Abstract
This paper will illustrate how philosophical and pedagogical boundaries that are defined by diverse cultures and ideologies might be navigated in the practical implementation of an early childhood curriculum in postcolonial urban India. Findings from a qualitative naturalistic inquiry indicated that a complex, multifaceted curriculum shaped by diverse socio-cultural-historical elements was being enacted: a highly structured academic curriculum mandated by the government and historically rooted in the colonial policies of the British administrators; the ongoing values-based curriculum is rooted in Ancient Indian beliefs, the practical knowledge of teachers and some curricular ideas central to Euro-American progressive education. This early childhood approach did not fit the definition of any of the commonly known ‘Western' early childhood curricula. Rather, the three-dimensional postcolonial early childhood curriculums seemed to seamlessly combine ideas from diverse educational discourses within what can be conceptualized as the third space of pedagogical hybridity. More recently, changes in the national curriculum policy recommend learner-centred approaches; and an increasing influence of globalization has promoted the adoption of core ideas from the dominant, mostly ‘Western' discourse of early childhood education. A teacher education curriculum developed within a postcolonial framework to prepare early childhood teachers in the pedagogy of third space is recommended and urged.
Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how philosophical and pedagogical boundaries that are defined by diverse cultures and ideologies might be navigated in the practical implementation of an early childhood curriculum in postcolonial urban India. The paper draws primarily on data based on a qualitative naturalistic inquiry conducted in an urban metropolis in India in 2002, with updates in 2007, 2009 and 2011. Two modes of data collection included an intensive phase 1 with in-depth interviews of teachers and school directors, and classroom observations followed by an extensive phase 2 which included survey questionnaires distributed to a larger population of teachers and school directors. The primary purpose of the study was to examine the relationship between the educational philosophy and pedagogy of teacher education programmes and the subsequent practice of teachers in some private urban early childhood (grades Nursery-2) classrooms in India. Subsequent data were collected through additional interviews and classroom observations within the context of urban private schools in India in 2007, 2009, and 2011. Results from the initial study are used to present the main argument in this paper. Data from the later interviews and observations reflect more recent changes in policy and practice that have impacted the field of early childhood education in India. Specifically, the term early childhood is being utilized to refer to the age group from birth through 8 years and will include pre-primary through early primary education in India.
Findings indicated that a complex, multifaceted curriculum consisting of multiple socio-cultural-historical elements was being enacted. These elements included: a highly structured academic curriculum mandated by the government and historically rooted in the educational policies of the British colonial administration; the ongoing values-based curriculum rooted in Ancient Indian beliefs and the practical and tacit knowledge of teachers; and some curricular ideas central to Euro-American progressive education. This postcolonial curriculum did not fit squarely into any Western definition of an early childhood curriculum; rather a three-dimensional early childhood curriculum seemed to seamlessly combine ideas from diverse educational discourses within what can be conceptualized as the third space of pedagogical hybridity. In recent years, the influence of culturally diverse educational ideas in the early childhood classroom has been particularly evident in the promotion of core concepts adopted from the dominant, mostly ‘Western' discourse of early childhood education through the process of globalization, as well as through recommendations of recent educational policies in India that urge a more learner-centred pedagogical approach (Gupta, 2006/2013, 2014). The paper concludes with a recommendation for a teacher education curriculum to be developed within a postcolonial framework that will prepare early childhood teachers in pedagogy of third space orientation.
Theoretical frameworks
This paper is conceptualized within the frameworks of Postcolonial Theory and Globalization. Each of these frameworks will be introduced briefly, emphasizing the definitions of specific theoretical concepts engaged with for the purpose of this discussion.
Postcolonial theory
According to Macedo (1999), when colonialism is viewed as imposing a standard of ideology against which others are measured and perceived to fall short, then the colonized experience can be found everywhere – ‘in concentration camps without the barbed wires in the First World, in ghettos, in the rural mountains of Appalachian and Indian reservations, in the large scale exploitation produced by the policies of neo-liberalism' (1999: xii). A similarity can be seen between colonial ideologies and the way subordinate groups are treated within the same culture. The colonized condition can certainly be found in early childhood classrooms when school quality in the ‘non-west' begins to be measured in terms of ‘Western' standards. For the purpose of this article, the term “west” is viewed as the Euro-American English speaking world. There is a widespread perception that a ‘good' school is one that employs an early childhood pedagogy based upon early childhood methods and materials as used in progressive classrooms of the ‘West'. Thus, many in the emerging economies of the world feel compelled to use versions of Western curricula and teaching strategies so as to ensure that their children develop ‘appropriate' social and intellectual behaviours. But curricula designed and implemented in the West are based on the understandings of the development and lifestyles of young children who are growing up in the ‘West'. What gets overlooked at the local level, is that most of the desired behaviours deemed ‘appropriate' in these curricula are those that are valued by the socially, racially, and linguistically privileged who most resemble the ‘west'. A ‘form of civilized oppression' is enacted when a particular set of beliefs about children gets imposed in diverse cultural contexts in this manner (Viruru, 2005).
The transactional nature of the colonized condition may be described as a negotiation, a powerful and lingering interdependence between the colonized and the colonizer (Gandhi, 1998), and a two-way dialogue between the philosophies of the colonized and the colonizer (Trivedi, 1993). The use of postcolonial theory enables us to address the complexities of what Bhabha (1994) calls cultural hybridization – between the philosophies, ideas, language, ideologies, pedagogies and curricular practices of the colonized and the colonizer. When these categories are viewed not as binaries opposing each other but as cultures with fluid boundaries interacting with each other, then it essentially allows us to view the exchange as a form of cultural translation, as ideas from one culture are modified and embedded into another culture (Bhabha, 2009). This process of transformation then leads to the creation of a hybrid third space, a grey area, which holds infinite new possibilities (Bhabha, 1994). With attention being drawn to the trans-cultural mixing and exchange, which is the result of cultural hybridization (Tikly, 1999), a deeper understanding of the colonized/colonizer relationship is possible. Additionally, as Viruru (2005) notes: ‘postcolonial theory is not limited to the study of how nations have recovered from colonization, but is more concerned with the adopting of an activist position, seeking social transformation' (9). In this paper Postcolonial Theory is used to examine knowledge production within the context of this transactional, two-way relationship between the colonizer and colonized, or the dominant and marginalized, and to examine the curriculum enacted in the third space of pedagogical hybridity, as ideas from one educational discourse get embedded into another. Teaching and learning processes occurring within this space of pedagogical hybridity may subsequently constitute pedagogy of third space (Gupta, 2013).
Globalization
The influence and assimilation of ‘foreign' ideas and practices is certainly not a new phenomenon, nor is it restricted to the historical past. But the speed with which globalization is currently occurring is something new. Globalization, viewed as the ‘intensification of worldwide social relations which link localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events happening many miles away and vice versa' (Giddens, 1991, as cited in Arnove, 2013, p. 1), and with economic and cultural globalization being the most prominent aspects of this process, acts as the current channel for bringing ‘Western' influences into countries of the ‘non-West'. Globalization of education refers to the ‘worldwide discussions, processes, and institutions affecting local educational practices and policies' (Spring, 2009). Neoliberal trends in education, greatly influenced by the market economy of capitalism in the developed world, may be compared to the westernization of education experienced in the colonized world. Indeed, neoliberal globalization implies the ‘imposition of the law of the market on the whole of humanity itself' (McLaren and Farahmandpur, 2003: 53). Although global imports are certainly somewhat transformed into versions that are more suited to local minds and lifestyles (Arnove, 2013), the enculturating processes of globalization can be recognized in globalization of education as seen in the realities at the ‘ground' level of urban Indian schools and society.
An early childhood curriculum illustrating pedagogical hybridity
Many early childhood curricula and pedagogy in Euro-American settings are shaped by early childhood teaching and learning models, such as the Montessori, Hi Scope, Waldorf, Reggio Emilia and Progressive approaches, to name the most popular ones. Each of these approaches is based on a particular belief about the image of the child and the image of the teacher. It is this belief which defines a particular educational philosophy and its corresponding curricular goals and objectives, assessment systems and ‘appropriate' teacher–student interactions.
Based on the results of this study the early childhood curriculum in many urban Indian private schools did not seem to fit any of the above labels, but appeared to draw on diverse and multiple philosophical influences and pedagogical elements. The hybridization of, and the transactions between, culturally diverse pedagogical ideas and discourses was evident at many levels: in the interplay between teachers’ formal preparation and their classroom practice; and within the early childhood curriculum as well. The data presented the enactment of a unique kind of early childhood curriculum which included diverse teaching and learning objectives: 1) the teaching of human virtues and values for developing character; 2) the teaching of academics and developing academic proficiency in young children; and 3) some child-centred teaching strategies in the tradition of progressive education. Further questions emerged: …as I began to look for the relationships between the how, the what and the why of this early childhood curriculum (New, 1999): how had the present curriculum in these early childhood classrooms evolved; what specific early childhood educational objectives did teachers work toward by way of this curriculum; why did practitioners choose to select these particular educational objectives; in what ways did this curriculum differ from one that is held to be “appropriate” as per the definitions provided by the dominant Western early childhood discourse; and how were the boundaries of philosophies and educational theories shaped by culture, history and politics navigated in the practical implementation of the classroom curriculum? (Gupta, 2013: 164).
The multi-dimensional nature of the curriculum was tied to the multiple discourses it drew from. These included: the overarching educational purposes informed by Indian philosophical and spiritual discourses; the formal colonial policy discourse imposed by British colonial administrators; and traces of the progressive education discourse commonly seen in many early childhood classrooms in the ‘West' (Gupta, 2006/2013). In a manner resembling Bhabha’s notion of cultural hybridization (Bhabha, 1994), this socially and culturally constructed curriculum shaped by three distinct discourses resulted in an instance of pedagogical hybridization bringing together elements from Indian cultural, colonial, and progressive pedagogies and educational philosophies. Although these dimensions have been teased apart into three distinct philosophical influences, in practice the ‘enacted' curriculum reflected a smooth and effortless integration of all three as a whole.
The discourse of Indian philosophy and culture influenced both the content of curriculum and the methodology of teaching, as described in Gupta (2006/2013). It could be identified in the ‘hidden curriculum', in the informal approaches to teaching and learning in the classroom, and in the more deliberately implemented values curriculum. This discourse appeared as the on-going, parallel values-based curriculum inspired by the teachers’ tacit knowledge and implicit beliefs resulting from their socio-cultural-historical constructivist learning influenced by an all-pervasive cultural philosophy, and supported by the school administrators. Specific elements from this discourse included: the teaching of values central to Indian philosophy; the importance given to the concepts of duty, respect and the observation of customs, rituals, traditions, religious holidays; prioritizing intellectual development; the personal philosophies of teachers, children and their families; and the images of the teacher and child.
The policy discourse of British colonialism was evident in the formally structured, content-based academic curriculum that was prescribed and mandated by the Indian government at the national level, and that had its roots in the colonizing policies of the British government. This influenced curricular content and methodology, and was manifest in the rigidly structured tests and workbook curriculum. Specific elements included: a nationally prescribed curriculum; an examination system driven by prescribed texts and work books; an educational environment conducive to rote memorization; teachers who were regarded as technical workers; limited evidence of opportunities for creativity for both teachers and children; and the adoption of English (the language of the colonial rulers) as the language of instruction (Gupta, 2006/2013). More recently, policy changes have toned down the colonial rigidity: annual examinations and retention have been replaced by social promotion and continuous and comprehensive evaluation of students; textbooks have been redesigned to make them more student friendly at all grade levels; the assessment system has been changed from a point-based system to a letter grade system; and at the university level the plans are to replace the annual academic system with a semester system.
Thirdly, the discourse of progressive education from within Euro-America influenced, although in a limited way, the early childhood teaching methodology in the classrooms that had been observed. This third dimension, although not specifically articulated as part of objectives and goals, was reflected in early childhood classroom pedagogy in many schools that were financially well off and had been exposed to ‘Western' ideas of child development and teaching strategies, by way of workshops and international teacher exchange programmes. Again, as described in Gupta (2006/2013), examples of classroom structures and teaching techniques that were informed by this discourse included: the creation of an activity room with learning centres that would allow children choice time; incorporating the idea of ‘circle time' into the daily classroom schedule; working toward child-centred practices based on the needs, interests and developmental levels of children; providing opportunities for children to narrate their stories and voice their ideas; providing abundant classroom materials for activity-based learning; and maintaining relatively small class sizes. These attempts were restricted mostly to financially well-off private schools in the more global metropolitan India. However, in more recent years, echoes of the Euro-American early childhood discourse can be heard more widely across the country and by more policy makers and practitioners. This is highlighted by the use of additional ‘Western' labels such as Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences, the Reggio Emilia philosophy, Vygotsky’s Theory of Socio-cultural Learning, Tools of the Mind, and Progressive Education.
It is this third discourse based on a developmental approach to early childhood education that has become more prominently supported under the recent influences of neoliberal globalization (Gupta, 2012). In the initial study it was seen to be prevalent mostly in private schools, but since 2005 the nuances of progressive education and child development have become a stronger force in shaping national educational policy in India, both for school curriculum recommended by NCF (2005) and for teacher education curriculum recommended by NCTE (2009).
Recent impacts of policy on practice
Socio-cultural-economic diversity has been enhanced in the Indian classroom primarily due to two factors: the effect of neoliberal globalization on Indian society with the privatization of schools; and the effect of changes to Indian educational policies along with the enforcement of these policies. The challenging impact of widening cultural diversity and the new recommendations for a learner-centred pedagogy have been experienced more directly and deeply in urban private schools, and to a lesser extent in rural schools.
Neoliberal globalization
India has been experiencing a booming economy and its growing middle class is projected to reach 550 million by the year 2025 (Varma, 1999). This is fertile ground for breeding neoliberal consumerism which has infused urban India with lifestyle images, behaviours, expressions, and consumer goods from the ‘West'. In urban homes and social environments children have increasingly become exposed to Euro-American lifestyles and world-views through the ‘Western occupation' of cyberspace. Instead of the imperialistic colonization of the past, technologically advanced nations have now established economic and commercial colonies. As was the case in colonialism, this neocolonialism also works to facilitate in the Indian mind-set the creation of a new worldview that is replete with images, words, and meanings from the current ‘Western' vantage point. Today, several television shows and commercials in India are almost exact replicas of their American and British counterparts, promoting the language and lifestyles of the ‘West'. As a result of globalization English is widely being perceived as the language of global success, and there is a rapidly increasing popular demand for English to be taught in schools across South Asia (Gupta, 2012, 2014). One of the main reasons for the rapid mushrooming of private schools is because of their claim to use English as the language of instruction as opposed to regional languages used in government schools. This, along with a bit more teacher accountability, the use of ‘Western' curricula, and smaller class sizes is why even the very poor families are opting to send their children to private schools, even if it means they have to take on long working hours and/or incur heavy debts (Tooley, 2009).
A direct impact of the tensions between global and local can be seen in the sphere of values education. The affluence that has seeped into some sections of Indian society, as a result of the economic and commercial effects of globalization, has also placed a new value on individualization and material success that sometimes contradicts the traditional values of group-orientation, age veneration and spiritual development. This tension has crept into teachers’ beliefs and pedagogy because in their perception the teaching of values and human virtues has frequently been one of the primary, albeit tacit, goals of education for young children in India (Gupta, 2006/2013).
A palpable frustration could be heard in the voices of early childhood teachers in India in recent years as they shared some of their thoughts on the kinds of habits and lifestyles young children had begun to develop lately (Gupta, 2008): the negative influences of ‘Western' junk food (pizzas, burgers and fries being the main culprits); television shows; increasing brand consciousness (Nike, Reebok, and Adidas now giving way to even pricier designers as the Indian market opens up even more); and sedentary habits as children give up active outdoor play in favour of watching television, playing electronic games on a computer screen and occupying themselves with cell phones and iPads. Several teachers expressed that the values of materialism and consumerism of the capitalist ‘West' were replacing the more traditional values like caring and doing for family. Their challenge and hope was to balance the two. One teacher pointed out that ‘children are getting attracted to a kind of world to which they actually don’t belong. They try to copy that culture and parents are pressurized in this whole process'. Another teacher shared her own challenge: ‘We do our best to incorporate all the positive aspects [of these influences] and integrate it in our system, and try to balance other things by [teaching] them values such as differences between needs and wants, meditation, yoga, etc.'
Challenges of widening cultural diversity in classrooms
The enforcement of the Right to Education Act in 2010 has required schools to reserve 25% of their enrolment spots for children who belong to the Economically Weaker Categories (EWC). A sudden expansion in the range of socio-cultural-economic diversity within classrooms of private schools in particular, has brought into close juxtaposition children from economically advantaged and disadvantaged classes. This has led to an unfamiliar interfacing between what Balagopalan calls a ‘privileged bourgeois western childhood' and the local ‘indigenous childhood' (Balagopalan, 2010). Neither children nor teachers are conversant with the processes of teaching and learning in the face of such socio-cultural-economic diversity within the formal environment of a classroom. During recent interviews with teachers some of the issues that have emerged in the classrooms include: 1) use of language: teachers in private schools with English as a language of instruction are hindered as many children now are not at all familiar with the English language, and teachers are untrained to teach in local languages or to teach English to speakers of other languages; 2) health and hygiene: many children live in slums with limited water and electricity supply, and are unable to maintain daily hygiene and thus get marginalized by the other children because they ‘smell'; 3) lifestyle differences: most children from the slums are excluded from groups and cliques formed by the more affluent children whose play is dominated by talk about iPads and vacations abroad; 4) social codes of conduct: teachers find themselves trying to help the poorer children unlearn their social and emotional behaviours that are deemed ‘inappropriate' by the standards of the more affluent middle class society; and 5) parent education: teachers and administrators are expected to support parents from both ends of the socio-economic spectrum with their concerns, and help them to understand the others’ perspectives and challenges.
Challenges of new learner-centred pedagogy
Since the early 1990s, the field of early education has been impacted by the wide-spread ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and Education for All. The approach of world organizations such as The World Bank, IMF and the UN that sponsor early childhood care and education in South Asia has been closely defined by a child development discourse rooted in American research on neuroscience, behavioural science and developmentally appropriate practice which is based on the individual nature of the child (Gupta, 2012).This dominant discourse stresses a future-oriented rationality that views the child as human capital in the making (Dahlberg and Moss, 2008). These events have certainly influenced the revisions made to policy documents in India. The recent version of the Position Paper of the National Focus Group on Early Childhood Education (NCERT) lists the following markers to emphasize the shift from a traditional teacher-directed approach toward a child-centred approach in early childhood education: developmentally appropriate, activity based, related to child’s needs, interests, abilities; integrated set of experiences to foster holistic growth in all developmental domains; flexible enough to meet the diverse social, cultural, economic, linguistic contexts of India; flexible enough to cater to individual differences between children; and able to help child adjust to routines and demands of formal teaching of primary school (NCERT, 2006).
It is acknowledged that, historically speaking, valuing the child’s social and emotional development has not been exclusively a ‘Western' concept, and child-centred views have been supported within many culturally diverse world-views. In India, the importance of recognizing and nurturing each phase in children’s socio-cultural development, and placing the young child in an exalted position, as a being that is to be nurtured and loved, has been specified in ancient Indian texts (Gupta, 2006/2013); and a child-centred educational approach has been promoted by several Indian educational philosophers in the past such as Tagore, Krishnamurti, Gandhi, Gijubhai Badheka and Tarabai Modak (Gupta, 2011). However, this cultural view has not necessarily translated into a child-centred approach in India’s national educational discourse and in mainstream systems of schooling. This is particularly true of many formerly colonized countries, such as India, where education and schooling has been profoundly shaped by European influences that were rooted in a different worldview and held a different view of the child. So the pedagogical recommendations urged by NCF 2005 cannot be readily and easily implemented in practice when the national system has been for centuries driven by academic rigour.
Consequently, in most classrooms the policy recommendations for a more child-centred approach are often being given mere lip-service (Gupta, 2014). The new curriculum framework to make learning more play-based is often interpreted by most teachers and administrators as making learning experiences in the classroom more activity-based. But an activity-based curriculum could still be teacher-directed. As Graue explains, ‘what counts as play in many classrooms are highly controlled centers that focus on particular content labeled as ‘choice’ but that are really directed at capturing a specific content-based learning experience, such as number bingo or retelling a story exactly as the teacher told it on a flannel board….' as contrasted with a project-approach that is a research-based inquiry determined by questions initiated by the children (Graue, 2011: 15).
The findings of Gupta (2014) showed that several public and private early childhood classrooms across South Asia were attempting a shift toward a progressive learner-centred play-based pedagogy, but the shift was manifest mostly in the physical environment of classrooms displaying colourful children’s work. The teaching strategies, adult–child interactions, roles and responsibility of teacher, large class sizes, and curricular standards still reflected a distinct hierarchy and teacher-centeredness (Gupta, 2014). This was more apparent in the public sphere, whereas in many urban private schools early childhood teachers seem to have been exposed to examples of progressive child-centred education through professional development workshops and seminars. Private schools with more resources and lower child–adult ratios also seemed to be more successful in their attempts in balancing an academic teacher-directed pedagogy with a child-centred one.
Thus the globalization of ‘Western' education, that is apparent in many of the curricular and policy changes, has resulted in policy makers being caught between existing educational legacies within their own countries and the increasing demands of rapid globalization (Crossley and Tikly, 2004).
Acknowledging a pedagogy of third space
In order to have a discussion on the third space it is first necessary to believe that it does exist, and to recognize and accept the multiple realities that act within this third space. It requires us to move away from adopting a stance of ‘one right way' and becoming more accepting of thinking and working within grey areas replete with ambiguities. Further, there is a need to tolerate these ambiguities that are created when diverse cultures are brought into close contact as a result of colonialism (Anzaldua, 1999). British colonization of some or most of India stretched over a period of almost three hundred years, resulting in an intimate juxtaposition of Indian and Western ideas and worldviews, and a continuing transaction between the two. Present day neocolonialism is continuing that impact but at a faster rate. The daily lifestyles of people in India are changing much too rapidly with regard to material consumption; but more slowly with regard to mind-set and world-views. Some teachers are seen to navigate the multiple co-existing realities of Indian philosophy and Euro-American pedagogies more easily than others.
Recent policy changes seem to be a ‘forced' implementation, in all public and private schools, of a pedagogy which is based on an educational philosophy that all teachers are not familiar with. This is in contrast to findings from an earlier study in which teachers in some of the more resourceful private early childhood classrooms, who were exposed to regular workshops and staff development seminars, seamlessly and subconsciously implemented a multidimensional curriculum which incorporated three pedagogical and philosophical influences into their teaching practice. But this happened in the absence of the pressures of a formal top-down national policy document. The three discourses came together in a hybrid third space that reflected the same cultural hybridity found in their daily ways of being and thinking: All teachings are interwoven into the overall curriculum rather than in separate compartments. Within one lesson the teacher could teach academics, respect for elders, the importance of conserving electricity and give examples of stories from Indian mythology. The concept of hybridization was summarized in the words of one school principal when she said that teaching children 'is to be done not necessarily through the modes we use like the books and the pencil and the chalk. This can be done by play, by discovery, by experimentations, by -- just being oneself. There is so much inside each individual which the Indian philosophy emphasizes…'(Gupta, 2013: 175).
Urban India presents a very competitive educational climate, and the high academic standards exert tremendous pressure on students and teachers to produce high academic results. These attitudes prevail even at the early childhood grade levels. The critical finding in the initial study seemed to highlight that some urban private school teachers recognized the importance of working with the prescribed academic syllabus under the given system, and helped students to develop the skills required to succeed in the competitive environment. But the same teachers also recognized the importance of teaching holistically to ensure the social, emotional and moral development of the ‘whole child'. Teachers also seemed to have the autonomy to somewhat implement a more informal curriculum parallel to the rigid academic curriculum, to address issues regarding values, good attitudes, environmental protection and diversity. What was striking was not the evidence of three different ideological influences in the early childhood curriculum, but the unspoken recognition by the teachers of this ‘third' space in pedagogy – that certain aspects of diverse pedagogical approaches had a definite place in their classrooms and contributed to the success of the child’s overall educational experience: There seemed to exist a porous membrane around the concept of early childhood curriculum whereby ideas transcending diverse times and cultures could be selectively assimilated; and amoeba-like, the shape of the curriculum could shift to adapt to a specific educational goals. The curriculum was neither purely academic nor child-centred, but presented an early childhood knowledge base that had been socially constructed within a specific historical, political and values context. (Gupta, 2013: 177).
The early childhood teachers in urban India who participated in this research were observed to negotiate a balance between tradition and modernism, and the balance between the Indian, colonial, and postcolonial elements in their practice. A hybrid, ‘third space' classroom practice seemed to have been created as a result of the mix of different discourses, defied definition within the context of ‘Western' early childhood education, and could only be ‘understood within the locus of intersecting and evolving values and beliefs that profoundly influence daily life inside and outside the Indian classroom' (Gupta, 2013: 177).
The debate about an academic versus child-centred pedagogy and curriculum has been on-going for a long time and remains unresolved. Educators have to stop feeling compelled to side with one particular approach, and begin to acknowledge the fact that both experiences are equally important. Educators have to begin to feel comfortable with pedagogical hybridity, and the notion of a pedagogy of third space. Even in this age of globalization there can be no one ‘appropriate' and universal early childhood pedagogy for all children everywhere at all times. Policy makers need to conceptualize an integrated curriculum as developing out of the expectations, aspirations and struggles of those who are experiencing the curriculum most intimately, and who now reflect a diverse range of socio-cultural-economic backgrounds and worldviews.
As local cultures evolve under global influences respective school systems also witness a simultaneous evolution. The emergence of a hybrid space in pedagogy will reflect established practices, as well as newly borrowed ideas in educational philosophies, pedagogies, and curriculum. If earlier the educational discourse and prescribed curriculum in India was predominantly reflective of British colonialism, today the prescribed curriculum may reflect a predominance of the child development discourse of progressive education. But embedded within a prescribed curriculum that is based on a developmental perspective, the socio-cultural ideas of the local Indian philosophy will continue to be transmitted by way of the hidden curriculum, and the socio-cultural-spiritual leanings of teachers. The tenets and ideals of this newly hybrid discourse will be rooted in cultural beliefs both local and global, and this will, no doubt, often create ideological conflict. But, in fact, it may be rightly assumed that it is in this hybrid space that the concept of cultural relevance is situated.
Conclusion: start with teacher education
A necessary first step to facilitate and support this pedagogy of third space would be to create a teacher education curriculum that reflects this approach where teachers are guided and prepared in diverse ways of teaching and learning. An earlier study urged a redesigned teacher education curriculum in India to be developed within a postcolonial framework which would incorporate both local and global ideas (Gupta, 2006: 221–222): I wish to make a strong recommendation for revising courses of teacher preparation in India. The developmental theories from the Western discourse already included can be updated, with careful consideration given to a discussion of how these theories originated and evolved from over-arching philosophical worldviews and the specific needs of societies in Europe and the US. At the same time, a similar approach may be used in the presentation of the history and philosophy of Indian educational ideas and beliefs. A clear explanation must be provided about the parallels and contradictions between Indian and Western world-views on the relationships between education, values and social issues both in India and the West; the relationships between daily life, aims of education and the overarching value system of a society; relationships between local child rearing practices and early education; the cultural constructions of children and childhood, of teachers and teaching; ways of knowing and understanding using the local discourse, and so forth…This model of teacher education in India will not only enable teachers to better understand and name their own and their students’ world-views and help them recognize their own cultural values and biases (McAllister and Irvine, 2000), but also ease the tensions that the teachers face in their struggles to balance Indian and Western world-views in their classrooms. The political context of teacher education must be able to address 1) socio-cultural realities in schools to which teachers are required to be morally and pedagogically responsive, and 2) federally mandated educational policies, including tests and examinations to which teachers must be legally responsive. Teacher education must therefore develop not only technical competence and knowledge of subject matter but also sociocultural competence in teachers (Moll and Arnot-Hopffer, 2005).
In order to address the more immediate challenges that emanate from the forces of globalization and neoliberalism that are bearing down on schools and society in India, it seems even more critical to: prepare teacher candidates in a theory and practice that is informed by diverse pedagogical ideas; engage teacher candidates with the ideas of social justice; create an awareness in teacher candidates of the implications of neoliberalism; emphasize diversity training and multicultural education in teacher preparation; and prepare teacher candidates to recognize the space and moment when a dominant discourse of education begins to ‘colonize' a more marginalized one (Gupta, 2012). The resulting hybrid pedagogy may very well be the option, such that ‘practitioners with local problems and home grown solutions need not be marginalized in the international academic discourse' (Lim and Lum, 2012: 125). As an alternative to current teacher education theories this pedagogy of third space would actively acknowledge the co-existing realities of both Indian and ‘Western' educational ideas within the flows of global forces, leading to more empowered teaching at the local level.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.