Abstract
The relationship between women and children has always been a complex one. In one sense, they are seen as interdependent, but in another sense, they are always constructed as two binary oppositions, with women's interest – as in the case of a mother – perceived to be subordinate to that of their children. At the same time, one of the common attacks on the feminist movement is the accusation that it is anti-family and hence, anti-children.
Feminism and the Politics of Childhood attempts to deconstruct the binary between women and children as well as the feminist and childhood movements while at the same time going beyond simplifying the connections between women and children. As the editors argue, the book aims to ‘stimulate, and serve as a space of, dialogue and debate about perceived commonalities and conflicts between various forms of feminism and the politics of childhood’ (p. 2).
The book consists of 18 chapters, each presenting, problematizing and complicating the interrelation between women and childhood studies.
The book is divided into three parts. The first part (Chapters 1–7) demonstrates that the interrelation between women and children is not caused by the binary between women and children, but rather it is constructed and perpetuated by the larger sociopolitical structures. In Chapter 1, for instance, using intersectional, psychosocial and critical disability studies, Erica Burman demonstrates the complex relations between women and children. Another example that illustrates how broader societal discourses affect the interdependence of women and children is given in Chapter 3, in which Susana Borda Carulla provides an illustration of how children's wellbeing has become the nation's interest and development's focus.
The second part (Chapters 8–13) focuses on unpacking the notion of care. Care has historically been seen as part of women's nature, and, as such, has been mobilized at the expense of women, for example, in the case of women's volunteerism in Indonesia and Canada (Chapter 8). This leads Gina Crivello and Patricia Espinoza-Revollo (Chapter 10) to raise the question ‘is it possible to create a conceptual frame of care relations that takes both women and children into account?’ (p. 151).
The final part of the book provides evidence from the practices on how there exists a hybrid space where women’s issues are interrelated with children issues. Using an example of child marriage (Chapter 14), Virginia Caputo shows how both women and children, particularly those in the global south, continue to become the proxy for international donors to interfere in the name of protecting them. Herein lies an idea that situates both women and children as objects that need to be saved. The similar but not identical experiences of women and children also illuminate the legacy of colonization in the countries of the global south. However, even though women and children are often treated as victims, there is always room for resistance. In Chapter 15, Sri Marpinjun and colleagues also prove the possibility for the feminist movement to arise in a field that is sometimes perceived to be an extension of women’s motherhood roles, such as early childhood education.
One of the strengths of the book lies in the variety of contributing authors. All come not only from an academic background but are also activists. By breaking the boundaries between academia and activism, this book demonstrates that women and children issues are rooted in daily problems and the theorization of women and children, and hence should be seen as an attempt to respond to these problems. If there is one thing that the book is missing, it is the voice of the children themselves – something that the editors have themselves admitted. If we believe that children have their voices and agencies, then perhaps we should start thinking how to include children in any book about them that is written by adults.
The book serves as a form of resistance not only to patriarchy but to neoliberalism. The language of neoliberalism is highly pervasive in almost every field of life. The book, in a way, offers a suggestion to go beyond the neoliberal conception of women and children and uses a more interdependent approach to illustrate the multifaceted relations between the two. The book’s opposition to neoliberalism can also be judged from the fact that it opts for open access publication rather than the traditional method. By choosing open access, the book seems to be aiming for an academic readership, particularly those in the global south countries that often struggle to have access to references and activists, as well as the general public.
Feminism and the Politics of Childhood provides us with an alternative framework to think further about the interrelation between women and childhood studies. Both – as Ohad Zehavi (Chapter 17) claims – are minorities and hence, as the chapter argues, ‘to become-woman and to become-child-to become-girl … is to persistently fight off these old habits and refrain from exercising these measures’ (p. 251). To become a woman and to become a child is therefore to question the system of governance that has ruled both women and children. In this regard, the book is a reminder that both feminism and childhood studies are political acts that aim to challenge social injustice.