Breaking barriers to immigrant parental engagement: A systematic review and policy implications

Abstract

Parental engagement is pivotal to children’s academic, social, and emotional development. However, immigrant parents face unique barriers to engaging within their children’s schools, particularly participating in decision-making processes, communicating with educators, and supporting their children’s education. The purpose of this systematic literature review is to examine key barriers that immigrant parents encounter and to explore implications for school policy approaches to empower their engagement. This literature review is guided by two research questions: (1) What barriers do immigrant parents face when engaging with their children’s schools? and (2) What are the implications for school policies and practices to empower immigrant parental engagement? Amid school systems—institutional factors—and broader systemic and cultural factors shaping immigrant parental engagement, this review highlights the importance of immigrant parents’ social capital and networks. Despite existing research emphasizing the importance of social connections in empowering immigrant parental engagement, a notable gap remains in understanding how social capital and connections contribute to their engagement and how they can be strengthened. Finally, this review discusses policy recommendations and implications for future research, advocating for equity-focused school-community partnerships as a promising parental engagement model to bridge the gap between immigrant families and schools.

Keywords

immigrants parental engagement equity school-community partnerships social capital

Introduction

In 2023, the immigrant population in the United States reached a record high of 47.8 million, which is an increase of 1.6 million from the previous year. This marks the most significant annual growth in immigrant numbers since 2000, surpassing two decades of prior growth rates (Moslimani and Passel, 2024). Among them, approximately 18 million children have at least one immigrant parent (Migration Policy Institute, 2023), including 5.2 million U.S. citizen children with non-citizen immigrant parents (Vera Institute of Justice, 2023).

At the same time, anti-immigration sentiment has intensified further in recent years. During the Trump’s first presidency and the COVID-19 pandemic, hostility toward immigrants reached unprecedented levels, and even during the Biden administration, anti-immigration political climates continue to pervade the nation (Montero-Zamora et al., 2023; Villavicencio et al., 2021). These sentiments have profoundly impacted immigrant students and families, shaping their experiences and well-being in the United States. For example, heightened immigration enforcement during the periods has generated widespread fear and anxiety among both immigrant and non-immigrant students, particularly in Title I schools serving low-income communities (Ee and Gándara, 2020). The anti-immigrant climate has led to the students’ decreased academic performance, increased absenteeism, and significant disruptions to the educational environment (Ee and Gándara, 2020). Among undocumented immigrant families, the local immigration enforcement has exacerbated food insecurity and increased their vulnerabilities (Potochnick et al., 2017).

In addition to the hostile socio-political climate, immigrant families face a multitude of structural obstacles from economic hardships to mental health struggles driven by racism, discrimination, and the constant threat of deportation (Golash-Boza, 2012). Immigrant students often struggle to adapt to the U.S. school culture and systems. Nonetheless, schools can be instrumental in fostering safety and supporting for them (Bajaj and Bartlett, 2017; Jaffe-Walter, 2018; Kessler et al., 2018; Villavicencio et al., 2021). Therefore, it is imperative that educators, administrators, and policymakers build inclusive, supportive learning environments that directly address these structural obstacles and empower immigrant students and families to thrive.

More specifically, immigrant parental engagement in school can be pivotal to cultivating inclusive educational settings (Massing et al., 2020; Snell, 2018; Vidal De Haymes et al., 2019; Villavicencio et al., 2021; Zuckerman, 2023) as active parental engagement has been linked to children’s improved academic performance, enhanced social development, and overall well-being (Anguiano et al., 2020; Antony-Newman, 2019; Housel, 2020). Isik-Erkan (2018) further argues that immigrant parents can partner with school leaders and teachers to enrich culturally responsive teaching and learning by contributing cultural knowledge, lived experiences, and critical perspectives on curriculum and identity.

However, immigrant parents face unique barriers such as language and cultural differences when trying to engage within their children’s schools, such as participating in decision-making process, communicating effectively with teachers, and supporting their children’s education (Turney and Kao, 2009). The barriers can undermine immigrant children’s sense of belonging and academic success in schools (Verkuyten et al., 2018, as cited in Villavicencio et al., 2021). Nonetheless, when schools establish supportive structures that facilitate effective communication and collaboration with immigrant parents, such engagement not only strengthens children’s resilience and academic success but also enriches the overall school community (Rasool et al., 2024).

In this context, this review examines studies on the key factors shaping immigrant parental engagement in schools and sheds light on educational policy models that schools can adopt to dismantle these obstacles. Importantly, the identification of barriers is not intended to attribute blame to individuals or personal characteristics but to uncover and address structural factors that create and sustain the obstacles against immigrant parental engagement.

The purpose of this systematic literature review is to enhance the understanding of immigrant parental engagement in schools and to identify effective school policy approaches that foster the parental engagement. This review thus aims to identify the barriers immigrant parents face and explore promising school policy models that empower the parents as active collaborators and change of agents in their children’s education and schools. The research questions guiding this systematic literature synthesis are: “What barriers do immigrant parents face when engaging with their children’s schools?” and “What are the implications for school policies and practices to empower immigrant parental engagement?”

This literature review proceeds into two sections. The first section examines school systems that hinder immigrant parental engagement. These institutional barriers are directly related to the structures, policies, and practices within school systems. Institutionalized within school culture, these obstacles are deeply embedded in school systems, making them more challenging to address. The second section analyzes broader systemic and cultural barriers, which stem from broader societal, cultural, and economic contexts affecting immigrant parental engagement. While not directly related to school systems, these factors shape immigrant parents’ lived experiences and their engagement. The emphasis on the systemic level—whether within the school system or stemming from broader systemic and cultural influences—arises from the understanding that these challenges are not simply the result of individual traits but are primarily driven by larger systemic forces (Olsen, 1997). Then, the review concludes by outlining implications for educational policy models that foster more inclusive parental engagement at school and district level and educational research.

Method

Two review methods serve as foundational guides for this systematic literature review: the scoping review (Molla, 2024) and the integrative literature synthesis (Holme, 2022). According to Molla (2024: 1627), a scoping review “maps the existing literature, assesses the content and scope of the available evidence, and identifies limitations of the current body of knowledge.” This method enables a systematic examination of literature and helps uncover research gaps (Arksey and O’Malley, 2005, as cited in Molla, 2024). Complementing this, the integrative literature synthesis “involves reviewing, critiquing, and synthesizing research on a topic in a way that generates new knowledge or perspectives” (Firestone et al., 2020: p. 681, as cited in Holme, 2022: 957). Together, these two approaches allow for both a comprehensive overview of the body of research on immigrant parental engagement and a critical integration of studies to generate new perspectives on the topic, especially regarding the barriers. This dual approach identifies existing patterns and gaps, offers new insights into how long-standing issues intersect with the unique barriers immigrant parents face, and ultimately interrogates its implications for policy and research.

Identifying the relevant studies

The systematic literature search concentrated on identifying studies that explored the key factors shaping immigrant parental engagement in schools. The search was conducted using the following databases: APA PsycInfo, EBSCOhost, Ed Admin Abstracts, Education Source, ERIC, and SocINDEX with Full Text. To ensure a comprehensive and targeted review, I set specific inclusion criteria for quality appraisal, reliability, and relevance outlined in Table 1. Firstly, this review includes peer-reviewed articles published from 2004 onward to capture two decades of research trends and ensure the reliability and quality of the chosen literature with rigorous evaluations in the field. I excluded dissertations, theses, reports, books, conference materials, electronic resources, and unpublished manuscripts or publications from non-peer-reviewed channels to maintain a focus on high-quality, peer-reviewed research. Secondly, the articles were limited to the North American context, primarily the U.S., to ensure relevance to the cultural, social, and educational systems specific to the U.S., enabling a more targeted analysis of policies and practices influencing immigrant parental engagement. Thirdly, I excluded studies focused on early childhood, preschool, or kindergarten settings, and special education, special needs, or disabilities because my research does not address early childhood education and special education field, and this review focuses on post-kindergarten education context. Lastly, the study’s focus criteria prioritized empirical studies that address immigrant parental engagement, including those recently relocated parents and refugees. Based on these inclusion criteria, including my quality, reliability, and relevance assessments, the key research terms are listed in Table 2. The database search was conducted in Fall 2024.

Table 1.

Inclusion criteria.

Criteria	Inclusion	Rationale
Date	2004-2024	Captures two decades of research trends
Publication status	Peer-reviewed articles	The systematic review focuses on peer-reviewed articles to ensure the reliability and quality of the chosen literature with rigorous evaluations in the field
Study context	North American context, mainly U.S. context	Ensures relevance to the cultural, social, and educational systems specific to the U.S., enabling a more targeted analysis of policies and practices influencing immigrant parental engagement
Study focus 1	Studies included except for those focused on early childhood, preschool, or kindergarten settings, and special education or special needs or disabilities	This review does not address early childhood education and special education field
Study focus 2	Immigrant parental engagement, including those involving recently relocated parents, refugees, and sojourners	The author was mainly interested in empirical studies addressing immigrant parental engagement in school

Note: Table based on the table created by Molla (2024: 1627).

Table 2.

Research terms.

Line 1: (Parent n1 (participation OR engagement OR involvement)) OR SU(parent school relationship) OR SU(school involvement)

Line 2: Barrier or obstacle or difficulties or challenge*

Line 3: Refugees or migrants or immigrants OR marginalized OR underrepresented OR black OR “African American” OR “of color” OR hispanic OR “Mexican American” OR latin* OR “Newcomer parent*” OR “newcomer family*” OR “newcomer immigrant”

Line 4: NOT early childhood, preschool, or kindergarten settings

Line 5: NOT special education or special needs or disabilities

Selecting the relevant studies

The database search generated 439 potentially eligible documents. After exporting the search results to Zotero, I screened 377 articles by applying the inclusion criteria and removing the duplications based on the title and abstract. Then, I reviewed the remaining full-text papers (62), excluding 18 articles (e.g., inaccessible full text or failure to meet criteria).439 articles met all the inclusion criteria and were included for a critical appraisal (see Figure 1).

Figure 1.

Flowchart of screening process.

Analyzing the data and results

I organized the following details into an Excel spreadsheet: primary research questions, data sets used, theoretical frameworks, variables, methods of analysis, and key findings related to parental involvement in the literature. I also documented the authors’ definitions and analyses of key conceptual barriers, used school policies and practices, while also noting my reflections on the strengths and gaps of their analyses and conclusions.

Results

The results are organized into two themes aligned with the research questions. The first theme examines school system (i.e., institutional) aspects that impede immigrant parental engagement, focusing on structures, policies, and practices within the educational system. The second theme addresses broader systemic and cultural barriers, shaped by societal, economic, and cultural contexts, that affect immigrant parental engagement in schools. The focus on barriers at the systemic levels—whether within the school system or related to broader systemic and cultural factors—stems from the need to recognize that these challenges are not solely attributable to individual traits but are largely shaped by systemic factors (Olsen, 1997). Notably, most studies examined both school system and broader systemic and cultural aspects concurrently. Building on these findings, the discussion part provides implications for how previous research informs school policies and practices to mitigate these obstacles and empower immigrant parents to engage more effectively with schools.

School system: Institutional barriers

Most of the selected studies (n = 31¹) identified both school system factors and broader systemic and cultural factors simultaneously in relation to immigrant parental engagement. For the purposes of this section, I will focus on the school systemic aspects identified in the 31 studies. Of the 31 studies, two studies (Haines and Reyes, 2023; Wallace, 2017) focused exclusively on the school system. The 31 studies were predominantly qualitative, with three employing quantitative methods (Alexander et al., 2017; Curtis et al., 2021; O'Donnell and Kirkner, 2014), two using mixed methods (Lechuga-Peña, 2023; Reynolds et al., 2015), and three categorized as literature reviews (Antony-Newman, 2019; Molla, 2024; Ndemanu and Jordan, 2018). I identified five themes in school system barriers: (1) Deficit framing on immigrant families, (2) Racial and ethnic discrimination, (3) Unwelcoming school atmosphere, (4) Lack of supportive school system, and (5) Schools’ and/or teachers’ misconceptions. Among them, deficit framing on immigrant families was identified as a main theme as 11 articles mainly discussed the deficit narrative.

Deficit framing on immigrant families

Deficit framing in education positions immigrant families as inherently lacking the cultural and socioeconomic resources necessary for their children’s academic success (Isik-Erkan, 2018). This perspective assumes middle-class, White, American children as the norm and attributes immigrant children’s academic challenges to their home environments, such as lower socioeconomic status, limited language proficiency, or a perceived lack of cultural capital (Chen, 2013; Isik-Erkan, 2018). Cultural differences are misinterpreted as their deficiencies rather than assets (Joshi et al., 2004, as cited in Chen, 2013), leadiorng teachers and administrators to hold lower expectations for immigrant children (Sohn and Wang, 2006, as cited in Chen, 2013; Md-Yunus, 2008).

This deficit-oriented perspective extends to immigrant parental engagement (Ishimaru, 2014; Watson and Bogotch, 2015), often focusing solely on barriers such as parents’ unfamiliarity with school systems, culture, and policies (Garg, 2021), and expecting the parents to just adapt to existing school systems (Perez Carreon et al., 2005: p. 467, as cited in Ishimaru, 2014: 13). For low-income or first-generation immigrant families, limited engagement is often attributed to personal factors, while external systemic factors are overlooked (Garg, 2021; Georgis et al., 2014; Greenberg, 2012). Through a case study on refugee parent engagement in a Transition Supports Program (TSP) in Canada, Georgis and colleagues (2014) highlighted teachers often misinterpret a lack of parental involvement as a failure of values, failing to explain cultural or socioeconomic barriers. Olivos and Mendoza (2010), in their study exploring how institutional and sociocultural factors influence Latino parental engagement in U.S. public schools, found that school staff often overlook immigrant parental involvement when they do not conform to mainstream norms. This disregard perpetuates stereotypes towards immigrant families and portrays them as uncaring or incapable of supporting their children’s education (Olivos and Mendoza, 2010).

Moreover, schools often attempt to reshape the behaviors of Latinx parents to conform to middle-class, non-Latinx norms, rather than embracing their unique cultural strengths (Olivos and Mendoza, 2010). This practice reinforces exclusion and dehumanizes marginalized families, eroding trust and obstructing the development of effective school-family partnerships (Mapp and Hong, 2010, as cited in Anguiano et al., 2020; Doucet, 2011; Durand and Perez, 2013; Ramirez, 2003; Valdés, 1996; Valenzuela, 1999; Wortham et al., 2002, as cited in Petron, 2016). As a result, parents often feel alienated, confused, and frustrated by a system that misinterprets their cultural values and imposes additional barriers to their participation in their children’s education (Finders and Lewis, 1994, as cited in López, 2001). For example, in a qualitative study that comparatively examined Mexican parents’ schooling experiences in Mexico and the U.S., Petron (2016) found that Mexican parents often felt that schools had no expectations for their involvement, which perpetuated their exclusion from the educational process.

To counteract these deficit-oriented biases, O’Donnell and Kirkner (2014) emphasized the need for teachers to acquire cultural knowledge and a deeper understanding of diverse communities to better serve children and families. Without such efforts, deficit-based approaches can create unequal power dynamics where schools impose expectations on families while excluding them from meaningful decision-making processes regarding their children’s education (Carreón et al., 2005; Schutz, 2006; Warren et al., 2009, as cited in Lowenhaupt, 2014). Thus, challenging deficit-based narratives requires a fundamental shift in school practices, emphasizing the value of immigrant parents’ cultural strengths and fostering equitable, collaborative partnerships that empower parents as active participants in their children’s education.

Racial and ethnic discrimination

Racial and ethnic discrimination pose substantial barriers to immigrant parental engagement in educational settings. Research consistently demonstrates that discrimination experienced by immigrant parents manifests through multiple dimensions, including interactions with school officials, systemic biases, and persistent racial stereotypes in schools (Murray et al., 2014, as cited in Snell, 2018). These discriminatory experiences are deeply interconnected with various intersecting factors such as immigration status, skin color, and language proficiency (Antony-Newman, 2019; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2015). In a qualitative study examining the impact of U.S. political climates on undocumented Latinx parents’ engagement in their children’s education, Cuevas (2021) found these parents face particularly complex challenges intersected with their racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic identities. These multifaceted barriers create a challenging landscape for meaningful parental involvement in educational institutions.

Additionally, Wallace’s (2017) ethnographic study of Caribbean immigrant fathers in London and New York City revealed their nuanced experiences of racial discrimination in schools, particularly from White female teachers. Through 20 interviews with Caribbean immigrant fathers, the study highlighted how fathers used distinct strategies—such as deference and assertiveness—to counter stereotypes of Black parental disengagement. However, their efforts often reinforced systemic biases, as racial microaggressions persisted. The findings underscored the need for systemic reforms to combat racism and foster equitable parental engagement for diverse immigrant communities. Thus, racial and ethnic discrimination often hinders immigrant parental engagement, as discriminatory practices and systemic biases in schools create compounded barriers for the parents, particularly those from marginalized communities.

Schools’ unwelcoming atmosphere

Schools’ unwelcoming atmosphere also significantly impedes immigrant parental engagement. Multiple studies have documented how institutional environments can marginalize immigrant families through systemic sociocultural barriers (Sibley and Dearing, 2014, as cited in Housel, 2020; Poza et al., 2014). The institutional practices reproduce broader societal inequalities, with school policies and interactions reflecting deep-seated racial and class-based power dynamics. According to Lechuga-Peña (2023), institutional structures rooted in race- and class-based power dynamics leave Latinx parents feeling alienated and discouraged from participating in school activities, thereby perpetuating cycles of disengagement (Abrams and Gibbs, 2002).

The impact of an unwelcoming school environment extends beyond emotional discomfort, directly influencing students’ academic outcomes. From a survey data from 343 number of 13–10 years old Latino adolescents in English Language Learner (ELL) classrooms in North Carolina, Alexander and colleagues (2017) found a significant negative relationship between parents’ feelings of discomfort at school and their children’s academic outcomes, with discomfort being associated with a lower GPA (β = −.23, p < .05). This suggests that when parents feel unwelcome or uneasy in the school environment, it may hinder their ability to engage within their children’s education, ultimately impacting the children’s academic performance.

For refugee and immigrant populations, the concept of belonging emerges as an important factor in educational engagement. From a scoping literature review on refugee parental engagement, Molla (2024) emphasized that inclusive institutional cultures can either facilitate or inhibit parental involvement. According to Molla (2024), research persistently underscores the importance of creating culturally and racially safe and welcoming environments that support students’ academic and social integration (Bajaj and Bartlett, 2017; Bennouna et al., 2021; Harwood et al., 2021). For refugee students, schools that foster culturally and racially safe and welcoming environments provide a foundation for promoting the students’ academic and social engagement (Molla, 2022; Warsame et al., 2014, as cited in Molla, 2024).

Lack of a supportive school system: Disjointed bureaucracy and lack of access

Due to a lack of a supportive school system, immigrant parents often face additional challenges engaging with schools. One major aspect of this issue is the disjointed bureaucracy within schools. Haines and Reyes (2023) found that disjointed bureaucracies, which fail to prioritize building relationships with refugee families, result in confusion, unsustainable initiatives, and poor collaboration among educators, as revealed through interviews with 42 teachers in a northeastern U.S. state.

Another important aspect of the unsupportive school system is the lack of access to information and resources. According to Olivos and colleagues (2010), inadequate translation services and meetings scheduled during immigrant parents’ working hours frequently go unnoticed to the immigrant parents or are dismissed by more privileged groups who can circumvent these obstacles. This lack of access restricts working immigrant parents’ engagement and perpetuates resistance to change among those in higher socioeconomic positions (Brantlinger, 2003; Fine, 1993; Olivos, 2006; Shannon, 1996; Talavera-Bustillos and Medina, 2009, as cited in Olivos et al., 2010). Cuevas (2021) also highlighted that immigrant Latinx parents often identify the absence of resources and information as a significant challenge to supporting their children’s postsecondary planning (Oliva, 2008; Tornatzky et al., 2002; Torres, 2004). This challenge is particularly acute for parents without personal college experience, who lack the navigational capital typically possessed by college-educated parents (Cuevas, 2021).

To address these challenges, Molla (2024) emphasized the importance of cultural brokers, such as community liaison officers, in helping newly arrived refugees integrate and receive support in schools (Baker et al., 2021; Miller et al., 2022). Thus, improving immigrant parental engagement requires dismantling disjointed bureaucracies and removing systemic barriers to accessing information and resources, while fostering collaborative efforts to create genuinely inclusive and supportive school environments.

Biases and misconceptions of teachers and school personnel

Educator biases and misconceptions significantly hinder immigrant parental engagement, manifesting in two primary problematic patterns: low expectations and overexpectations. These institutional views create complex barriers that impede immigrant parents’ engagement in their children’s education.

In a qualitative study on immigrant parental engagement—including efforts such as encouraging parent-teacher communication, promoting bilingual literacy, and helping parents understand school expectations—Md-Yunus (2008) found that teachers and administrators often held low expectations for immigrant children. These lowered expectations contributed to harmful power dynamics that negatively affected students’ academic and psychological outcomes (Gou, 2007, as cited in Md-Yunus, 2008). Latino parents, particularly, often experience discrimination from school staff who show unpreparedness or systemic biases in working with diverse parent populations (Chen et al., 2008; Gonzalez-DeHass and Willems, 2003; Lee and Bowen, 2006; Olivos, 2004, as cited in O’Donnell and Kirkner, 2014). To solve this issue, Housel (2020) emphasized the urgent need for educators to shift from blame-oriented perspectives toward recognizing institutional barriers. Thus, educators must move beyond pathologizing immigrant parental engagement, instead acknowledging the complex cultural, socioeconomic, and linguistic obstacles (Campano et al., 2016; Georgis et al., 2014; Hong, 2011; Tarawasa and Waggoner, 2015; Turney and Kao, 2009, as cited in Housel, 2020).

On the other hand, immigrant parents also face unrealistic overexpectations from school personnel. Ndemanu and Jordan (2018) highlighted that many American educators expect extensive parental engagement beyond traditional open houses, including volunteering, fundraising, and chaperoning events. However, these expectations often prove overwhelming or impossible for immigrant parents. According to Free and Križ (2022) who examined how a U.S. public school system marginalizes migrant students by reinforcing systemic class and racial biases through in-depth interviews with 20 educators, schools tend to hold biased expectations of migrant parents, expecting them to be highly involved in their children’s education, often referred to as “entitled and intensive educational parenting (p. 50)”. This includes providing a stable home environment, ensuring children attend school regularly, and supporting activities such as enrichment trips, all of which can be difficult for migrant parents due to their unstable jobs, limited resources, and long working hours (NCFH, 2020, as cited in Free and Križ, 2022). Consequently, immigrant parents may struggle to meet these expectations, as they often lack the financial means, time, and resources to support their children’s academic and extracurricular needs. Thus, the biases and misconceptions held by teachers and school personnel, including both low and over expectations on immigrant parents, often hinder the parents’ engagement.

Broader systemic and cultural barriers

In addition to the 31 studies that examined both school systems (i.e., institutional barriers) and broader systemic and cultural barriers together, 11² studies focused solely on the broader systemic and cultural aspects. As mentioned earlier, the 31 studies are primarily qualitative, with research designs outlined previously. Of the 11 studies, three (Chipalo, 2024; Terriquez, 2012; Vidal De Haymes et al., 2019) used quantitative, one (Qin and Han, 2014) used mixed-method, and rest of them (n = (7) used qualitative research design. From the 44 studies, I identified six themes: (1) Language difference (2) Cultural difference, (3) Economic hardships, (4) Parent access challenges, (5) Immigration status, and (6) Lack of social connections.

Language difference

Among the 44 studies that examined systemic and cultural barriers, either exclusively or alongside school system factors, 33³ identified language differences as a significant barrier for immigrant parents. Language differences are not only a unique obstacle but also a foundational issue that intersects with various systemic and cultural barriers, such as economic hardships, immigration status, and cultural difference. The language difference serves as a foundational and overlapping challenge that exacerbates other difficulties, further hindering parents’ ability to actively engage in their children’s education, navigate the school system effectively, and have their voices heard in school decision-making processes.

Cultural difference

Similar to language differences, cultural differences were a prominent issue in most studies examining the broader systemic and cultural obstacles, with 21⁴ studies addressing this challenge. These cultural differences were discussed in two main contexts: (1) the different school cultures between the host and sending countries and (2) the broader cultural differences between the host and sending countries, including variations in perceptions of gender roles, family values, and the resultant acculturation and resettlement stress.

First, a lack of familiarity with the U.S. school system, shaped by differences in host and sending countries’ school culture, can hinder immigrant parents from actively engaging in their children’s education and advocating for them. Intersecting with language barriers, cultural differences—particularly those related to the U.S. school system and culture—can pose additional obstacles to immigrant parents’ full engagement in their children’s education (Bloch and Hirsch, 2017; Antony-Newman, 2019; Bennouna et al., 2019a, as cited in Ocampo et al., 2021; Sibley and Dearing, 2014; Sohn and Wang, 2006; Vera et al., 2012; Yol, 2019, as cited in Housel, 2020; Bohon et al., 2005; Free and Križ, 2022; Garg, 2021). In particular, the cultural differences in school systems may lead Latinx parents to focus their engagement more on activities at home rather than on school campuses, causing their efforts to go unrecognized by school staff (Auerbach, 2007; LeFevre and Shaw, 2012, as cited in O'Donnell and Kirkner, 2014; Joshi, Eberly and Konzai, 2004, as cited in Md-Yunus, 2008). As a result, newcomer or monolingual Spanish-speaker Latinx parents may doubt their abilities or lack a clear understanding of how school systems work and how to access services for their children (Gonzalez-DeHass and Willems, 2003; Olivos, 2004; Zarate, 2007, as cited in O'Donnell and Kirkner, 2014). In a qualitative study exploring Latina mothers’ educational engagement through four focus groups with the same group of 12 Latina mothers, Greenberg (2012) stated that while Latinx families, especially immigrants in urban areas, highly value their children’s education, they face challenges in engaging with school practice as they are unfamiliar with the U.S. education system.

Additionally, Qin and Han (2014) found Chinese American parents often report low levels of engagement in school activities such as school meetings and teacher-parent conferences, compared to White parents (Pearce and Lin, 2007), in their mixed-method study that interviewed 72 Chinese immigrant children and parents. This was partly due to Chinese cultural values, which typically separate the parents’ role at home from the teachers’ role at school, leading to parents’ reluctance to engage (Chan, 2004; Rowley and Schulenberg, 2007, as cited in Qin and Han, 2014). Villavicencio and colleagues (2021) also argued immigrant Chinese parents are less proactive in engaging with schools compared to parents in China, due to factors such as time, jobs, language, and cultural barriers. They view American schools as egalitarian and less focused on competition, leading them to undervalue parent–teacher relationships in their children’s success, a mindset that American educators may find naïve (Villavicencio et al., 2021). Otherwise, the respect for educational institution as a cultural norm (Lowenhaupt, 2014) deters immigrant parent to engage in schools. To address these challenges, Blair and Haneda (2021) argued to move away from school-dominated approaches to parental involvement and instead embrace collaborative partnerships that treat parents as equal partners and decision-makers.

Second, beyond unfamiliarity with U.S. school system, broader cultural differences between the host and sending country, such as variations in perceptions of gender roles, family values, and the resulting acculturation and resettlement stress, can negatively influence immigrant parental engagement (Anguiano et al., 2020; Curtis et al., 2021; Dotson-Blake, 2010; Molla, 2024; Wang, 2008; Watson and Bogotch, 2015). LaRocque (2013) presented that cultural dissonance can create challenges for immigrant parental engagement in education. While strong family values and structures of immigrants should enhance students’ learning, they may hinder educational achievement due to cultural differences in parent roles supporting their children’s education (LaRocque, 2013). According to Georgies and colleagues (2014), refugee parents face barriers to engagement in their children’s education due to the challenges of adapting to a new culture in their resettlement. To reduce cultural barriers for immigrant parental engagement, Gouwens and Henderson (2017) demonstrated how a family literacy program fostered social connections and offered an opportunity for participants to gain cultural insights into both the community and the schools. Ultimately, cultural differences, both related to the school system and broader societal and cultural values, present significant challenges to immigrant parental engagement within school.

Economic hardships

Economic hardships can be a factor impeding immigrant parental engagement (Alexander et al., 2017; Blair and Haneda, 2021; Chipalo, 2024; Greenberg, 2012; Lowenhaupt, 2014; Olivos et al., 2021; Poza et al., 2014; Terriquez, 2012; Vidal De Haymes et al., 2019; Wang, 2008; Watson and Bogotch, 2015). Most immigrant families can generally have low family income after being relocated in the U.S. and the low family income can influence the parents’ engagement in schools (LaRocque, 2013; Nyemba and Chitiyo, 2018). Specifically, refugee parents, who are more likely to experience economic hardships, face housing instability, and work long hours to support their families, making it more difficult for them to actively engage in their children’s schooling (Georgis et al., 2014; Ocampos et al., 2021; Rah et al., 2009; Snell, 2018). Qin and Han (2014) found most immigrant parents, particularly those from working-class backgrounds, felt a strong sense of powerlessness and hopelessness regarding their children’s education. This feeling often led to their limited engagement in their children’s schooling. However, compared to parents from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds tend to be more engaged in their children’s education (Jeynes, 2007, as cited in Free and Križ, 2022).

Parent access challenges

Immigrant parents often face logistical barriers that limit their ability to engage within their children’s schools, referred to as parent access challenges (LaRocque, 2013). In a qualitative study investigating challenges and practices for building an effective home-school partnership, LaRocque (2013) highlighted transportation and childcare as key parent access challenges contributing to parental disengagement. These challenges are echoed in the findings of diverse researchers (Alexander et al., 2017; Bohon et al., 2005; O'Donnell and Kirkner., 2014; Vidal De Haymes et al., 2019), who emphasized that limited access to reliable transportation often prevents parents from attending school events, parent-teacher conferences, or other opportunities for engagement. Similarly, the lack of affordable or accessible childcare is a recurring obstacle that disproportionately affects immigrant families, as noted by Ocampo and colleagues (2021).

Immigration status

The immigration status of parents presents a unique barrier to their engagement in school, regarding their legal status (Olivos et al., 2010; Palacios and Paulick, 2024; Petrone, 2016). Using chi-square tests and data from the 2018 Annual Survey of Refugees, Chipalo (2024) identified several factors influencing parental involvement in children’s education among recently resettled refugees in the U.S., including parents’ gender, age, marital status, education level, employment status, year of resettlement, immigration status, and English proficiency. He found that females, married parents, those aged 25–29, and individuals with strong English proficiency were more likely to engage in their children’s education. In contrast, unmarried refugees aged 55 or older were less likely to be involved. For undocumented Latinx parents, Cuevas (2021) highlighted immigration status as an additional challenge to school engagement (Dreby, 2015; Valdivia, 2019).

Lack of social connections

Social capital refers to the resources individuals can access through their connections and participation in various social groups (Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988). As a critical lens, the concept of social capital can challenge deficit-based narratives that depict communities of color as lacking cultural assets (Yosso, 2005). In doing so, it helps how inequalities are tied to race, ethnicity, and immigrant status in education (Kao, 2004). For immigrant parents, social connections with individuals who are more familiar with the U.S. school system can offer valuable information and support regarding their children’s education (Poza et al., 2014). Moreover, social capital positively influences immigrant children’s academic outcomes by strengthening parental engagement and support networks—such as Consejos and familism—which enhance access to resources and foster a sense of community (e.g., compadrazgo) both within and beyond school settings (Salinas, 2013). However, newly arrived immigrant parents often face challenges in building such connections, which can limit their capacity to effectively engage with the U.S. school system.

García and colleagues (2024) noted that many immigrant parents find it difficult to build relationships with teachers in the U.S. due to the formal communication norms in schools. They often face challenges scheduling appointments with educators and feel that the lack of “personalismo” (personal connection) creates cultural barriers. Similarly, Anguiano and colleagues (2020) emphasized the importance of social capital for immigrant parental engagement, noting that families lacking social and cultural capital struggle to connect with schools. This underscores an urgent need for schools to adapt their approach to better support these families (Lareau and Horvat, 1999). From a comparative case study of two families, Schulz and Kantor (2005) found that Vietnam immigrant families struggle with the U.S. school system due to differences in their educational backgrounds, further highlighting the essential role of social capital in fostering communication and building relationships between families and schools.

To empower the social capital and networks, which are essential for enhancing their engagement (Anguiano et al., 2020; Antony-Newman, 2020), diverse school programs can help address these challenges. Initiatives such as adult literacy programs and parent mentorship opportunities have been shown to empower low-income, minority, and immigrant women, enhancing their social capital and increasing their participation in school-based volunteer activities (Shiffman, 2019; Vidal De Haymes et al., 2019). These programs strengthened the connections between families and schools and created pathways for parental engagement.

Summary the evidence on the barriers for immigrant parental engagement

The set of studies (n = 44) examining immigrant parental engagement finds that there are school system (i.e., institutional) factors and broader systemic and cultural factors that impact their engagement. Among them, 31 studies highlighted both school system barriers and other systemic and cultural barriers simultaneously, two studies focused exclusively on school systems, and 11 studies addressed broader systemic and cultural factors independently. The school system obstacles are identified as (1) Deficit framing on immigrant families, (2) Racial and ethnic discrimination, (3) Unwelcoming school atmosphere, (4) Lack of supportive school system, and (5) Schools’ and/or teachers’ misconceptions. Additionally, the themes of broader systemic and cultural obstacles are identified as (1) Language difference, (2) Cultural difference, (3) Economic hardships, (4) Parent access challenges, (5) Immigration status, and (6) Lack of social connections.

However, as noted, there are limitations in the identified studies. One key limitation is their predominant reliance on qualitative methodologies. This methodological gap in the literature underscores the need for more diverse research approaches in the future. Moreover, while the importance of social capital for immigrant parental engagement is recognized, research on its specific role in their school engagement remains limited (Anguiano et al., 2020; Antony-Newman, 2020). Furthermore, there has been insufficient investigation into policy approaches or strategies for minimizing or eliminating these obstacles for immigrant parental engagement.

Discussion and implications

The findings from this systematic literature review indicate immigrant parents face a range of systemic barriers that can impact their engagement in their children’s schools. The engagement includes involvement in their children’s education, communication with teachers, and participation in school decision-making processes. These challenges encompass both school system (i.e., institutional) factors and broader systemic and cultural factors.

The first section reviewed studies that primarily focused on how school systems hinder immigrant parental engagement. One central issue is deficit framing, which views immigrant families as lacking resources and attributes their children’s academic challenges to home environments. This framing can lower educators’ expectations, bolster exclusionary practices, while overlooking cultural and socioeconomic factors, reinforcing stereotypes, and ultimately hindering effective school-family partnerships. Racial and ethnic discrimination also creates substantial barriers to immigrant parental engagement, with biases in interactions, systemic inequalities, and racial stereotypes. Studies emphasize the need for systemic reforms to address these challenges and promote equitable parental engagement. Another issue is schools’ unwelcoming atmospheres, shaped by racial and class-based dynamics. These environments can marginalize immigrant families and hinder parental engagement, which in turn undermines students’ academic outcomes. Moreover, schools’ and educators’ biases and misconceptions pose barriers by setting low expectations for immigrant children and demanding unrealistic forms of parental involvement, all while overlooking families’ cultural, socioeconomic, and linguistic challenges. Finally, an unsupportive school system—characterized by disjointed bureaucracy and limited resources—further undermines immigrant parental engagement. Inadequate translation services, scheduling conflicts, and lack of guidance for parents without college experience restrict their engagement, especially in areas like postsecondary planning.

The review secondly consisted of an exploration of other six systemic and cultural obstacles to immigrant parental engagement. First, language differences are identified as a significant issue, with 33 out of 44 studies highlighting it as a key challenge. These language challenges intersect with other issues such as economic hardships, immigration status, and cultural differences, further limiting parents’ ability to engage in their children’s education, navigate the school system, and participate in decision-making processes. Second, cultural differences, including unfamiliarity with the U.S. school system and varying perceptions of gender roles and family values, create significant barriers to immigrant parental engagement. These challenges are often compounded by acculturation stress, leading to parents’ lower participation in school activities and difficulties in navigating the educational system, which may result in a lack of recognition for the parents’ engagement. Economic hardships, such as low-income, housing instability, and long working hours, also significantly hinder immigrant parental engagement. These challenges, particularly for refugee families, contribute to feelings of powerlessness and limited engagement in their children’s education. Moreover, parents’ access barriers, such as limited transportation and childcare options, further impede parents’ ability to engage within schools. Immigration status, especially undocumented status, poses a significant barrier to parents’ participation in educational activities. Along with age, marital status, and English proficiency, the legal status shapes parental engagement, with undocumented families facing the greatest obstacles. Finally, a lack of social connections can be a major challenge for immigrant parents. Many immigrant parents struggle to build relationships with teachers due to cultural differences and formal school communication norms. Specifically, newcomer parents face difficulties in building social capital as recently relocated. Programs, such as literacy programs and parent mentorship, can help the families establish connections and enhance their engagement in schools. Yet, despite its acknowledged importance for the parental engagement, little research has examined how social capital specifically impact immigrant parental engagement (Anguiano et al., 2020; Antony-Newman, 2020).

Policy recommendations and implications for future research

Building on these findings, this part offers policy recommendations and implications for future research on immigrant parental engagement. This discussion prompts further exploration into how school or district-level policy approaches can minimize or eliminate the barriers. One promising policy approach is equity-oriented school-community partnerships, which have been shown to empower immigrant parents, improve academic achievement, social well-being, and health outcomes for historically marginalized students, and promote community equity (Anguiano et al., 2020; Green, 2018; Villavicencio et al., 2021). For example, Austin and Voices for Education and Youth (AVEY) in Texas demonstrates how the equity-centered community-driven partnerships can empower the immigrant parents by and deliver measurable student gains in the area (AVEY, no date). Culturally responsive leadership (Gil, 2018) and pedagogy (Gabriel et al., 2017) offer additional avenues to support immigrant parents’ active engagement. Parent–leadership initiatives such as Parents in Action (no date) in Colorado further equip immigrant families to act as agents of change within their schools. For future research, this review identifies a clear gap: although social capital is widely acknowledged as vital for empowering engagement, its role in immigrant parental engagement has been underexamined. Thus, future research should investigate how immigrant parents’ social capital shapes their engagement experiences within their children’s schools. Moreover, this review shows a key limitation of existing studies as their heavy reliance on qualitative methods. This highlights the need for more diverse research approaches moving forward for future research. Together, these recommendations provide policymakers and researchers with practical strategies and pathways to support immigrant parental engagement.

Footnotes

Acknowledgments

Thanks to anonymous reviewers for this point and Dr. Jennifer Jellison Holme for her invaluable guidance throughout this study.

ORCID iD

SeongGyeong Park

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Data Availability Statement

The authors confirm that the data supporting the findings of this study are available within the article.*

Notes

Author biography

SeongGyeong Park is a doctoral student in the Education Policy and Planning program at University of Texas, Austin. Her research focuses on parenting and equity in education. One strand of her research examines immigrant parental engagement. The second strand explores strategies to support parenting students in higher education. Through her work, SeongGyeong aims to promote equitable policies and practices that empower marginalized communities and foster inclusive educational environments.

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