Abstract
Vincent J. Roscigno, Jasmine Whiteside, Erick Axxe, Anne McDaniel, and Oded Mcdossi on first-gen students’ vulnerabilities and resilience.
The last decade of social science research and higher education policy has witnessed a growing recognition of first-generation status and its relevance for educational mobility, achievement, and student well-being. Although the definition of first-generation can vary, most college and university definitions center on those for whom neither parent has attained a bachelor’s degree or higher.
Recent, rich qualitative sociological work, like Anthony Jack’s The Privileged Poor, Allison Hurst’s Amplified Advantage, Elizabeth Lee’s Class and Campus Life, and Elizabeth Armstrong and Laura Hamilton’s Paying for the Party, has been insightful when it comes to the social, cultural, and financial barriers that first-generation students experience. Such findings are supported by larger-scale quantitative analyses using national data. Tabitha Wilbur and Vincent J. Roscigno’s 2016 article in the journal Socius, for instance, shows that those of first-generation backgrounds are much less likely to attend four-year colleges and universities and, when they do attend, are more likely to drop out.
In one of the very few longitudinal and multi-method studies of its kind, which draws on repeated yearly (2018-2022) surveys of a cohort of nearly 1,000 incoming college freshmen (half of whom are first-generation) and longitudinal in-depth interviews with about 70 first-generation students, we similarly found significant first-generation inequalities as well as gaps in completion. Yet, we also learned more about the compounding character of first-generation vulnerabilities and adaptation—knowledge that is worthy of deeper reflection.
compounding vulnerabilities and the first-generation experience
Prior analyses of first-generation students have mostly centered on cultural barriers to campus life, social and academic integration, and financial vulnerabilities. Our project did as well, although our ability to interrogate challenges over the college years uniquely revealed the interconnected nature of such vulnerabilities and how destabilizing they can be. Our survey data, for instance, highlights several simultaneous challenges from the outset, including divergences in academic placement on campus, high dependence on financial aid and the need to work, and gaps in campus integration as early as freshman year (see above). Each, according to a 2022 Social Science Research article by Oded Mcdossi, Ashley Wright, Anne McDaniel, and Vincent J. Roscigno, has consequences for achievement and completion of a four-year degree.
*All mean differences above are statistically significant under .05 probability level (n-976)
Source: Oded Mcdossi, Ashley L. Wright, Anne McDaniel, and Vincent J. Roscigno. 2022. “First-Generation Inequality and College Integration,” Social Science Research 105.
Our over-time interviewing made all too clear the ways in which social, cultural, and economic vulnerabilities compound in ways that are difficult to resolve. Jocelyn, an African-American first-generation student, summarizes: “So, let me tell you this little secret I learned about college. You have three subgroups [of priorities]: Subgroup one, you have academics, school, stuff like that. Subgroup two, you have social life. Subgroup three, you have self-care…. Like taking care of yourself, mental health, sleeping, eating, that type of thing. And I found that in order to have two flourish, you have to kind of like neglect one.”
Kyle, a White male first-generation student, concurs, noting tradeoffs between financial stability and social integration, as well as the potential costs of such stressors for academic performance: “I don’t hang out with a lot of people, honestly…. I spend a lot of time just studying or working. Like I said, I’m an OA [office assistant]. Uh, so, a lot of times, on like the weekends and stuff, I’ll work like the late, late, late night shifts, so I don’t really go out much…. And, I definitely would like to have those kinds of connections with people.”
The interconnectivity of first-generation vulnerabilities is not limited directionally to how financial stressors shape social and cultural integration. Indeed, as Camila, an African-American student, mentioned, these associations are complex and can work in reverse. She points specifically to how limited social connections and cultural understandings about campus life can result in lost financial opportunities through job and internship leads: “Finding, searching for people, like, over you who can help you get somewhere where you want to be.... Like, for instance, finding a job or internship related to your major, you may not know, like, where to start. So, just having someone who maybe has that ticket to show you or guide you.… ‘Cause when you’re basically on your own, and you really don’t know what to do or where to start, it’s always good to have someone to help you.” First-generation students face multiple compounding challenges, and they display considerable resilience across time.
Recognizing in both research and higher education policy the interconnected character of first-generation inequalities is critical, particularly if the aim is to ensure equitable experiences on campus. Moreover, the overlapping, multi-layered inequalities about which we are speaking have implications for issues of diversity and inclusion given that certain racial/ethnic populations (e.g., African American, Latinx, and Native Americans) on the campus we studied (and most U.S. campuses, for that matter) are about twice as likely as their White counterparts to be of first-generation background.
first-generation adaptation and resilience
Although first-generation students face multiple compounding challenges, our survey and interview findings also point to something every bit as noteworthy: many, finding ways to adapt, display considerable resilience across time. Notable in this regard is that nearly 80% of first-generation freshman in our data eventually graduated by year five (versus about 92% of their continuing-generation peers). We systematically coded and parsed what they shared in their over-time interviews about how precisely they responded to the inequalities and challenges they faced. The figure on the next page is a word cloud of the most prominent themes that emerged from their detailed reflections.
Finding friends, clubs, mentors, and community connections, as noted in the word cloud, were clearly important, especially when it came to social-psychological support and information about resources, financial opportunities like scholarships, and more lucrative job opportunities on or near campus. Some university programs and student groups, particularly those aimed toward serving individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds, provided academic and social support connections for those able to tap into them. This was crucial in the face of the academic difficulties (and associated embarrassment) many of our first-generation respondents said they initially experienced.
Prominent Themes First-Generation Students Shared Regarding Adaptations across Time
Others, who struggled academically in their first year, eventually sought and found either faculty mentors or peers with the cultural and social capital to provide advice about alternative majors, interesting courses, internships, and future career opportunities. Faculty connections were especially pivotal for Michael, a White first-generation student, who related: “The biggest thing that made a difference between me succeeding or failing the first year was personal relationships with a couple professors who really mentored me and guided me through the first year.” Other students found it more comforting and less intimidating to socialize with their first-generation peers, particularly those peers with more experience on campus, who could provide academic mentorship and a sense of belonging. Maggie, a first-generation Latina, made this clear to us, noting how “Meeting other first-generation students… made me feel less alone in my journey.”
The extent of adaptation and resilience among first-generation students in our data, many of whom were facing financial stress, social isolation, and limited cultural capital, was truly eye-opening. It was also inspiring. Indeed, for many, meeting such challenges and persisting to earn a four-year degree was more than a self-interested endeavor. Rather, several of our first-generation respondents viewed college as a significant and long-term investment for their families. This was put eloquently by Antonia, an African-American first-generation student. When asked how she felt going into her final year of college, she exhaled, smiled, and shared: “It’s been nice finally seeing my hard work that I put in for so long coming… I’m, like, actually going to be able to get things that I never thought I would… and help my family. So, it’s just been rewarding, and I feel like the hard work has really paid off and I am feeling confident about my future.”
concluding thoughts
First-generation students experience a complex array of intersecting vulnerabilities when they make it into higher education. If a core aim of higher education institutions is to bolster diversity, equity, and meritocracy, then it is crucial that researchers and higher education policymakers recognize the multi-layered and compounding character of first-generation inequalities. No less worthy of attention is the resilience and adaptations first-generation students engage in, however quietly, for the sake of a four-year degree for themselves, for their families, and for future generations. Seeing this, as we did by following them over time, offers a richer and more balanced picture than do pure deficit emphases. It also encourages a deeper appreciation for the challenges surrounding first-generation mobility and for the steep pitch of the higher education mountain such students are climbing.