting mental health consequences of their experience. Data was collected through interviews with Black fathers participating in a fatherhood-focused program in a Midwestern U.S. urban area. The average age of the participants was 33 years, half were unmarried (50%), most had one biological child (58%), many earned less than $10,000 USD annually (42%), and most had at least a high school degree (89%). Seventeen fathers (six in two focus groups and eleven individual interviews) were interviewed from February to July 2021. Interviews were audio recorded, transcribed verbatim, and thematically analyzed. Five themes were identified from the data. Men consistently valued their role as fathers despite enduring pandemic-related economic and familial stressors that impacted their involvement with their children. A primary adaptation in response to these multilevel stressors was surrendering to absence to protect their child(ren) from disease. Fathers felt that the isolation from their children, due in part to increased maternal gatekeeping, consequently heightened their psychological distress. This study provides valuable insight into Black fatherhood during the COVID-19 pandemic. Findings indicate that COVID-19 strained already difficult parenting relationships and constrained father engagement, creating mental health consequences for some Black fathers.

Keywords

Black fatherhood COVID-19 low-income mental health community health nonresident father

Introduction

The unprecedented COVID-19 pandemic had significant challenges with a disproportionate burden on Black families living at low income. Most research examining these effects for Black parenting highlights the experiences of mothers. The context in which Black fatherhood has emerged in American society (i.e., constructed through structurally racist lenses) necessitates a deeper dive into their experiences during the pandemic. For instance, although it is well established that Black nonresidential fathers are more involved with their children than their counterparts from other racial/ethnic groups, Black fathering negative stereotypes persist. Rarely do we examine the impact of fathering on men themselves even though it is well acknowledged that paternal wellbeing and health can impact child and maternal outcomes. The current study was therefore guided by three overarching questions: (a) How did the pandemic exacerbate the conditions and experiences of Black fathers? (b) What effect (if any) did fathering during the pandemic have on their health? (c) How did they cope with these challenges?

Background

Prepandemic Black Father Involvement

Black fatherhood in American society is often framed through the lens of nonresident fatherhood, a common family structure among Black families in the United States due to intersecting structural, historical, and socio-economic factors. About 44% of Black fathers live in homes separate from their children compared with 21% of White fathers and 35% of Hispanic fathers (Livingston & Parker, 2011). The deadbeat narrative (i.e., the portrayal of Black fathers, particularly those who live on low income, as absent, irresponsible, and neglectful of the needs of their children and families) is pervasive and continues to shape the fathering experiences of nonresident Black fathers (Black & Keyes, 2021; Caldwell et al., 2019; Connor & White, 2012). Prepandemic evidence contradicts these pervasive narratives: Black nonresident fathers maintain meaningful involvement in their children’s lives through social and emotional support (Miller et al., 2022), financial contributions (White et al., 2021), and co-parenting (Sumo et al., 2022), often embracing egalitarian approaches and are more involved with their children than their White counterparts (Allen, 2013; Cabrera et al., 2008; Ellerbe et al., 2018; Wilson & Thompson, 2020). These efforts unfold amid structural barriers – including labor market discrimination, overpolicing and mass incarceration, problematic child support practices, and social welfare policies that incentivize single motherhood – embedded within institutionalized racism (Alphonso, 2021; Austin, 2021; Chen & Karberg, 2020; Threlfall et al., 2013; T. Walsh et al., 2021).

Intersectionality and Black Fathers’ Mental Health

Intersectionality clarifies how identities such as race, gender, class, and parental status shape risk of adverse health and wellbeing outcomes (Crenshaw, 1989). Long before the pandemic, Black fathers experienced complex barriers to mental health, overall health, and well-being created and reinforced through structural racism. These systemic inequalities created a disproportionate disease burden of physical illness and mental health difficulties (SAMHSA, 2020; Shim, 2020). COVID-19 deepened these disparate inequities: Black people had greater morbidity and mortality from COVID-19, individuals living in poverty faced greater socioeconomic impacts, parents faced greater career setbacks and employment challenges, men experienced heightened social isolation and isolation-related mental health impacts, and nonresident fathers had reduced contact with their children (Demler, 2024; Dyer, 2020; Gassman-Pines et al., 2020; Geranios et al., 2022; Rothwell & Smith, 2021; Walsh et al., 2024). Evidence points to disproportionate mental health harms among Black and other racialized minority men, exacerbated by preexisting anti-Black gendered racism (Barnhart et al., 2021; Gilbert et al., 2016; Griffith et al., 2021; Lemmons & Johnson, 2019) and exposure to a hostile climate from witnessing the racially motivated killings of other Black men (e.g., George Floyd, Rayshard Brooks, Ahmaud Arbery cases) during the pandemic (Schindler & Kittredge, 2020).

A UK-based study that longitudinally examined gender and ethnicity disaggregated changes in mental health during the pandemic noted that Black, Asian, and minority men experienced higher average increases in mental distress than their White counterparts (Proto & Quintana-Domeque, 2021). Pierce and colleagues (2021) examined latent trajectories of men’s mental health during the pandemic and found that poor mental health persistently increased among Black and Asian men (Pierce et al., 2021). Other studies that examined situational factors predisposing Black men to poorer mental health found that these men were more likely to report adverse impact of the pandemic including higher COVID-19 diagnosis; inability to pay for food, rent, medication, and utility bills; fear of contracting the virus; and high mortality rates for themselves, their friends and family members (Hawkins et al., 2021). Paradoxically, White men were more likely to report stress (Wu et al., 2021), suggesting that standard quantitative assessments may insufficiently capture Black men’s pandemic‑induced mental health burden. These layered inequities underscore the need for qualitative examination of Black men’s lived experiences during the pandemic.

Fathering in a Pandemic: COVID-19 and Implications for Low-Income Black Fathers

For low‑income, nonresident Black fathers, pandemic-related disruptions intensified preexisting challenges. Lockdowns and social‑distancing mandates hindered established visitation routines and reduced opportunities for father–child contact, contributing to heightened social isolation (Walsh et al., 2024). Nonresident fathers have been shown to have much higher psychological distress than married parents, with rates similar to or higher than those of single mothers (Yuan, 2014). These disparities were linked to several factors, particularly the relationship dynamics between nonresidential fathers and their (ex)partner(s) (Elam et al., 2016; Modecki et al., 2015). Specifically, maternal gatekeeping, which refers “to a mother’s protective beliefs about how much and whether a father should be involved in their children’s lives,” (Byers, 2017) may become more restrictive during conflicts particularly within single mother/nonresident father contexts (Stevenson et al., 2014). Perceived negative maternal gatekeeping behaviors can negatively impact nonresident fathers’ psychological wellbeing (Violi et al., 2022). Although responsible fatherhood programs support low‑income, nonresident fathers in navigating such challenges (Anderson et al., 2002; Fagan & Kaufman, 2015; Randles, 2020a, 2020b), little is known about how pandemic‑related disruptions affected Black fathers’ involvement dynamics, or how these disruptions impacted fathers themselves.

The experiences of Black fathers remain undervalued and often obscured by persistent stereotypes despite evidence of its value (Violi et al., 2022). With limited access to health care, health‑promoting resources, and economic stability (Cooper et al., 2021; Shim, 2020; Shipe et al., 2022), the long‑term well‑being of low‑income, nonresident Black fathers is at particular risk due to their intersecting identities as “Black,” “father,” and “low income.” This study therefore applied the Integrated Stress Adaptation model – which highlights how individuals adapt to stress within specific personal and contextual constraints – to explore how Black men experienced, navigated, and adapted to fathering during the COVID‑19 pandemic.

Theoretical Underpinning

The Interactive Model of Human Adaptation to Stress is a transactional model characterized by three main factors (antecedent factors, cognitive appraisal and responses, and/or event outcomes of human adaptation) that identify the dynamic processes involved in assessing, evaluating, and responding to stressful events (Gomes, 2014; Simães & Gomes, 2019). It was applied to this study to explore and disentangle Black fathers’ experiences with the pandemic.

Antecedent factors refer to the personal characteristics (e.g., personality traits, beliefs, values, and goal commitment) and situational characteristics that lead individuals to appraise a situation as stressful (e.g., pandemic-related job loss and/or precariousness). The COVID-19 pandemic was a stressful event that ignited a compendium of stressors (e.g., daily uncertainties, underemployment, job loss, and difficulties re-entering the workforce participation) for low-income Black men. Its novelty, unpredictability, uncertainty, and duration in relation to the other events co-occurring in individual lives aligned with the characteristics of a stressful event as outlined by previous researchers (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Simães & Gomes, 2019).

Cognitive appraisal refers to an individual’s perception and evaluation of the personal relevance of the situation (i.e., either good or bad, favorable or unfavorable), which then generates certain reactions in relation to the extent to which the individual perceived the situation as stressful, and their ability to cope (Gomes, 2014; Simães & Gomes, 2019). COVID-19 was a stressful event that differentially affected populations, with greater intensity for low-income Black populations. Black fathers’ appraisal of its impact on their fatherhood is an important factor to consider in understanding their adaptive responses.

The response phase characterizes individuals’ behavioral and psychological response to the stressor depending on their cognitive appraisal of the situation. These responses may produce immediate or prolonged outcomes. Because the pandemic induced stress on the Black family system, we used this model to develop an integrated understanding of how Black fathers evaluated, reacted, responded, and adapted to their experiences of fatherhood during the COVID-19 pandemic. Although typically applied in studies on occupational stress, we found the Interactive Model of Human Adaptation to Stress applicable and useful to the current study. The model was used as an organizing framework to contextualize and succinctly capture the complex dynamics involved in Black fathers’ management of COVID-19-induced stress.

Methods

Study Design and Study Setting

This study was part of a larger mixed-methods study that examined Black fathers’ fertility desires, reproductive planning, and preconception health (Anakwe et al., 2025). The current study utilized a qualitative approach to explore the experiences and adaptive responses to fathering during the pandemic, highlighting any mental health consequences of these experiences among Black fathers living on low income. Since the larger study was conducted during the pandemic lockdown, the pertinence of fathering experiences emerged as participants shared rich insights about navigating their fatherhood during the pandemic. Data was collected between February and July 2021, approximately 1 year after the onset of the pandemic. This period was marked by rapid shifts in disease prevalence and public health mandates. In February, COVID mortality reached one of its highest peaks, becoming the leading cause of death in the United States, with particularly high impacts on caregivers of young children (Ortaliza et al., 2021). By July, infection prevalence had declined sharply due to increased vaccine availability. This was also a uniquely stressful time for many Black communities, who were acutely aware of their heightened vulnerability to the virus and experiencing inequities in vaccine distribution and access (Van Beusekom, 2022).

Participants in this study were recruited through the oldest and largest responsible fatherhood program in an urban city in the U.S. Midwest. The organization provides comprehensive programming to low-income families in four domains: (a) Family Formation (including legal services), (b) Employment and Mentoring, (c) Youth Leadership and Development, and (d) A peer-to-peer self-help program. Fathers sampled to participate in this study were engaged in the Family Formation Program, a 6-week full-immersion program in which fathers spent 5 days per week in classes and roundtable discussion learning about different aspects of parenting, economic, and life skill development. This exploratory study was conducted in 2021 when the program had shifted to an online format due to the pandemic.

Following ethical approval from the lead authors’ institution, 36 Black fathers were purposively recruited from the program using an exploratory, descriptive, contextual qualitative design (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). This approach allowed us to collect narratives from fathers on their experiences of fathering during the pandemic. Participants were included if they were 18 years or older, a biological father of at least one child, currently participating in the Family Formation Program, and willing to participate. All participants were Black, low-income fathers. Some participants lived in the same household as their child(ren) (e.g., residential fathers), and some participants lived in separate households from their child(ren) (e.g., nonresidential fathers). All participants were incentivized with a $30 gift card.

Sampling and Recruitment

Sampling, recruitment, and interviewing of participants for this study were conducted from February to July 2021. Each month, the Fathers & Families Support Center recruited fathers to their 6-week Family Formation Program. To recruit participants for this study, the primary researcher was invited to make a presentation to each cohort between 2 and 4 weeks of their enrollment to the program. These presentations were made via Zoom before program classes began for the day. Men who were interested in the study gave their informed consent, completed a survey, and completed an online sign-up sheet to participate in one-on-one interviews, providing a range of dates and times when they would be available to interview. The researcher scheduled a mutually agreeable time with each participant. Participants were recruited from a total of five Family Formation cohorts. Before interviewing, participants provided verbal consent and then engaged in one-on-one or focus group interviews. Although 36 participants were enrolled in the study, only 17 fathers agreed to participate in in-depth interviews.

Interview Protocol Development and Procedures

A multimodal approach to interviewing participants was used, including one-on-one and focus groups held over Zoom or in-person. Because the majority noted work and time constraints as barriers to engaging in interviews, this approach was utilized to (a) adhere to pandemic restriction guidelines and (b) accommodate participants’ preferences. Recruiting and retaining Black men in research can be challenging (George et al., 2014; Woods et al., 2004); as such, the research team took this approach to allow Black fathers engage with the study in any format they felt most comfortable with. All interviews were conducted by the first author through two focus groups (via Zoom with six fathers) and 11 one-on-one (10 via Zoom, and 1 in-person) interviews that each lasted 45–90 minutes. The interview guide was developed through an iterative process. AA and KLG developed the guide and shared with DG to provide feedback on appropriateness, cultural sensitivity, and relevance. Questions were exploratory to allow for emergent themes that capture Black fathers’ experiences of fathering during the pandemic and perceived mental health challenges. Questions asked including “How has your experience as a father been impacted by COVID-19?” and “In terms of your health, how would you say you are doing?” were used to explore the essence of men’s fathering experiences during the pandemic.

Researcher Positionality and Reflexivity

The study team predominantly comprised doctorate-trained Black researchers (two males [KLG and WM] and two females [AA and RB]) and a member from the partner organization [DG] who had in-depth knowledge of the community. Their racial similarity to the study participants and expertise in community-engaged research within Black communities facilitated rapport and relationship building needed to establish trust with marginalized communities in the qualitative research process. Throughout the research process, the researchers were critically self-reflective about their own lived experiences during the pandemic, preconceptions, relationship dynamics, and analytic focus on the processes by which interview questions were formulated and data were collected, analyzed, and presented (Cooper et al., 2012).

Analysis

All interviews were transcribed verbatim and thematically analyzed by three researchers guided by existing concepts and ideas on Gomes’ Interactive Model of Human Adaptation to Stress (Gomes, 2014). Three researchers from the research team independently read and coded four transcripts. The coding scheme identified the quotes that aligned with the domains of the stress-adaptation model – antecedent factors, cognitive appraisal, and responses/adaptive outcomes developed through an inductive analysis that identified new themes and expanded on subthemes related to these three primary stress-adaptation domains. This study used these domains to guide the data analysis process while allowing new themes and sub-themes to emerge on Black fathering experiences during the pandemic. After the three authors reviewed the first four transcripts, the first two authors reviewed all interviews to code based on the developed coding scheme. Finally, the first two authors discussed all coded transcripts to verify completeness, ensure reliable coding, and resolve areas of disagreement (Braun & Clarke, 2014). Any disagreements were resolved during meeting discussions involving a third member of the team. Member checking was completed in two ways: first by an internal review with the second author and then subsequently by the community partner who verified code interpretation. The research team reflected on their own lived experience of the pandemic noting how these experiences could affect data analysis and interpretation (Creswell & Poth, 2016; Polit & Beck, 2020). Finally, transcripts and codes were entered into Dedoose version 9.0.17 for further analysis (SocioCultural Research Consultants, 2021).

Results

Descriptive Statistics

Of the 36 participants who enrolled in the larger study and completed the survey, 17 volunteered for one-on-one or focus group interviews. The demographic profile of all 36 enrolled participants is presented in Table 1. Fathers had a median age of 33 years (range: 23–63 years). Most fathers were unmarried (50%), had one biological child (58.3%), earned less than $10,000 in annual income (41.7%), and had at least a high school degree (88.9%). Of the fathers participating in the study, 72% were nonresidential parents, and about 80% had participated in the family-formation program for less than 6 weeks.

Table 1.

Demographic Characteristics of Study Participants.

Characteristics	Frequency
Characteristics	n(%)
Age (median)	33 years
Marital status
Never married	18 (50)
Divorce	2 (5.6)
Separated	4 (11.1)
Cohabiting	8 (22.2)
Married	4 (11.1)
Educational attainment
<HS	4 (11.1)
HS	11 (30.6)
Some college	13 (36.1)
2-year degree	8 (22.2)
Employment status
Not employed	12 (33.3)
Part time	8 (22.2)
Full time	14 (38.9)
Other	2 (5.6)
Income level
No income	5 (13.9)
$1–$9,999	15 (41.7)
$10,000–$24,999	5 (13.9)
$25000–$49,999	11 (30.6)
Number of biological children
1	21 (58.3)
2	5 (13.9)
3	4 (11.1)
4	3 (8.3)
5 or more	3 (8.3)
Residential parent
Yes	9 (25.0)
No	26 (72.2)
General health
Poor	1 (2.8)
Fair	7 (19.4)
Good	11 (30.6)
Very good	11 (30.6)
Excellent	6 (16.7)
Health insurance
Yes	15 (41.7)
No	21 (58.3)
Length of participation in the program
<6weeks	29 (80.6)
Six weeks	1 (2.8)
>6weeks	6 (16.7)

Note. n < 36 due to missing information. Demographic characteristics are based on all participants who consented to participate.

Emergent themes were grouped into five domains that aligned with the Interactive Model of Human Adaptation to Stress. We found that men’s personal characteristics in valuing their roles as fathers and situational characteristics of the indirect effects of pandemic-related stressors on familial relations, financial instability, and access to health-promoting resources were key antecedent factors that contributed to Black fathers’ experiences and adaptation to COVID-19-related stress. Men ascribed meaning to the effects of the pandemic on their fathering experiences through cognitive appraisals of its impact on their involvement with their children. A dominant narrative in response to these effects was surrendering to absence in order to protect their children from contracting the disease, which heightened their psychological distress. Figure 1 provides a pictorial representation of these emergent themes as organized within the theoretical framework. Quotes from focus group interviews are denoted as FG, and those from one-on-one interviews as IN.

Figure 1.

Interactive model of human adaptation to stress framework examining Black fathers’ experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic. Adapted with permission from Gomes, R., 2014. Positive human functioning in stress situations: An interactive proposal. In Positive human functioning from a multidimensional perspective by Nova Science.

Personal Antecedent Factors: Black Men Value Their Roles as Fathers

Fathers explained their perception of fatherhood in line with their roles as fathers. Participants had strong positive perceptions of themselves as fathers in terms of their values and beliefs of who they are, who they want to be, and what they should represent as fathers. Fatherhood was a deeply meaningful and transformative experience that was central to how they saw and defined themselves. As one participant noted, being a father was not only a “big responsibility, sacrifice and blessing” (IN-721) that involves “Leadership . . . To guide and direct your family and your children” (IN-111) but also a niche “no other person could experience without fatherhood” (IN-721). Other fathers, who further elaborated on the meaning of fatherhood, noted that it was a time of growth, attention to the future and taking responsibility for themselves first. One said:

I’m a father first and foremost. A father must have a future for himself, he must be able to give attention, give time, have a heart, be an equal parent, and then he must take full responsibility (IN-921).

Participants’ introspection on their fatherhood seemed to primarily focus on improving themselves as individuals first, both materially and mentally, to fulfill their fathering roles. Participants further described their roles as fathers in terms of provider, nurturer, protector, and physically present. One participant alluded to the challenges low-income Black fathers face with fulfilling the provider role. He said when “you (are) trying to figure out how to pay this and pay that, and you have no resources . . . That’s why a lot of guys lean to selling drugs and doing a lot of illegal activities just to get by” (IN-202). Yet, financial provision remained central to how these Black fathers perceived their roles. As another father said, “you’ve got to be able to support them (children) financially” (IN-312). Many fathers, however, thought of themselves as all-around providers, not only financially, in terms of supporting their children, but emotionally, mentally, and spiritually as well. One said,

So, you’ve got to be able to offer, you know, mental, emotional, spiritual, and financial support. You’ve got to be able to offer them all these different types of support, and that’s why it’s so important that you make sure you got all those things at an adequate level before you even have kids, you know. (IN-312)

In addition, participants also reflected deeply on their own early life experiences living in a father-absent household and how they wanted to do differently for their own children. In this context, fatherhood also meant being physically present in their children’s lives and to do better than their own fathers.

Definitely, when I think of fatherhood, I think of how beautiful it would have been for me as a child to have experienced that (involvement) with my dad . . . he wasn’t really there, . . . I didn’t realize so much as a child that how much it was going to affect me as a man growing up. But like I do remember the hurt that I would feel going to different sporting events, even practices, and some of my teammates would have their parents there supporting them and my dad never was there. So, here we are today; again, this is what lights my fire and my desire to try to be a better version of my father, and I want to be that person, that father that’s involved. So, that’s makes me want to do the things that I do too, you know, for my girls so that they can – so they don’t have the same story as me, as far as an example of a poor fatherhood (FG-121)

Participants’ perceptions of their roles as protectors of their children were also prominent in their narratives. Although their level of concern on what to protect their child from and the motivation to protect their child seemed to differ by the child’s gender.

I have one daughter. And I try to keep up with the trends that are out now. When her mother passed I was real protective and I still am kind of . . .. I made her sit down and watch that movie “Taken.” And I told her, now you can go tell all your friends if something happens to you, I’m coming for you because you’re all I got. (FG-121)

. . . if I’m out at the park with my son and he’s playing with some other kids on the playground and the other kid decide to hit my son, I feel like that is a critical situation. And if my son decides to retaliate back, I would be there for it, you know, to stop that situation before that even happened and to teach my son just because somebody hits you doesn’t mean it’s right too for you to hit them back ‘cause, every situation can be looked at differently. But it’s good for you to stand your ground or just walk away. (IN-821)

Fathers’ gendered narrative on protection seemed to suggest that they felt that fathering a daughter should focus on shielding the child from external forces, especially sexual exploitation, while for sons, it would involve walking away from situations that could escalate. Overall, Black fathers perceived that these traits did not only define what fatherhood should represent but also seemed to characterize what they valued, aspired for, and were actively striving to achieve in their daily lives and those of their children.

Situational Antecedent Factors: Pandemic-Related Stressors and Effects

Although participants were actively working toward improving themselves to become better fathers by participating in the Family Formation program at the community-based organization, they experienced concurrent pandemic-related stressors. Specifically, participants experienced stressors around job losses and homelessness (and consequent financial strain) while also navigating preexisting child custody, support, and child court issues related to their nonresident status. One stated:

I lost everything to COVID. Like I said I didn’t have anywhere to stay. I still at this point have one pair of pants, a couple of shoes and things like that. And I’m in this program with (another community-based program) where they help me get a place for three months. And then after three months I believe you have to leave. So, I mean I’m on like my second month right now. And I just – I’m still struggling to find work. Because we’re in COVID right now and it’s like nobody wants to even put you into an apartment at this time . . . Just because you (Landlords) are not allowed to put people out of their house during COVID. So, landlords are like uh-uh. We’re not accepting nothing else (IN-621).

Participants also highlighted the effect of the pandemic on their familial relationships. While some fathers thought COVID-19 was a blessing in disguise, because “it has actually brought us closer, and we be on the phone more or these face-to-face apps more. Oh, it has actually been a positive” (FG-121), others noted that the pandemic deteriorated their already strained familial relationships.

Specifically for nonresident Black fathers, they were particularly displeased with what seemed to be increased maternal gatekeeping that (to them) was not necessarily pandemic-related. These fathers felt like some mothers used the pandemic as an excuse to prevent them from seeing their children.

No, when the COVID pandemic first started I tried to reach out to his mom ‘cause at first we was doing it, she was picking him up from school on Fridays and dropping him off on Monday and he would stay with me during the week. So I was trying to reach out to his mom and say, hey, how about instead of you picking him up on the weekend you get him for 14 days, you know, just in case he might catch COVID over there. How about we do a 14 day here, 14 day there, 14 day here, 14 day there if we’re gonna do any exchange and she just wasn’t for it. She was like I don’t care what you’re talking about, you’re always trying to control something. I haven’t heard from him since. She don’t return calls, text. (IN-182)

Participants highlighted challenges with systemic/policy-level issues with the deployment of pandemic relief funds and how that placed additional stress on them. Due to pandemic lockdown mandates and the consequent challenges some nonresident parents faced with modifying their child support orders, for example, reporting and processing unemployment/underemployment status (Chen & Karberg, 2020; Vogel et al., 2022), fathers in our study may have lost their Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act funding. This participant felt that the funds were distributed in a way that was not cognizant of the situation of nonresident low-income Black fathers during the pandemic.

I got my pandemic money took from me because of child support. This is money that if I would have been ill, if I would have been sick, COVID would have affected me not having a job, I got this $1,200.00 took from me that was supposed to be given to me for the fact of helping better me, and I got it took from me because of child support . . .. Women – like this woman that got damned near $3,000.00, she got $1,500.00 for a child, you get $1,200.00 for yourself, and you take the father’s money? Damn, but this man over here struggling. This man got – this man living in the same pandemic as the woman’s living in. But they don’t care about that. So, I got my struggle money took from me, and I’m still struggling. (IN-921)

Cognitive Appraisal: Black Fathers’ Assessment of Involvement With Their Children

As noted earlier, Black fathers value their roles as fathers and believe that an important aspect of fatherhood is being involved with their child. Gomes (2014) noted that during stressful events such as a pandemic, an individuals’ cognitive appraisal of the situation can affect their beliefs, values, goals, and their adaption to the situation because they evaluate whether that event is good or bad. This appraisal informs an individuals’ subsequent actions and reactions to the stressful event (Gomes, 2014). Fathers in this study seemed to evaluate their experiences of fatherhood during the pandemic through the lens of whether (or not) it allowed them to remain involved with their child(ren). While some fathers noted that the pandemic had a positive effect on their fatherhood because it allowed them to be more involved with their child(ren), “I’m more involved and more active in my daughter’s life because Covid has caused us to kind of put our other lives and our social and work lives and all of that on hold, or put it on pause” (FG-121), others felt that it diminished their involvement, especially if they lived away from their child during the pandemic.

I would say not so much (the effect of COVID on my fatherhood), but that’s simply because I don’t get to see my son . . . I can only see him like on Facebook or something like that, and he looks fine . . .. It just, plays along the lines into me, about me not, you know, kind of being there for my kid. It, connects to very deep-rooted problems . . . (IN-282).

Black Fathers’ Responses, Adaptation, and Outcomes

Participants’ responses and adaptation to the pandemic fell into two categories – behavioral and psychological responses.

Absent to Protect: A Black Fathers’ Behavioral Response to Fathering in a Pandemic

Based on Black fathers’ cognitive interpretation of the pandemic effects, they responded to this public health crisis in different ways depending on its perceived severity in relation to other situational factors (such as familial relationships) and their personal beliefs (such as responsibility) about fatherhood. For many, “every man’s fatherhood was tested in COVID” (IN-621). The dominant narrative however suggested that fathers (especially nonresident fathers) surrendered to being absent to protect their children from contracting the disease. “Surrendering to absence” in this sense meant that even though fathers desired to remain involved with their child(ren), they either stayed away from their child(ren) to protect them from contracting the disease if they themselves were likely exposed, or if the mother restricted access to their child. In other words, they (fathers) were willing to be physically absent if that meant protecting their child or respecting their partners’ wishes.

As one father expressed,

It was because of the whole COVID ordeal period. Because there was a lot of people catching it and a lot of people, you know what I was saying, that I socialized with had caught it and I didn’t want to come around him [my son] with it so I stayed my distance from him also. And then when I did come around, I wear a mask and everything. (IN-721)

For nonresident fathers, maternal gatekeeping, which heightened during the pandemic, not only worsened parental relationships but was stressful for fathers as they had to negotiate new ways to visit with their children. In many cases, the available options were demeaning as noted by one nonresident father,

The mother wouldn’t either let me see him because of COVID – you know, she would say it’s too much of a high risk. [My son] is at high risk. You know, I don’t want him around you right now, or around anybody else. I don’t want him outside. You know, so when I come visit him, I would have to stand on the lawn, and – while he stood at the door. You know, I would have to call [child’s mother] and, let him to come outside, and, just being out there and being in front of him, and not being able to hug him. You know, that was – it did something to me. It made me feel like that I was distant from my son. But we were right there. You know, it’s almost if I was in – back in jail a little bit, and I just didn’t like that feeling. (IN-021)

Experiences of Psychological Distress

Although Black families were disproportionately affected by COVID-19, with many losing loved ones to the pandemic, Black fathers (especially nonresident fathers) endured additional mental health consequences. One said, “I lost my granddad in November to COVID, so it affected me, directly. So, it’s just been an interesting life” (FG-121). Fathers felt these mental health effects were in direct response to the toll of fathering in a pandemic. They also felt stressed from navigating multilevel social factors at the interpersonal (i.e., the coparenting relationship quality and maternal gatekeeping behaviors) and other contextual levels (i.e., job loss, passing of loved ones, homelessness). For instance, one participant experienced the birth of his daughter but could barely see her during the pandemic, which affected him mentally.

Oh, man. It took some toll on me mentally. It has taken a toll, because – I mean, factoring in COVID-19 plus some personal issues –, you know, in between me and my child’s mother, like, all that stuff just adds up. So it affected my fatherhood tremendously, like I said, not only COVID but other personal issues where I couldn’t be a father that I wanted to be to my daughter, ‘cause I barely saw (her) – man, this entire year my daughter been on earth, I probably saw my daughter at the most, probably ten times or less, you know, out of a whole entire year, right? That took a toll on me. (IN-221)

As noted by Gomes (2014), individual perceptions of stress and their actions toward adaptation are influenced by the characteristics of the stressor including its novelty, predictability and uncertainty, duration of the stressor, and ambiguity (p. 7). Although participants did not echo these sentiments equally across the board, some fathers felt apprehensive toward its effect on their fatherhood. One which they described as an “emotional roller-coaster” (IN-202).

Discussion

This community-based qualitative study conducted in partnership with a responsible fatherhood program in a Midwestern U.S. urban area explored Black fathers’ experiences with the COVID-19 pandemic. As one of the earliest studies to examine Black fathers’ experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic among a predominantly nonresidential population, this work advances the literature by identifying plausible mechanisms linking pandemic-era Black fathering to men’s health outcomes. It elucidates the complex dynamics between Black fathers’ nonresident status, historical exclusion from Black family life, pandemic-induced stressors, and shifts in their coparenting, with negative mental health consequences for Black fathers. Specifically, it highlighted that while low-income Black men value their roles as fathers and seek to nurture, protect, and provide for their families, they faced significant barriers to fulfilling these roles during the pandemic. Even though fathers in this study did not experience these barriers equally across the board, most fathers felt that they had to be physically distanced (or absent) from their child(ren) to protect them from contracting the virus, to the detriment of their mental well-being.

Contrary to the negative stereotypes of Black fathers as deadbeat, absent, deficient, and uninvolved (Connor & White, 2012), fathers in our study defined fatherhood as a deeply meaningful experience in which they valued their roles as providers, nurturers, and protectors of their child(ren). Externally induced pandemic-related stressors and their cascading effects on family life and economic instability threatened fathers’ fragility. Black fathers often equate their value as fathers to their ability to fulfill financial provider or breadwinner roles (Caldwell et al., 2016; Griffith et al., 2016). When saddled with additional pandemic-related stressors from enduring direct (i.e., higher COVID-19 mortality among Black men and deaths of close family members) and indirect (i.e., job loss and consequent financial strain, homelessness, and strain to familial relationships) pandemic effects, as seen in our study findings, Black fathers who felt submerged in the negative consequences of the pandemic reported experiencing greater psychological distress.

Findings from this study also suggest that Black fathers perceived fatherhood in terms of their ability to be physically present and involved with their child(ren). The pandemic disrupted and constrained their capacity to be involved in the ways they had become accustomed to. These fathers, therefore, evaluated the impact of the pandemic in tandem with its effect on their involvement. Fathers perceived the pandemic as a “blessing” if it positively impacted their involvement with their child(ren), or a “curse” if otherwise. Adamsons (2022) found wide variations in involvement patterns among nonresident fathers which were partially explained by perceptions of co-parenting support (Adamsons, 2022). Nonresident fathers who experienced greater co-parenting difficulties were less involved with their child. Nonresident father–child dyads already endure significant barriers to engaging with each other, which has negative consequences for their wellbeing (Elam et al., 2016; Modecki et al., 2015; Stevenson et al., 2014). Our findings highlight the need to bolster support that allows fathers to remain involved with their children, especially during public health crises.

Consistent with the literature (Iztayeva, 2021; Le et al., 2022; Violi et al., 2022; Walsh et al., 2024), fathers in our study felt particularly overwhelmed by deteriorating coparenting relationships and maternal gatekeeping behaviors that seemed to heighten during the pandemic. Vazzano and colleagues (2022) pointed out that heightened maternal gatekeeping and navigating difficult coparenting relationships made it even more challenging for nonresident fathers to be with children (Vazzano et al., 2022), which aligned with the current study findings. The fact that a father “would have to stand on the lawn, while his son stood at the door (IN-021),” knowing that both the father and the son were not exposed to the virus, may be indicative of problematic maternal gatekeeping. Such experiences support the need to (a) create a more robust understanding of how Black families have evolved and (b) examine how their cultural emergence can be harnessed to buffer the effect of external stressors, rather than criticize the current single mother/nonresident father family structure as inherently problematic (Iztayeva, 2021; Le et al., 2022; Vazzano et al., 2022; Violi et al., 2022). This approach will leverage a social justice lens to support Black families.

Fathers in our study seemed to sacrifice their happiness to protect their children by accepting to be absent to protect their children from the virus. Our findings suggest that this sacrifice had negative consequences for the mental wellbeing of especially nonresident low-income Black fathers. We wondered “why should Black fathers, who clearly love their child(ren) and want to be present with them, resort to absence as the only option to protect their child(ren), despite the well acknowledged mental health strain these separations can have for both fathers and their children?” It would appear that the sociopolitical and historical context in which Black fatherhood has emerged (Lemmons & Johnson, 2019) continues to retraumatize Black fathers, thereby increasing their vulnerability to adverse health outcomes. A plethora of evidence demonstrates the positive value quality father involvement has for child wellbeing and educational outcomes especially through shared time and nurturance. Despite long-standing structural forces that facilitate absence of fathers (e.g., mass incarceration and economic instability), Black fathers in this study deeply valued involvement with their children; however, preexisting constraints, intensified by the pandemic, led some to intentionally limit in-person contact – either to protect their children from potential viral exposure or to preserve peace with their child(ren’s) mothers. In this way, “surrendering to absence” became a structural adaptation fathers made to protect their families; an approach many Black families have applied to survive and support children though social and economic disenfranchisement (Edin & Nelson, 2014). Given these adaptations fathers made during the pandemic, it will be important for future studies to evaluate the consequences of surrendering to absence for fathers and their children, especially in creating lasting and meaningful relationships, after the pandemic.

Government systems that continue to enforce child-support payments as the only means through which fathers can demonstrate commitment to their families have been criticized as punitive, inequitable, archaic, and insensitive to changes in fathering dynamics (Chen & Karberg, 2020; Walsh et al., 2021). During the pandemic, nonresident parents, who are disproportionately low-income Black fathers, with past due child support payments were the only group ineligible to receive the CARES Act relief funds (Chen & Karberg, 2020). Yet several factors, including delays related to filing for and processing changes in a nonresident fathers’ material circumstances due to pandemic-related job loss or underemployment, may have prevented these fathers from accessing these funds. These fathers were faced with the double challenge of unintentionally defaulting on child support payments and accruing child support debt and its cascading effects (Chen & Karberg, 2020).

When these findings are viewed from an intersectional lens, Black fathers’ experiences and mental health stressors during the COVID-19 pandemic illustrate the interlocking effects of race, class, gender, and individual identities. These identities contributed to overlapping difficulties, such as systematic exclusion from financial relief, employment instability, strained co-parenting dynamics, and limited access to their children, which were intensified by racialized and gendered social structures. At the same time, these intersecting identities also highlighted strengths such as a deep sense of responsibility, love, resilience, and intentional engagement with their children, which were rooted in cultural values, familial bonds, and their understanding of Black fatherhood. Most notably, the perspectives shared by the fathers in this study underscore the similarities and differences that exist within Black fathers’ parenting experiences, illustrating that Black fatherhood is shaped by a complex interplay of personal, cultural, and structural factors.

Our study found that fathers endured negative mental health consequences from the pandemic, which was nuanced by fathers’ perceptions of their continued involvement with their child(ren). It seemed that fathers who felt that their involvement remained unchanged or improved were less likely to report poor psychological wellbeing. Conversely, fathers who lost contact with their child(ren) felt less involved and consequently experienced poorer mental health. These findings suggest that the generalized social isolation induced by the pandemic may have had a more negative effect on nonresident fathers who felt lonely from not engaging with their children in ways they may have been used to prior to the pandemic. Research has documented the mental health consequences of loneliness, difficult coparenting relationships, and nonresident status on men’s mental health (Nowland et al., 2021). In a postpandemic world, it is important to disentangle how psychosocial stressors experienced during the early stages of the pandemic have impacted the emergence of low-income nonresidential Black fathers’ mental health.

Limitations

To our knowledge, this is one of the first studies that empirically examined and reported on the mental health consequences of the pandemic on Black fathers. The insights generated by this study do not only shed light on the need to bolster support for low-income fathers during public health emergencies but also highlights the need to provide targeted interventions that can support postpandemic recovery. However, our study has limitations. Men in this study were enrolled in a responsible fatherhood program which suggests that they may be more invested than other Black fathers to improve their situation for themselves and their children. Although the sampling technique may have introduced some heterogeneity in the sample, it allowed us to capture the breadth of experiences of fathers participating in the program. This study may not be generalizable to other fatherhood-focused organizations even though our findings are consistent with similar studies (Vazzano et al., 2022; Walsh et al., 2024).

Although 36 men consented to participate in this study, only 17 participated in one-on-one interviews with the researcher, accounting for less than 50% of the sample. While a more robust sample is preferred, this study achieved theoretical saturation, that is, the point at which no new insights were generated from participant interviews (Hennink & Kaiser, 2022). This low participation rate is consistent with previous studies conducted among men/fathers (Woods et al., 2004). Low-income men navigated many competing responsibilities and challenges especially during the pandemic which may have influenced their initial commitment to participate.

Future studies will benefit from engaging a larger and diverse cohort of low-income fathers utilizing more quantitative approaches that extend our application of the Interactive Model of Human Adaptation to Stress framework. For instance, quantitative modeling that accounts for partner dynamics, nonresident status, and changes in father involvement pre–post pandemic and dyadic interviewing that incorporates partner perspectives can elucidate influential pathways impacting father and child outcomes. This study also examined fathers’ experiences at one timepoint, which limits our knowledge on how the evolving nature of the pandemic continues to shape Black fatherhood experiences. More studies are needed that longitudinally examine paternal experiences, adaptation and recovery after the pandemic and the effects of pandemic-induced fathers’ absence on child’s health.

Public Health, Policy, and Practice Implications

Our study highlights fatherhood status as an important niche in which to discuss postpandemic psychological wellbeing for low-income Black men and their children. Black families and children endured significant hardship throughout the pandemic including navigating school lockdowns, unprecedented un(der)employment and job precariousness, mortality, and morbidity which negatively impacted the mental wellbeing of Black families. Yet most studies to date have highlighted these challenges among mothers or men in general with little attention paid to fathers or the vulnerability induced by their intersectional identities. Studies that examine dyadic mechanisms in nontraditional households during stressful events and how these families adapt to and/or navigate these external stressors are needed. This approach will allow for the development of interventions and policies that are sensitive to the current realities of Black households and lean into a strengths-based approach rather than the pervasive deficient perspective. As we recover from the pandemic and navigate a new normal, it will be important to continue to (a) critically examine what impact the pandemic had on Black fathers’ mental health and involvement with their children, (b) reevaluate and retool policies that do not foreground the needs of Black fathers (and their families), and (c) forestall similar experiences, as those noted in this study, during future public health emergencies.

In addition to this study’s main findings, participants highlighted important failures in the government systems to adequately support and cater to the needs of low-income nonresident Black fathers. During the pandemic, welfare programs were slow to pivot their programming in ways that were cognizant of the inherent vulnerability of this population (Chen & Karberg, 2020). With the changing dynamics of fatherhood, more robust definitions beyond provider-only roles are important to tailor supports that will address the multilevel factors that influence fatherhood at the intersection of race, gender roles, and socioeconomic status (Shipe et al., 2022). Incorporating the value of paternal involvement through other forms of engagement (e.g., providing in-kind support) beyond the ability to make child-support payments only may be a beneficial lens from which the child welfare system can be reassessed to be sensitive to the plight of Black fathers. Government programs need to speak to each other and coordinate efforts to better the situation for low-income nonresident Black fathers. In addition, creative partnerships between fatherhood-focused organizations, government agencies, and local public health departments need to be established to buffer the effect of public health emergencies on this population.

Importantly, although fatherhood-focused organizations pivoted online to accommodate pandemic-related requirements, they maintained contact with fathers in the community. These organizations serve as trusted resources for Black fathers and can be strengthened to provide additional support during public health crises. Support could include mental health screening/referral, creating training modules on coping skills, and providing co-parenting mediation services.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to the staff of the Fathers and Families Support Center, particularly Tina Tibbett and Amethyst Roberson who supported recruitment and retention of participants in this study. The authors are also grateful to all the Black fathers who participated in this study for creating the time to share their thoughts on fathering during the pandemic. Finally, the authors thank colleagues and reviewers for their contributions to the manuscript.

ORCID iD

Adaobi Anakwe

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Funding for this study was received through the Society for Family Planning Research Fund (grant number: SFPRF14-ES2)

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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