Abstract
This study reports findings on views of masculinity with undergraduate Black men, which included interviews and focus groups (N = 46) with participants ranging in age from 18 to 22 years. Specifically, this study explored how Black men define being a man and being a Black man. Undergraduate Black males at a historically Black college and university (N = 25) and a predominately White institution (N = 21) in the Southeastern United States were recruited to participate in this study. Through the use of thematic analysis, findings indicated that three levels of masculinity exist for Black men: what it means to be a man, what it means to be a Black man, and who influences male development. Implications and recommendations for future research and practice are discussed.
Keywords
Introduction
Traditional or hegemonic masculinity suggests that men are the embodiment of everything not feminine—unemotional, in control, successful, competitive, straight, and a White man (Connell, 1995, 2002; McClure, 2006; Speer, 2001). Men are taught to not express themselves emotionally as a way to not appear weak or feminine (Wallace, 2007). The sociohistorical position of Black males being marginalized in society correlates with their inability to demonstrate hegemonic characteristics such as success and control; thus, implying that hegemonic masculinity does not include or relate to Black men (Chaney, 2009). Research identified greater substance use, riskier sexual behavior, higher levels of stress and anger, an underutilization of preventive health care, and an unwillingness to seek out professionals in medicine and mental health among men who embody traditional concepts of masculinity (Levant, Wimer, Williams, Smalley, & Noronha, 2009; Mahalik, Burns, & Syzdek, 2007). In addition to displaying negative health behaviors, Black men who exemplify traditional concepts of masculinity may be at greater risk for mental health issues such as low self-esteem and depression (Hammond, 2012; Mahalik, Pierre, & Wan, 2006). White and Cones (1999) suggest that conforming to Euro-American or traditional masculinity is not mentally healthy for Black men for a few reasons such as (a) characteristics like emotional control and individualism do not match Black community values and (b) the emphasis on material success can be difficult when barriers to achieving it exist. Because of the potential health implications associated with masculinity display, research investigating how Black men define and interpret masculinity is warranted.
Research on masculinity and Black men mainly focuses on how it is defined, how it influences one’s identity, and its impact on elements in their daily life such as sexual behavior and mental health (Bingham, Harawa, & Williams, 2013; Bowleg et al., 2011; Chaney, 2009; Ford, 2011; Hammond, 2012; Hammond & Mattis, 2005; Harris, Palmer, & Struve, 2011; Hunter & Davis, 1992; Ornelas et al., 2009). Early work by Hunter and Davis (1992) looking at manhood and Black men reported that Black men defined manhood through self, family, human community, and spirituality and humanism. Moreover, recent research on manhood and Black men supports and expands on these research findings (Chaney, 2009; Hammond & Mattis, 2005). In Hammond and Mattis’s (2005) work, the researchers investigated the meaning of manhood in Black men from five metropolitan areas (Georgia, Michigan, Virginia, Maryland, and New York) ranging in age from 17 to 79 years with more than half having received some type of college education. Their work revealed there were 15 categories of manhood meaning with responsibility and accountability for ones actions being the most heavily endorsed. Similar outcomes are reported in work by Chaney (2009) who identified four areas Black men used to describe manhood (maturity, responsibility, provider, self-awareness). With her findings, Chaney (2009) suggested that the model of hegemonic masculinity is not sufficient when trying to examine how Black men define or describe “manhood.”
When looking at how masculinity influences identity among Black men, studies have reported that masculinity can influence sexual behavior and identity display. A qualitative study by Bowleg et al. (2011) looking at masculinity ideologies and sexual risk behavior in Black men 19 to 51 years old revealed that they believed being a Black man meant they should have sex with multiple women. These findings are similar to Harris et al. (2011) in which the expression of Black masculinity on a college campus was associated with “engaging in sexist and constrained relationships with women,” or the ability to pursue sexual relationships with many different women (p. 54). In addition, this study also reported that Black college men expressed masculinity by engaging in academic and leadership activities and being unemotional and handling difficult situations in a calm manner (Harris et al., 2011). The idea that masculinity affects one’s behavior is also identified in a recent study conducted with Black men at a predominately White institution (PWI), where Ford (2011) reported that societal views of Black men as a “thug,” based on frequent portrayals in music videos, caused some Black men to display masculine characteristics that were consistent with society’s depictions of them.
In addition to masculinity affecting identity, research also identifies how masculinity can affect Black men in their daily lives. A quantitative study on gender role conflict among Black men who sleep with women and men reported that Black men with a higher gender role conflict score had higher mental distress and exhibited riskier sexual behavior (Bingham et al., 2013). Gender role conflict refers to any negative consequences resulting from an individual’s need to comply with socialized gender roles (Bingham et al., 2013). Wester, Vogel, Meifen, and McLain (2006) state that male gender roles are more complex among Black men because they have conflict between their ethnicity and societal demands based on their gender. The idea that being a Black male may create stress in one’s life is found in work by Ornelas et al. (2009) whose photovoice study reported that one force affecting the health of Black men was the role and responsibility of being a Black man. The idea that traditional male characteristics may affect Black male health is also seen in work by Hammond (2012) who identified that men (ranging in age from 18 to 29 years) who reported more exposure to everyday racism and higher masculine role norms that encouraged emotional restraint were more likely to report having depressive symptoms. Past research has sought to define Black masculinity in terms of the traditional and mainstream Eurocentric, patriarchal framework. However, the unique sociohistorical experiences, the diversity of the Black male lived experience, and ultimately the racial/cultural climate of society serve to guide the current study.
College Environment for Black Students
The American Council on Education reported that 18% of Blacks aged 25 to 29 years held a bachelor’s degree or higher in 2009 (Kim, 2011). For Black men, this figure was 13.9% compared with 21.9% of Black women and 31.5% of White men. Also in 2009, 29.6% of Black males aged 18 to 24 years were enrolled in college compared with 41.2% of Black females and 41.6% of White males (Kim, 2011). Some have explained the relative lack of Black or minority students in higher education as being related to a lack of preparation and financial support, educational level of their parents, limited information, and limited educational opportunities (Copeland, 2006; Davidson & Foster-Johnson, 2001).
For Blacks who choose to attend college, these Black students face an environment that may or may not cater to their needs and provide an environment conducive for educational attainment. Black college students experience some of the same issues as their White counterparts when attending college. However, one study reported that Black students exhibited higher levels of financial stress than non-Hispanic White students (Grable & Joo, 2006).
In addition to the usual stressors of college, Black students who attend PWIs are likely to experience isolation, alienation, and racial discrimination (Biasco, Goodwin, & Vitale, 2001; Bohr, Pascarella, Nora, & Terenzini, 1995; DeSousa & Kuh, 1996). In contrast, Black students who attend historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) seem to have an experience that is more supportive, which has been linked to persistence and degree completion (Bohr et al., 1995; DeSousa & Kuh, 1996).
College Environment for Black Men
Although the environment at a PWI may come with difficulties for Black students as mentioned earlier, HBCUs can also pose concerns. Although known to encourage and support achievement in their students, research has reported that policies at a HBCU related to dress (restriction to the items of clothing students can wear limiting their ability to express themselves), power related to students feeling like they are subordinate to administration and faculty and are unable to voice their opinions, and sexual behavior (policies that are not accepting of consensual sex or homosexuals) may cause Black males to leave the institution and not progress to graduation due to frustration with a lack of autonomy (Harper & Gasman, 2008). In addition to the environmental climate on campus, the stress associated with different campuses such as racism and academics should also be considered.
Watkins, Green, Goodson, Guidry, and Stanley (2007) reported that Black men who attended HBCUs had stressors mainly related to noncollege life such as supporting family members and balancing personal life with academics. On the other hand, Black men attending PWIs experienced more school-related stress such as racism, stereotypes, and dealing with trying not to be “too White” or “too Black.” The issue of conformity among Black men at PWIs is also identified in research by McClure (2006) who reported that although fraternal membership for Black males at a predominately White campus kept them connected to their Black community and other males, there was still this sense that they were conforming to societal ideals. While the college environment may be different, research by Smith, Hung, and Franklin (2011) has reported that as Black men increase their education; these Black men also increase their levels of mundane (race-related and societal stress), extreme (race-related and societal stress that influences the emotional, psychological, and physiological reactions one displays), and environmental (the historical context of one’s environment particularly the ideology that influences things such as customs and behaviors of the dominant environment) stress from racial microagressions (subtle, layered, and cumulative insults directed at persons of color). As this stress increases, there is potential for the health of Black men to be negatively affected (Smith et al., 2011).
A qualitative study assessing perceptions of mental health among Black college men reported that some Black men may feel the need to be tough, and a responsibility to “be hard,” “hold it down,” and “not be messed up” (Watkins & Neighbors, 2007). This idea could stem from the fact that Black boys are treated as “adult men from young ages and therefore are expected not to participate in behaviors associated with girls or childhood” (Wallace, 2007, p. 15).
Although studies have investigated how a wide age range of Black men defined manhood, few studies conceptualized how they defined being a Black man. Thus, this study seeks to add to the literature by investigating how Black male undergraduate students view masculinity from the viewpoint of being a man and being a Black man. It is expected that a difference exists between how Black men define being a man and being a Black man due to the different experiences of being Black and being a man. Additionally, from Watkins et al.’s (2007) study reporting a difference in the type of stress experienced by Black men based on attending a HBCU or PWI, this study seeks to add to the literature by studying the views of masculinity from Black men at a HBCU and a PWI. Because both campuses have elements that could have an impact on a Black male’s life, it is believed that how Black men view masculinity differs based on the campus attended.
Theoretical Framework
To understand the different elements of masculinity in undergraduate Black men, Franklin’s (1994) triangle of socialization was used to help formulate questions around the different areas of masculinity influence to get a holistic perspective of what masculinity means to undergraduate Black men. More than 20 years ago, Franklin (1994) suggested that Black men develop their identity and their outlook on life by navigating through three groups. The first group is the man’s primary group, which is related to a man’s family and has values and norms similar to mainstream society, but expresses these norms and values from a Black perspective. The second group, the peer group, which helps the male develop Black masculine traits, usually has the most influence when Black men are young adults. The third group, the mainstream societal group, sends messages to Black men through avenues such as television and radio, idealizing dominant White masculinity traits such as competitiveness, aggressiveness, and dominance that are different from the messages they receive from their primary and peer groups (Franklin, 1994). Although this framework was used to guide and develop questions related to masculinity to ensure that the different elements of masculinity listed by Franklin would be covered, it was not used as the main guide for analysis. The first author wanted to ensure that themes were not missed by solely focusing on the elements of Franklin’s triangle of socialization. Thus, the data were assessed without a priori coding first, and then the data were assessed based on the framework.
The Present Study
While research has focused on conceptualizing masculinity in Black men, how Black men define being a man or manhood, few studies have investigated Black masculinity in Black men, how Black men define being a Black man (Chaney, 2009; Hammond & Mattis, 2005; Hunter & Davis, 1992). Consequently, then the purpose of this study is to build on masculinity concepts by studying them among undergraduate Black men. Furthermore, this study seeks to understand (a) how Black men define being Black men and (b) how they define being a man and if a difference exists. Specifically, this study looked at how undergraduate Black men viewed masculinity in an effort to understand the different elements involved in masculinity, both their thoughts on it and who influences its development in them. Using qualitative methods, Black undergraduate males at a HBCU and a PWI were sought out to give insight to the area of masculinity and Black men. The following research question guides this study: How do Black male undergraduate students view masculinity? It was believed that the concepts of masculinity identified would be reflective of the different elements influencing masculinity in Franklin’s (1994) triangle of socialization and, thus, provide more insight into the depth of masculinity in Black men.
Method
Study Design
The current study used a qualitative design to address the research question. A qualitative design was chosen for this study because it lends itself to the study of phenomena in a group of people by understanding how people in that group define or interpret the phenomena (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). Specifically, in-depth interviews and focus groups were used to determine how undergraduate Black men viewed masculinity. In-depth interviews were chosen to allow the first author to ask more questions and dig deeper into topics and areas unable to be covered in focus groups due to the number of people and time. In-depth interviews also allowed for persons who may not have been talkative in a group setting to voice their thoughts in a more private manner (Green & Thorogood, 2009). Focus groups were chosen because they allowed the first author to access interaction of participants with each other which may have elicited more information than an in-depth interview (Green & Thorogrood, 2009; Watkins, 2012). This study received institutional review board approval from both campuses where participants were recruited.
Participants
Self-identified undergraduate Black male students currently enrolled at either the PWI or HBCU (N = 46) in the Southeastern United States during the 2010-2011 and 2011-2012 academic years were recruited to participate in this study. Inclusion criteria for study participants included (a) currently enrolled in universities being studied, (b) undergraduate status, (c) 18 to 24 years of age, (d) self-identify as African American or Black, and (e) male. The age range of 18 to 24 years was chosen because most research looking at perceptions of masculinity have focused on middle-aged and older men or adolescents (Adams, 2007; Chaney, 2009; Hammond & Mattis, 2005; Hunter & Davis, 1992). Thus, this study used Black males from 18 to 24 years to increase information in the literature on Black men around the topic of masculinity. Participants ranged in age from 18 to 22 years with representation from all undergraduate class levels. Two focus groups were conducted at each campus ranging in size from 4 to 10. A total of 13 in-depth interviews were conducted, 6 at the HBCU and 7 at the PWI. Compared with 2005 national statistics reporting that 22.6% of first-generation college students were Black, 27.5% of participants in the study were first-generation college students (Saenz, Hurtado, Barrera, Wolf, & Yeung, 2007). Compared with 2007-2008 national statistics identifying that 46.3% of Black undergraduate students received the Pell grant, 61.4% of participants in this study were recipients of the Pell grant (U.S. Department of Education, 2011).
Procedure
The first author conducted in-depth interviews and focus groups at the HBCU and at the PWI. Interviews and focus groups lasted between 1 and 1.5 hours. Interview and focus group protocol questions were guided using the study’s theoretical framework. Questions were developed to highlight the three forces that help to develop Black masculinity (primary group, peer group, and mainstream society) as stated by Franklin (1994) along with questions related to the perception of masculinity as both a man and a Black man. Interview and focus group questions consisted of What does it mean to be a man?, What does it mean to be a Black man?, What’s it like being a Black man at a PWI?, What’s it like being a Black man at a HBCU? Do you feel there is racism on campus? Who has a large impact/influence on your development as a man?
Prior to interviews and focus groups, the first author reviewed the purpose of the study and consent forms with each participant. Additionally, participants were also asked to complete a short demographic questionnaire providing information on grade classification, work status, major, and first-generation student status. Participants received a $5.00 gift card for their participation.
Recruitment
Purposive sampling was used to recruit participants for in-depth interviews and focus groups. To reach a wide range of undergraduate Black males, student organizations were contacted, with the exception of Greek organizations, along with core introductory-level undergraduate courses. Greek organizations were omitted because men in fraternities typically have a brotherhood to draw from not typically available to all male students. Although Greek organizations were not sought directly for recruitment, Black males in Greek organizations were not excluded from participating in this study.
Recruitment involved the use of faculty contacts at each university recommending students for participation as well as contacting the advisors of campus organizations geared toward Black students. Faculty contacts on both campuses were selected by e-mailing faculty who taught core courses (Biology, Psychology, Sociology, English, Math, History) during the Spring and Summer 2011 terms. If faculty agreed to assist with the study, they contacted the students for the researcher or provided the researcher with the campus e-mail address of the students who met inclusion criteria. These students were contacted by the researcher via e-mail and asked if they would like to participate.
For the PWI, students from a campus organization geared toward Black males were asked to participate. Additionally, all advisors of non-Greek organizations geared toward Blacks were contacted through e-mail for their assistance. If advisors agreed to assist with the study, an e-mail was developed by the researcher and e-mailed to organization members via the advisor. At the HBCU, students from a campus organization geared toward Black males were asked to participate in addition to asking faculty contacts for additional students in the same manner as at the PWI.
Data Analytic Strategy
All in-depth interviews and focus groups were tape recorded, transcribed, and analyzed by hand by the first author using constant comparative method techniques (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Constant comparative method involves analyzing and collecting the data at the same time as a way to develop theory and modify theory from the data as more data is collected (Strauss & Corbin, 2994). To control for any bias that may have occurred during analysis, data within each campus were continually reviewed by the researcher until no more themes were identified. Additionally, the data were continually compared across campuses to ensure that all themes were identified and no data were overlooked. In addition, the researcher also took observational notes for all in-depth interviews and focus groups to help provide context for any unclear themes or connections. After transcription was complete, all documents were copied into a Word document in matrix form outlining the interview questions and the responses to the question from each participant. This was done separately for each campus. Similarities identified were seen as themes and further explanation of this theme was sought for each question. For example, if “different” was identified to be a theme, then an explanation of what different means within that question was given by the researcher based on participant responses (e.g., treated differently because I’m Black, treated differently because of who I am as a person). If a question had more than one theme, this process was repeated for each theme. After completing this analysis, the same analysis was conducted across campuses. Similarities and differences for each interview question were noted. To ensure the reliability of the data, all interviews and focus groups were transcribed twice by the first author to make sure nothing was missed or transcribed incorrectly. Additionally, themes found in interviews and focus groups were constantly compared with each other to ensure that themes and definitions of themes were consistent throughout the analysis (Creswell, 2009). Validity of the data was ensured by using rich, thick descriptions of the data (Creswell, 2009).
Results
There were a total of 46 participants, who included six in-depth interviews at the HBCU, seven in-depth interviews at the PWI, and four focus groups, two focus groups per campus. In-depth interviews at the PWI consisted of six seniors and one junior whereas interviews at the HBCU consisted of three sophomores and three juniors. The number of participants in the focus groups at the HBCU consisted of a group of 10 and a group of 8 with the group of 10 consisting of all freshmen and the group of 8 being made up of 7 sophomores and 1 junior. Focus groups at the PWI were made up of a group of nine and a group of four with the group of nine consisting of two sophomores, four juniors, and three seniors and the group of four consisting of all seniors. Participants ranged in age from 18 to 22 years. Questions for the interviews and focus groups assessed campus environment and ideas of masculinity among participants at the HBCU and PWI.
Campus Environment
Black males at HBCUs reported more supportive environments as compared with Black males at PWIs where they experienced isolation, alienation, and racial discrimination (Biasco et al., 2001; Bohr et al., 1995; DeSousa & Kuh, 1996). Therefore, understanding the context of the campus environment that these Black male participants are living in is important because their environment may have affected or changed their view on masculinity based on their experiences as a college student.
Before asking about their views on being a man, participants were asked about their experiences being at a HBCU or a PWI. Participants at both campuses were also asked what they thought it would be like to attend the other campus. Males at the HBCU perceived their campus as a positive environment. Males at the HBCU stated that the campus felt like home and that it was a family oriented atmosphere.
Being a Black man at a HBCU it feels at home. Everywhere you look around you see people that look like you to some degree, act like you, and you all share a historical and an uplifting history.
Men at the PWI never stated that they loved their campus or that their campus felt like home. They talked about feeling like they were judged by their White counterparts and that they had to be better than their White counterparts.
You know a White person they may fail a class, but for us it’s more detrimental because of what it represents. For us it’s like basically, it’s like we’re pushing to achieve the same status or level as a White person can do more easily . . . because they have more resources or whatever. But I just feel like . . . we have to strive harder to achieve the same level as them.
Black males at the PWI also discussed racism and that they felt they were getting a HBCU experience because they only associated with other Black students:
. . . outside of class it’s like a little HBCU here for real . . . honestly I don’t communicate with any Caucasians unless they’re professors, really. So it really is like a mini HBCU here in a way.
When the Black males at the HBCU were asked what it would be like to attend a PWI, the theme that emerged was it would be harder academically and socially. The Black males at the HBCU felt that there would be more pressure on them to do more and the expectations would be higher. Some felt that they would not be able to be themselves because they would not be sure of how White people would treat them. The interpretations of those at the HBCU, mirrored findings from what Black males at the PWI stated their campus experience was like.
Thoughts on Masculinity
Overall results suggested that Black men’s view of masculinity can be broken down into three areas: what it means to be a man, what it means to be a Black man, and masculinity development. Several themes emerged regarding the view of what it means to be a man. Table 1 lists all themes that emerged dealing with masculinity along with their meaning.
Themes of How Masculinity Is Viewed in African American Men.
What It Means to Be a Man
The eight themes that emerged in this area were: gradual process, responsibility-take care of business, provider, mentor, stand alone, sacrifice, family oriented, and characteristic of father. Many of the participants expressed the feeling that manhood is a process and until one goes through certain milestones or experiences certain things, he cannot call himself a man. Participants also felt that responsibility came along with being a man.
As stated by one participant in a focus group at the HBCU, “I think the main thing about being a man is being able to handle responsibility . . . so if you’re not handling your business in all aspects in every field of your life then I don’t believe you’re a man.”
Participants felt that a man provides not only for his family but for his friends as well as stated by an interviewee at the HBCU, “. . . just being a provider, being a provider for your family, children, other family members.” Some felt that a true man is someone who gives back to his community by helping others around him. Most felt that a man stands on his own in everything that he does. This is simply stated by one interview participant at the PWI who stated that being a man is, “. . . being able to take care of everything in your life without depending on other people.” This was a sentiment shared by many participants and identifies that being able to do things for oneself without help from others is a very important part of being a man. It was clear that many felt having to make sacrifices for his family or others was a natural part of being a man. Making sacrifices is something that you do even when you do not want to.
Many felt that men look out for their family and do what is needed to support their family. This is evident in the following response from an interviewee at the HBCU,
. . . if we wanted something, my dad made it happen and to me that’s what a man is . . .
For participants whose fathers were key parts of their lives, they looked to him as an example of manhood and a gauge for their own manhood. This feeling is evident in a statement by one participant from a focus group at the HBCU,
I feel as though once I can carry myself the way my father does or even more, then I’m a man.
What It Means to Be a Black Man
Five themes emerged in this category of masculinity: something to prove, responsibility, strong-strength, attitude, and stereotypes. All participants interviewed felt that as a Black man they have to prove themselves to other people. The meaning of this idea is identified in the following statement by a focus group participant at the HBCU:
. . . So I can be a good man, but the world still gonna see me as this bad Black man, oh you still shooting and robbing somebody. The world would still see that no matter how good Black men are doing, the world would still see that. So it’s hard growing up to be a Black man, anyway. To show that I’m not like the rest.
Another feeling of what it means to be a Black man was that there was a responsibility associated with being a Black man. This responsibility was felt by many and seen as something that you have to do no matter what. This was evident in the following statement from a focus group participant at the PWI,
. . . I just feel like you have a lot to live up to definitely being a Black man . . . I feel like you don’t want to be another statistic basically.
There was a feeling that being a Black man means strength and power because Black men have to be strong to deal with things that they must overcome such as negative stereotypes. There was also a feeling of excitement associated with being a Black man and what that meant to them. This excitement was seen in the following statement by a focus group participant at the PWI,
It’s [being a Black man] the driving force behind everything I do just to prove a point to myself and well, I guess I’ll prove it to society. But I get to always set the bar.
Last, it was stated by all participants that there are many stereotypes that Black men have to deal with and try to overcome. This idea is simply stated by one interviewee at the HBCU,
I think the hardest thing for me is just overcoming what we’re viewed as.
Overall, responses given in this area depended on what campus the Black men were attending. Those at the HBCU talked more about the feelings of being a Black man whereas those at PWI talked more about the struggles of being a Black man. For some being a Black man is a driving force for them to excel. Whether proving people wrong or proving to themselves that they can do something, they felt being a Black man gave them the drive to reach their goals.
Masculinity Influence
When it comes to who influenced their development as a man, five main groups of people emerged as being influential in this process (Figure 1). These persons were mother, father, parents, self, and friends. For all persons, their mother seemed to play an integral part in making them into the type of man that they have become and continue to be. Many also stated that their father helped them develop into the man they are. Additionally, many looked to their father as an example of what a man is and a guide for knowing when they have reached manhood. For some, both parents played an equal role in helping them develop characteristics of being a man. Their mother played one role; their father another, but each role worked together to help them develop into a man. This idea is identified in the following two statements from focus group participants at the PWI: . . . my mother she would always, she would basically express to me how the world would look at me from, say from an outer point of view. And my father . . . he would tell me more of like a personalized view like son this is what you’re gonna have to endure as a man . . . My father he’s more of the tough love type a person . . . he does [it]because he says that the world is not gonna hug and kiss you when you get out there . . . and what he’s tryna do is tryna prepare me for the world. . . . my mother . . . she more of the emotional, she created most of the emotional side of me and I think that’s just the two people who really influenced my life.
Depiction of masculinity influence. This figure represents who influences masculinity development and how they interact to influence masculinity display.
Although influence from others was important, some felt that influence from themselves was the most important influence in their life. Finally, some felt their friends played an important role in their development as a man. They felt their friends gave them a push and helped further develop their characteristics as a man. When asked when they felt they became a man, many stated a point in time (e.g., high school graduation, death of a parent, reaching a certain age, coming to college). However, some felt that they were forced into manhood with these situations even if they were not prepared to be a man.
Discussion
This study revealed there are three main areas related to how Black men view masculinity. Within the three areas of masculinity, themes reported give further insight and understanding of the different elements of masculinity that exist in this group. It is recognized that these findings may not be applicable to all Black men, but it is believed that these findings further research in this area by changing the dialogue of how masculinity is studied and interpreted among Black men. Before discussing the limitations of this study, the main findings should be discussed. Although this study examined masculinity in undergraduate Black men, its findings do have implications for additional work in masculinity and Black men by expanding how masculinity is studied in this group.
Campus Environment
Before discussing the masculinity findings, it is important to understand the context of where the study took place and the students who were involved. This study was the first part of a mixed method study investigating coping and masculinity. Because of findings from Watkins et al. (2007) that the stressors experienced by Black men varied based on the campus attended, this study chose to use both a HBCU and a PWI to identify similar findings. For that reason, the context of each campus environment is important to understanding how masculinity may be viewed differently among this group.
Similar to the literature on HBCUs and their supportive environment that provides a sense of community, this study reported that males at the HBCU believed that they had an overall positive environment and considered their HBCU to be like home (Bohr et al., 1995; DeSousa & Kuh, 1996). Study findings that Black males at the PWI experienced prejudice, racism, and felt they had to be better than White students is similar to literature stating that Black students who attend PWIs are more likely to experience isolation, alienation, and racial discrimination (Biasco et al., 2001; Lett & Wright, 2003; Suarez-Balcazar, Orellana-Damacela, Portillo, Rowan, & Andrews-Guillen, 2003).
In line with Brower and Ketterhagen’s (2004) findings that Black students at PWIs have a small close-knit circle of friends, this study reported that Black males at the PWI mainly interacted with other Black students and limited their interaction with Whites to the classroom. This finding in the literature may explain why participants in the study from the PWI felt that they were getting a HBCU type experience on campus because they were surrounding themselves with only other Black students and had formed a close-knit friendship with them.
View of Masculinity
Research on masculinity and Black men has mainly focused on defining manhood in general, not defining manhood as it relates specifically to being a Black man (Chaney, 2009; Hammond & Mattis, 2005; Hunter & Davis, 1992). While masculinity is often influenced by multiple factors, taking steps to expand the dialogue to include the cultural referents of masculinity may address the divide in how Black males relate to being a man and specifically to being a Black man. If a difference does exist in how Black men view being a man and being a Black man, only looking at how they view being a man may cause important information to be missed.
Franklin’s (1994) triangle of socialization suggested that Black men navigated through three forces to develop their identity and outlook on life. The results of this study support the idea that male development for Black men is structured through the influence of different groups. This study identified that five groups (mother, father, parents, self, and friends) had an impact on male development. Similar to research suggesting that mothers have a significant role in masculinity development in Black men, this study reported that mothers seemed to play an integral role in male development for all participants (Bush, 2004). Even though others influenced their development, many participants felt the most important influence on their male development was themselves.
Similar to findings by Chaney (2009), Hammond and Mattis (2005), and Hunter and Davis (1992), findings from this study found eight themes related to what Black men believe it means to be a man (gradual process, responsibility, provider, mentor, stand alone, sacrifice, family oriented, and characteristic of your father). Chaney (2009) reported four themes of what is manhood and how it is demonstrated; this study identified three of those themes: maturity and responsibility for self, responsibility for family, and provider role but the theme of self-awareness was not found. Hammond and Mattis (2005) reported 15 categories of manhood; this study identified 8 of the 15: responsibility, providing, growth–maturity, self-appreciation, autonomy, leadership–guidance, surviving, protecting family but did not find the themes of spirituality, virtues, family centeredness, groundedness, emotional connectedness, and outreach–community involvement.
Hunter and Davis (1992) found four main categories of what it means to be a man; this study reported three of the four: self-determinism, pride, and family but the theme of spirituality and humanism was not identified. The themes not identified from these studies may be due to the nature of how these themes were defined in the studies mentioned. All these investigators studied a wide age range of Black men, which suggests consistency in masculinity conceptualizations among African American men as it relates to being a man.
As it relates to what it means to be a Black man, the authors are unaware of any research done specifically asking Black men to explain what it is to be a Black man. Bowleg et al. (2011) did ask questions related to masculinity from a Black man’s perspective. However, their questions were related to how Black men believed their masculinity affected their sexuality not how they defined being a Black man. This study reported five themes related to what it means to be a Black man (something to prove, responsibility, strong–strength, attitude, and stereotypes).
Even though these findings cannot be compared with other findings in the literature, they do identify a distinct difference between how Black men view and define being a man and being a Black man. From these findings, it can be assumed that simply viewing masculinity from a Black perspective is not enough. By only asking Black men what it means to be a man without asking what it means to be a Black man, areas such as dealing with stereotypes and having something to prove are missed. Additionally, themes found for what participants associated with being a man such as responsibility and protector do not signify that these ideas came from Black men but simply men and are reflective of previous research (Chaney, 2009; Hammond & Mattis, 2005; Hunter & Davis, 1992). For this reason, it is important that researchers consider what aspect of masculinity they are studying when working with minorities because the added element of race with one’s gender may affect how a person views oneself and his or her gender role. Without taking these areas into account when trying to define masculinity in Black men, information is missed that could be beneficial in helping to define the difference between traditional masculinity and Black masculinity.
Limitations
A Black woman conducted all the interviews and focus groups, which may have been a strength and a limitation to the findings of this study. Because the researcher was a Black female, those involved in the qualitative phase of the study may have been more open to talking about the topics and providing in-depth information on the topics than if the person was a Black male. Had a Black male conducted the interviews and focus groups, persons may not have been as forthcoming with information assuming that because the interviewer was a Black male that he would automatically know what they were talking about regarding certain topics or issues related to being a Black man.
On the other hand, because the interviews and focus groups were conducted by a Black female bias may have occurred regarding interpretation and meaning of certain statements. Since the person conducting the interviews and focus groups was a Black, there may have been instances when statements were made regarding a topic where the researcher may have believed that she knew what they were talking about and did not ask for clarification by asking more questions. Because the interviewer assumed that she knew what the comments or statements meant, rich data could have been missed for certain topics that may have explained in more detail a certain concept or idea.
Also, the authors are unable to determine how forthcoming respondents were to the questions about masculinity. Even more, the nature of responses could be a reflection of the type of questions asked in the interviews and focus groups. Because the concept of being a man is so complex, using one or two questions to understand larger concepts could have limited the qualitative findings. This could be remedied by asking shorter, less complex questions that address the larger context of what it means to be a man and what it means to be a Black man.
Additionally, the classification of participants in the study may also be a limitation. Overwhelmingly, most focus group and interview participants were freshman or sophomores. Particularly, the focus groups at the HBCU were composed of all freshman and mainly sophomores. This could be problematic because freshman and sophomores are new to college; thus, their view of their environment and masculinity may not be fully developed or may be mainly influenced by their family. This could be remedied by intentionally mixing focus groups with persons at each grade classification and doing more purposive sampling around classification to ensure that all class ranks were represented equally. Despite these limitations, this study adds to the current literature because it studied masculinity in undergraduate Black males who are understudied in this area, it looked at what it means to be a man and a Black man, and it looked at who influences male development.
Future Research and Recommendations
Based on findings from this study, future research in the area of masculinity in Black men should focus on confirming the views of masculinity reported in this study. Specifically, future work should look at how Black men of different ages and populations (e.g., in college, not in college, younger, middle age, older) view and define being a Black man. Having more research focused on this area would give more insight into how Black men view and define being a Black man and if their view and definition of being a Black man is different from being a man. If future studies confirm the idea that Black men view being a man differently than being a Black man, it could change how masculinity is studied in Black men. Understanding that masculinity has two views for Black men will help researchers understand that simply viewing masculinity from a Black perspective will not get at a true understanding of masculinity for Black men. Because masculinity has been studied in relation to different health outcomes such as sexually transmitted diseases and mental health issues such as depression and daily life occurrences in Black men, understanding how Black men view being a Black man could affect how health outcomes are viewed and interpreted in Black men (Bingham et al., 2013; Bowleg et al., 2011; Chaney, 2009; Ford, 2011; Hammond, 2012; Hammond & Mattis, 2005; Harris et al., 2011; Hunter & Davis, 1992; Ornelas et al., 2009). Additionally, this could also help to explain the health disparities that exist with Black men.
Future research might also focus on the concept of masculinity and the college environment. Specifically, future research should look at the role college environment (attending a PWI vs. attending a HBCU) plays in masculinity development in Black men. Because the college setting exposes one to different cultures and situations, it may play a significant role in how Black men see themselves and their role as men in society, which may affect their outlook as a Black man as they move into life after graduation. Findings from this study reported that Black men at the PWI had to deal with issues of racism and feeling like they had to be better than their White counterparts whereas those at the HBCU did not express any of these concerns. Understanding the different dynamics that exist within these two types of college environments is beneficial to helping those in higher education understand how their campus’s environment may help or hinder Black males on their campus. This information could also be beneficial for campuses looking to increase Black male enrollment and retention as mentioned in Harper (2012) who suggests that to improve Black male success colleges should develop summer bridge programs for Black male students, take responsibility for Black male engagement, and create venues and spaces for Black males to come together and bond with their peers.
Findings from this study can be used to help universities establish programs geared toward Black men that promote positive ideas about Black men and teach them how to deal with the demands and concerns associated with being a Black man. Since Black males at the PWI had more experiences with racism and felt they had to be better than their White counterparts, PWIs can develop programs to help Black men deal with these issues in a manner that does not demean them as men.
Additionally, the feeling of isolation expressed by Black men at PWIs can be addressed by colleges by developing programs that keep a sense of family and community for Black men as they transition to college life, which has been successful for HBCUs. To enhance the sense of family and community, both campuses could have females associated with programs geared toward Black men. Because they stated that their mother had influence on their development as a man, having a female associated with programs geared toward Black men may help in developing the family or community feeling. Also, having females play an integral part in these programs would give Black males another resource to go to when they are dealing with problems and are looking for a different perspective on certain issues.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.