The habitus of activism: How European students engage with social change

Abstract

Across Europe many young people are turning to activism to express their socio-political desires. Using Bourdieu’s theory of habitus, understood as a system of dispositions toward specific practices and a basis for certain modes of behaviour; this study examines young people’s perceptions of activism in three European settings. Based on thematic analysis of 83 discussion groups conducted with secondary school students in Italy, Germany, and Poland, we seek to understand whether and in what ways activism is embedded within young people’s habitus and how variations in national European contexts influence activist habitus among European youth. Our findings show how activism has become increasingly seen as a normalised and accessible practice embedded in youth daily life; and reframes youth activism as a lasting, embedded aspect of youth identity and behaviour rather than a temporary response to immediate crisis.

Introduction

Activism, once confined to niche groups, has increasingly entered mainstream political arenas, becoming a recognised and influential component of public discourse (van den Elzen, 2024). This trend is evident in studies on social movements and activists engaging with the European Union’s (EU) politics (Oleart and Weisskircher, 2025) and visible in the rise of movement parties, which bridge protest and electoral participation in response to the widespread public discontent within the EU (Borbáth and Paxton, 2025). Moreover, the European socio-political landscape also presents a complex picture of youth engagement, characterised by a shift from traditional political activities toward alternative forms of civic participation (Ross, 2021). Young people increasingly engage in protests, social media campaigns, and other actions addressing pressing social, environmental, or political issues (Earl et al., 2017). Notable examples include climate activism such as Fridays for Future (Wallis and Loy, 2021), racial justice campaigns under the hashtag Black Lives Matter (Beaman et al., 2023), and more recently, the Free Palestine movement (Buheji, 2024). We also need to recognise far-right YA, visible in groups such as The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik) attracting principally teenage boys (Pirro and Róna, 2019); the rise of far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) in Germany (Yemini and Bauer, 2026); as well as youth in pro-governmental organisations in authoritarian regimes, such as Nashi in Russia and BRYU in Belarus (Lassila, 2011; Silvan, 2020).

Research suggests that youth activism (YA) is not limited to large-scale political protests and movements but rather encompasses a wider scope of activities ranging from everyday acts to organised campaigns, and so blending routine practices with political expressions that challenge traditional narratives of youth apathy (Bruselius-Jensen, 2024; Wright and McLeod, 2023).

Habitus, as defined by Bourdieu (1990a), is a system of dispositions toward particular practices and a basis for certain modes of behaviour. It is embodied and internalised within one’s cognitive frameworks in relation to one’s structures (field) and resources (capital), thus shaping one’s practices and perceptions according to their structural positions. The field can be seen as a space of possibles, linking objectives and prospects, which are interpreted and acted upon by the habitus (Bourdieu, 1993). Developed through one’s socialisation within specific fields, habitus functions as both a structured and structuring force (Hurrelmann and Bauer, 2017), meaning that individuals both shape and are shaped by their habitus.

Research on social movements has explored the applicability of Bourdieu’s concept of habitus to social movements (Husu, 2013). Given that activism has become a highly visible youth phenomenon, this article investigates how the habitus of young people interacts with the current prominence of YA. We also explore how this phenomenon varies across different national contexts in Europe, as young people may exhibit diverse perceptions of activism influenced by the historical, cultural, or political contexts of their countries. For instance, while German youth demonstrate increasing political interest, in certain regions they are drawn toward right-wing populism (Küpper et al., 2023). In Poland, restrictive educational reforms have prompted young people to turn to grassroots movements to voice their concerns (Kuleta-Hulboj and Aleksiak, 2021). In Italy, economic precarity and high youth unemployment contribute to political disillusionment and lower participation in party politics, yet new forms of activism offer pathways for young people’s engagement (Pitti and Luigi, 2021). By investigating young people’s perceptions of activism in three European settings, this study seeks to understand whether and in what ways activism is embedded within young people’s habitus in various European contexts.

Youth activism

Although YA lacks a precise definition, it is generally recognised as a proactive involvement of younger generations in identifying and challenging inequities, reshaping societal narratives, or initiating grassroots efforts to bring about tangible change (Chang and Gamez, 2022). Diemer et al. (2021) observed that YA not only fosters a sense of agency but also equips young people with skills to navigate social structures to create meaningful change. YA encompasses a wide range of issues and includes both large-scale, organised efforts, such as protests, as well as smaller, everyday initiatives aimed at driving change within local communities (Wright and McLeod, 2023). Nevertheless, much of the existing research on activism emphasises young people’s roles in social movements (Earl et al., 2017; Taft and Gordon, 2013), climate change activism (Bowman, 2019; Fisher and Nasrin, 2021; Neas, 2023) and online activism (Keating and Melis, 2017; Piat, 2019). Moreover, much of the literature has focused on more visible forms of activism, such as protests or demonstrations, positioning activism as a response to immediate crises, such as climate change, social inequality, or political unrest; and as such, framing activism as a reactive short-term response to specific socio-political problems rather than an integrated and enduring part of young people’s identities (Feinberg et al., 2020; Kennelly, 2011).

This scholarly focus on the fleeting nature of YA often overlooks its more subtle and everyday expressions. Firstly, diverse or less visible forms of participation, such as community work or daily actions, play an essential but underappreciated role in young people’s political involvement (Bosco, 2010; Nolas, 2015). While these actions may not receive widespread attention, they are equally influential in shaping youth’s political dynamics (McGee and Pelham, 2017). Secondly, Bruselius-Jensen (2024) emphasises that European youth often engage in activism as “everyday makers”, blending routine practices with political expressions, including their purchasing and lifestyle choices and behaviours. This approach, drawn from the concept of lived citizenship (Kallio et al., 2020; Walsh et al., 2017; Wood, 2012), presents citizenship as “experienced and enacted in various real-life contexts” (Kallio et al., 2020: 2). It highlights the importance of understanding youths’ lived, context-specific experiences of engagement, and the nature of their democratic participation and actions (Walsh et al., 2017). For example, by recognising a more inclusive way in which young people experience citizenship, Wood’s (2012) research showed how young people conceptualise and practice their citizenship through everyday actions, such as through recycling, choosing active transport, or by coaching a sports team in their community. These everyday forms of activism play a crucial role in shaping young people’s approach to civic engagement. With both, political participation and protest being a much less common form of youth participation, everyday actions and interactions allow young people to contribute to political change, both within their communities and across the wider society.

Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of habitus

Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus, field and capital have been applied in studies of social movements (Alam et al., 2019; Crossley, 2003; Haluza-DeLay, 2008; Husu, 2013); however, less so in relation to youth activism (Alexander et al., 2022; Bessant et al., 2020).

In Bourdieu’s (1990a) theoretical framework (p. 53), habitus is described as:

systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to function as structuring structures, that is, as principles which generate and organise practices and representations that can be objectively adapted to their outcomes without presupposing a conscious aiming at ends or an express mastery of the operations necessary in order to attain them.

Habitus refers to an acquired set of dispositions shaped by accumulated knowledge and experience, as well as by ongoing interactions with social structures and the practices of others, through which individuals engage with and interpret the social world. It functions as a set of “structures of perception, conception and action” (Bourdieu, 2002: 27) that orient one’s responses to situations. Habitus is always formed and enacted within a field, a structured social space that is inherently relational and defined by regulative principles that are continually contested through struggles over valued resources and legitimate participation (Edgerton and Roberts, 2014). The resources are explained by Bourdieu’s concept of capital, which one can access in three forms: economic, cultural and social. Economic capital relates to various forms of financial assets; social capital relates to advantages gained through networking within available social circles; while, cultural capital refers to cultural opportunities, knowledge, and education (Alexander et al., 2022), as well as dispositions such as competencies, styles of expression, and tastes (Lareau and Weininger, 2003; Husu, 2013). Taken together, these three concepts direct one’s practice.

Habitus operates simultaneously as a “structured structure” and a “structuring structure” (Edgerton and Roberts, 2014: 198), meaning that the function of habitus cannot be reduced to the mechanical reproduction of previously acquired patterns of thought and action. Instead, new practices emerge as power relations within fields are dynamic, particularly “in situations of crisis which disrupt the immediate adjustment of habitus to field” (Bourdieu, 1990b: 108).

The limited volume of economic, cultural, and social capital available to many young people, combined with the embedded age-based hierarchies, limits youth agency within the political field (Crossley, 2003; Husu, 2013). Moreover, as a result of the belief that conventional political actors are failing to respond adequately to their concerns, young people may decide to assume responsibility for political engagement themselves, through intentional and non-traditional modes of participation (Pickard, 2022). Pickard (2022) refers to this phenomenon as Do-it-ourselves (DIO) politics. Over time, such actions may become enduring political dispositions. As Crossley (2003) suggests, sustained disposition toward activism can influence one’s choices, lifestyles, and everyday practices, leading to activism becoming one’s internalised and normalised habitus.

The European context

Literature suggests the perception of activism varies significantly across Europe, shaped by the historical and political contexts of different regions (Elerian et al., 2025). Research by Flesher Fominaya (2016) among young Western European activists revealed that despite trends towards Europeanisation, activism in Europe remains diverse and varied, rooted in specific locations. For example, Chironi et al. (2024) found that regions heavily impacted by socio-economic crises have seen a rise in intermittent forms of activism. In contrast, Nordic youth maintain high trust in authorities and strong support for democratic systems. They engage in everyday political discussions but are less involved in protests (Bruselius-Jensen, 2024). In this article we will examine case studies from Germany, Poland, and Italy to further explore the contextual dynamics within the European realm.

In Germany, social inequality remains persistently reproduced, contributing over the past two decades to widening disparities in education and health, and resulting in a growing cohort of young people experiencing poverty (Moor et al., 2024; Wohlkinger and Ditton, 2023). Moreover, the increasing unaffordability of housing, the immigration issues Germany has been facing since the 2010s, and the recent global insecurities such as the climate crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic (Grimm et al., 2019) have created a constellation of structural and personal challenges for youth, fostering a persistent sense of uncertainty regarding their future economic and social life trajectories. A recent study by Schnetzer et al. (2023), “Youth in Germany”, found that, due to the aforementioned pressures, Germans aged 14–29 experience higher levels of psychological stress than older age groups, and their life satisfaction has declined steadily over the past years. Exacerbating these socio-economic and cultural challenges is the growing influence of far-right political parties, such as the Alternative for Germany (AfD) that frequently exploits economic insecurities and anxieties surrounding immigration, thereby deepening societal polarisation. While interest in political issues among young people has increased markedly over the past two decades, with 55% of youth expressing political interest in 2022, up from 34% in 2002 (Shell Deutschland, 2025), this heightened engagement has been accompanied by a notable shift toward right-wing populism. In the 2024 European elections, AfD secured 16% of the vote among 16–24-year-olds, an increase of 11 percentage points from 2019. Empirical studies indicate that pathways to anti-democratic radicalisation often involve belief in conspiracy theories, populist and ethnonationalist-authoritarian attitudes, and even support for political violence (Küpper et al., 2023). Contributing factors include family socialisation, peer influence, digital media, and violent youth subcultures (Milbradt et al., 2022). Youth perceptions of activism in Germany further reveal limitations in their global engagement. Data from our previous work (Yemini and Bauer, 2026) reveal that German students often view activism narrowly, associating it with local concerns and distancing themselves from populations outside the Global North. Their interpretation of global citizenship focuses more on disparities than on shared responsibilities, reflecting a limited framework for fostering inclusive, global activism.

In Poland, after coming to power in 2015, the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party implemented reforms aimed at reinforcing traditional, patriotic, and conservative values in Polish society, including neo-conservative approach to educational policy that emphasised Polish traditions, Catholicism, and identity politics (Kuleta-Hulboj, 2020). In addition, legal changes were introduced that curtailed the activities of progressive organisations and in turn shrank the potential civic space for young people (McMahon and Niparko, 2022). These conditions spurred an increase in youth activism (YA) across the country, with nationwide protests addressing COVID-19 restrictions, judicial independence, climate, and restrictive abortion laws (McMahon and Niparko, 2022). In the lead-up to the 2023 parliamentary elections, the NGO Ważne Sprawy (Important Matters) conducted a survey of youth activist groups, finding that their primary concerns included the Polish education system, low civic engagement among youth, political polarisation, social inequalities, and environmental issues (Domarski et al., 2024). The 2023 parliamentary elections represented a pivotal moment for Polish youth, with 68% of eligible voters aged 18–29 participating. Some young activists even ran for parliamentary office, forming part of the largest cohort of young candidates in Polish democratic history. Nevertheless, despite the victory of centrist democratic parties, and the fact that only 14% of voters under 29 supported PiS, concerns about political polarisation persisted, as the far-right Confederation party secured 18% of the youth vote (Markowski, 2024).

“Italy is not a country for young people” (Cuzzocrea et al., 2020: 1) are the opening words of a recent study on youth in Italy. Between 1998 and 2022, the proportion of young people aged 15–35 declined from 16% to 12% of the total population. Young Italians face a range of structural challenges, including rising labour insecurity and prolonged austerity measures. In 2021, youth unemployment stood at 17.9%, nearly double the national average of 9.5%, while 23.1% of young Italians were classified as NEETs (not in education, employment, or training). Graduate out-migration increased by 281% between 2011 and 2021, the gender pay gap persists at 17%, and only 33% of individuals in their 30s hold employment contracts with labour rights protections (CNG-AIG-Eures, 2024). Economic precarity, combined with declining political participation, has contributed to growing disillusionment among young Italians toward party politics. Youth electoral participation fell from 30.4% in 2002 to a historic low of 21.9% in 2022 (CNG-AIG-Eures, 2024). While engagement in traditional political activities, such as voting, party membership, is comparatively lower than among peers in many other countries, young Italians are increasingly adopting alternative and unconventional forms of political and social participation. Furthermore, 21% of Italians aged 18–34 voted for the right-wing Brothers of Italy party in the European elections in 2024 (Il Messaggero, 2024).

Prominent examples of YA in Italy address a wide array of issues, including anti-austerity initiatives that create new forms of mutual aid (Lo Schiavo, 2023), environmental movements (Belotti et al., 2022), migrant youth rights (Riniolo and Ortensi, 2021), and gender justice (Salvatori, 2022). At the same time, Italy records some of the highest levels of populist support in Western Europe, with far-right parties such as Lega gaining traction by mobilising concerns over immigration and national sovereignty (Vercesi, 2021).

While we can observe some similarities across the three case studies, such as the presence of climate activism, as well as growing support of far-right movements, each case study also has its unique factors related to the country’s political and economic situation. In Germany, socio-economic inequality contributes to youths’ disappointment and insecurity about their future. In Poland, youth is concerned about civil rights restrictions under the right-wing government. In Italy, youth experience high unemployment/NEET rates, graduate out-migration, and diverse social issues including gender justice and migrant rights. Taken together, these national case studies underscore the importance of examining the interplay between structural constraints and individual agency in shaping youth political engagement. They also raise broader questions about how the normalisation of activism manifests differently across cultural and political contexts.

Method

In this section we present our research methodology including the rationale, sampling, data collection, and analysis. This section is divided into following subsections: the Discussion Group (DG) method, data analysis, ethical considerations, and limitations of the study.

The discussion group (DG) method

This study employs a qualitative research methodology based on small discussion groups (DGs). This method is similar to traditional focus groups but offers a distinct and more open form of engagement. Researchers introduce broad topics but avoid directing the discussion, aiming to reduce the imposition of external interpretations or frameworks. DG method is designed to create a participant-driven environment that highlights the experiences and viewpoints of young people through open-ended and flexible dialogue, allowing participants to share their thoughts using their own language and cultural references (Bohnsack and Schäffer, 2001).

The goal we wanted to achieve through the DG method in this study, is a provision of space where young people openly discuss topics related to activism. To achieve that, we created a DG guide covering topics of activism, global issues such as human rights and climate change, and the debate about the role of schools in educating for activism and global citizenship. However, as research suggests, engaging school-aged youth, who are accustomed to closed, knowledge-testing questions from adults – can be challenging (Ross, 2021). To address this, we included prompt questions that encouraged discussion without implying a “correct” answer. At the same time, we were careful to avoid leading questions and accepted all responses as valid, without expecting every participant to answer every question (Gugglberger et al., 2015; Ross, 2021). Participants were informed that the facilitator would act as a quiet observer, ensuring there were no “right or wrong” responses. This approach fostered a comfortable environment for discussing significant issues and sharing views.

Data collection occurred between October 2023 and July 2024. After required permissions to conduct the study in each country were obtained, we invited principals and teachers to facilitate participation. We recruited participants aged 14 to 20 years by contacting a variety of schools in each country. Schools were selected from diverse socio-economic contexts in varied geographical areas, including urban and rural settings. We also included different types of schools (state, private, language, technical, etc.). When some schools declined, alternative schools with similar socio-economic profiles were approached. A detailed description of sampling procedures in each country is available in Appendix 1. The number of DGs in each country adhered to the principle of saturation: Germany (25 DGs), Italy (23 DGs), and Poland (30 DGs). Each DG consisted of 4–8 participants and lasted between 30 and 60 minutes. All DGs were conducted in participants’ native languages. Upon transcription the data were carefully translated into English to enable accurate cross-country analysis.

Data analysis

The data were analysed using the principles of thematic analysis, acknowledging the subjective experiences and interpretations of the student participants. This approach prioritises the meanings and experiences of the students involved, fostering a deeper understanding of how young people perceive and engage with activism. We conducted separate thematic analyses for each country’s dataset following Braun and Clarke’s (2022) methodology. The analysis began with predetermined themes and codes designed collaboratively by the authors but also identified new themes that emerged from a thorough examination of the transcripts. The final codes were both data-driven and theory-driven, and to ensure credibility, they were reviewed by co-authors (Creswell, 2009). After analysing each country’s data separately, we integrated the findings for a final comprehensive analysis.

Ethical considerations

Ethical approval was obtained from relevant institutions in each country before the study commenced. We provided consent forms detailing the research aims and participants’ roles. At the beginning of each DG, participants were reminded of their anonymity, voluntary participation, the recording process, and their right to withdraw at any time. All identifying information was removed from the transcripts. The data collected were used solely for research purposes and securely stored, with participant anonymity respected throughout.

Limitations of the study

Although the study sought to include participants from diverse locations, the sample does not necessarily reflect the full range of youth experiences and is more indicative of the specific regions and populations studied. In addition, the voluntary basis of participation may have resulted in self-selection bias, with students who chose to participate potentially demonstrating a greater interest in global issues than their peers. Finally, despite efforts to create a supportive and open discussion environment, the presence of researchers may have influenced participants’ responses.

Findings

We first explore the formation and embodiment of activist habitus among young people and then analyse whether different national political fields across Europe condition this habitus.

Youth activism as habitus

Our analysis revealed that for students across Germany, Poland, and Italy, activism functions as a natural extension of their values and beliefs, reflecting Bourdieu’s concept of habitus as a system of dispositions, which in turn shapes how they engage with the social world. One Italian student articulates this clearly: “I call myself an activist of myself, because I firmly carry out my ideas and my thoughts” (Julia, Italy). This demonstrates how activism becomes a mindset aligned with one’s identity. The existence of activist habitus among young people is evident in their internalised understanding of activism, encompassing both personal development and peer-level engagement illustrating the structuring role of that habitus. As one Polish student noted: “it is not just about actions; even the willingness to educate oneself on a topic [. . .] that too is a form of entering into a smaller point of being an activist” (Gosia, Poland). For many students, activism is co-constructed through interaction, where peer discussions and shared meanings shape how dispositions are expressed: “an activist is simply a person who has an idea and talks about that idea with others by discussing it. To me this here is the purest activism that can exist” (Carla, Italy). These internal dispositions guide practice: “even small actions like arguing against racism or discrimination count as activism” (Ben, Germany). These examples highlight how habitus mediates the ongoing negotiation between personal integrity and engagement with the political field: “activism is a fundamental part of every person’s life. . . because it is the way in which actually a citizen can be part of, not just a political system, but a social system” (Marco, Italy). Reflecting on habitus as formed by prior experiences as well as guiding present and future actions, across all three countries, students emphasised that activism is embedded in routines and everyday practices, aligning personal convictions with habitual behaviours. As one German student observed: “I think what we can all attribute a little bit to ourselves, I think it is at least the private activism in everyday life” (Greg, Germany). Similarly, an Italian student reflected: “The activist can also be the one who, for example, does not throw the paper on the ground but throws it in the trash can. So yes, I consider myself an activist in a sense” (Rino, Italy). This reflects the naturalisation of activist practices within habitus, making such behaviours feel self-evident and intuitive. A Polish student reinforced this point: “Activism is not just about going to big strikes and participating in large events, but simply living according to your values and beliefs daily” (Zosia, Poland).

School experiences further illustrate how habitus develops over time through socialisation. Many students identified school-based activities, such as fundraising and volunteering, as forms of activism: “At school we used to organise clubs or projects, we went into town once and collected money for children in Peru or Ecuador” (Ula, Germany) and “For the community, it is more within the school group or for the city. . . I participated in a volunteer activity aimed at raising money for candles, flowers, and cleaning graves” (Mateusz, Poland). In Italy, students described a progression from primary to secondary school, where early exposure to topics like human rights, the Holocaust, and anti-racism formed foundational dispositions that later manifested in activism projects:

I remember that in 4th and 5th grade we talked about the Shoa (Holocaust), also about racism and fascism, because it was the first time they told us these things, so they wanted us to understand the meaning and that is where we started. [. . .] But then in high school we took up all these topics again with projects like Green It Up and with NGOs. . . Even when there was the Giulia episode (Cecchettin ed.) and we talked a lot about gender equality (Giuseppe, Italy).

Our results showed that across the countries we studied young people have an internalised and often personal understanding of activism, seeing it as something that shapes everyday practices and interactions with broader social structures, demonstrating how youth actively negotiate their roles as both social and political agents.

Youth activism in field

For Bourdieu, fields are sites of ongoing struggle in which agents seek to maintain or improve their positions, and the social world is both the product and stake of symbolic struggles over recognition. Although Bourdieu wrote little directly about youth or activism, recent interpretations of his work highlight age as a power-laden relational category, producing tensions between younger and older generations (Bessant et al., 2020). The connection between youth activism and Bourdieu’s concept of field is evident in how students across Poland, Italy, and Germany navigate and challenge generational and systemic power dynamics. They engage as agents striving to reshape societal norms, policies, and power structures that disproportionately reflect the priorities of older generations. Youth across the three countries revealed a shared frustration with political systems that marginalise their voices. As a German student noted, “Many young people get involved because they are not heard. . . the power lies with the older generations” (Ula, Germany). Activism, therefore, becomes a means of contesting this asymmetry, asserting agency, and seeking recognition: youth activism is their form of communication with politicians: “we pupils, what can we do for them, for the politicians [. . .] how do we get to these politicians? So for me, when I think about it, it is so far away, there is such a border between, how am I supposed to explain my problems or what bothers me to them?” (Greg, Germany). Activism, as one Polish student said: “is also a way to fight against imposed or hasty generational mistakes” (Pawel, Poland). These acts of resistance highlight how YA is both shaped by, and directed against, the dominant societal structures. Activism becomes a strategy for youth to assert presence within the broader societal and political field: “Everything is politics! You cannot separate politics from the rest of the world” (Giuseppe, Italy). Yet, students also felt that politicians do not listen to them due to their age, and echoed disappointment that activism as form of communication is not being acknowledged: “I think politicians should generally be more interested in activism. In this whole Fridays for Future case, there are classes that have even taken to the streets every Friday and whole crowds and have not taken an interest in it” (Kaja, Germany).

Global concerns

Students in all three countries see environmental activism as a commitment beyond personal or locally focused interest, framing it as an ethical engagement with global concerns: “I would also have said that if you simply show solidarity publicly on some issue. So it does not always have to be climate change, it can also be about racism or wars, but the most popular thing is always climate change” (Ali, Germany). One Italian student articulated that: “It is about caring about everyone’s problems, not only thinking about where one lives but really thinking globally” (Maria, Italy). Figures like Greta Thunberg embody the normative practices of environmental activism; one Polish student linked their understanding of environmental activism to Thunberg’s initiatives, saying: “I associate it with all those strikes, especially a few years ago. . . meetings with various political figures in different countries around the world. That somehow reminds me of global activism” (Lukasz, Poland).

Kasper (2009) introduced the notion of Eco-habitus where people internalise ecological practice beyond activist movements, Eco-habitus then becomes embedded within their individual’s habitus across multiple fields, recognising that their capacity to act operates at both personal and collective levels. In Germany, environmental activism is seamlessly woven into daily life through practices like recycling, vegetarianism, and participating in Fridays for Future demonstrations. A student explained: “I am a vegetarian. . . and I make sure that I primarily use recyclable things” (Karl, Germany). Environmental issues and the related activism offer young people opportunities for systemic change and encourages young people to act in ways aligned with addressing global challenges.

Local realities

While environmental activism operates in a global political field, local activism reflects the immediate necessity to respond in the particular socio-political contexts. Polish students described grassroots efforts in response to the war in neighbouring Ukraine, such as collecting food and supplies for refugees. One student shared: “In my town, when the war started, we made candles for the people fighting, and since there was also a problem with food, we collected food, and later it was taken to Ukraine” (Kasia, Poland). Similarly, another student linked local activism to national concerns, highlighting protests in support of Polish farmers impacted by the influx of Ukrainian grain: “Farmers felt disadvantaged. . . Farmers want to ensure they can sell their produce without devaluing it” (Tomek, Poland). In Italy, local activism reflects a necessity born of systemic injustices. Students frequently cited protests following high-profile cases of femicide like Giulia Cecchettin as an essential response to entrenched gender inequality. One student noted: “After the traumatic event she experienced, Elena Cecchettin, Giulia’s sister decided to speak out. . . on the issue of violence against women” (Kaia, Italy). These socio-political dynamics position activism as an urgent tool for addressing these local challenges: “I play football and at the end of November when there was the day against violence against women . . . We put let’s say lipstick . . . Silence for all women victims of feminicide . . . this even if the small gesture in my opinion has a good influence on this issue” (Tomas, Italy).

In contrast, German students engaged with activism in a manner that reflected a relatively stable political field. This activism was oriented toward the preservation of democratic fundamental values: “Activism is actively campaigning for something, for something you believe in. There was this huge demonstration in [name of city] against the AfD. A lot of people from school were there, I would say. Some of the teachers were there too” (Greg, Germany). Furthermore, electoral participation emerged as a point of concern. As one student explained: “Even now that they can vote from the age of 16 for the first time. A lot of them did not even go to vote because they did not know they were allowed to. Um, which is actually a mistake on the part of our society” (Ela, Germany). Some students described a sense of political disillusionment with peers who say that their vote does not matter, reflecting a tension within the German youth habitus. While democratic engagement is valued, the field’s structures such as insufficient civic education limit the full translation of dispositions into political action. As one student summarised: “We have probably lost so many votes because so many people did not vote. Of course, on the one hand because they did not know that they were allowed to vote [. . .] We now have the challenge” (Greg, Germany). However, German students’ concerns are not driven by immediate necessity: “Everything that could have gone wrong in this election has gone wrong [. . .] we now have to correct somehow. But not for another four years” (Jos, Germany). This indicates that while German students express concern about the ideological direction of national politics and the stability of democratic institutions, their underlying trust in the democratic system remains largely intact.

Conclusion

Our analysis suggests that students in Poland, Italy, and Germany exhibit broadly similar dispositions towards activism, expressed through internal and external dialogue, as well as personal and collective action. Many participants described activism as integral to who they are and how they engage with the world, including their everyday choices being natural expressions of their beliefs. Activism appears embedded within their lived experiences, blending routine practices with political expression (Kallio et al., 2020; Walsh et al., 2017; Wood, 2012; Trott, 2021) making activism their habitus.

Bourdieu’s concept of field helps illuminate the intergenerational power struggles embedded in youth political participation. Contemporary interpretations of his work emphasise age as a power-laden relational category, generating tensions between younger and older generations (Bessant et al., 2020). Across Poland, Italy, and Germany, students’ accounts reveal struggles over recognition and legitimacy within the political field. Participants in all three countries identified age as a factor that undermines their political capital and constrains their agency.

Despite these shared dispositions, notable national differences emerged. While the global aspect, as reflected in environmental activism, was present in all discussion groups across the three countries, young people in Poland and Italy placed significantly more emphasis on the immediate necessity of activism prompted by the social and political circumstances within their countries, such as femicide in Italy and the relevance of Russia-Ukraine war to Poland. In contrast, German students’ activism was more often framed as a response to perceived challenges, including the rise of the far-right movement. While these issues are highly salient, they were generally not experienced by German youth as posing an immediate threat. The habitus of Polish and Italian students reflects a sense of urgency tied to proximate crises, whereas German students’ habitus more often positioned activism as an ongoing commitment to preserving democratic values.

We do not claim that the drivers of YA discussed in this article are exhaustive. Rather, we examine how activism becomes incorporated into young people’s lives as habitus, based on the data collected in this study. We recognise this study’s limitations of voluntary participation and potential self-selection bias. Although far-right positions did not emerge in our discussion groups, we must acknowledge the rise of far-right parties and youth movements across Europe. Anti-democratic radicalisation is often associated with populist and ethnonationalist-authoritarian attitudes (Küpper et al., 2023). We cannot exclude the presence of young people engaged in activism aligned with such ideologies, nor the possibility that these beliefs similarly shape their behaviours and everyday practices, becoming embedded as habitus.

Lastly, we highlight some potential implications for educational practice. Schools can play a crucial role in fostering student agency by providing opportunities for civic engagement, such as through project-based learning, volunteering opportunities, student-led initiatives, and debates. Our study indicates, that additionally, educators should recognise and validate students’ everyday practices as a form of youth activism. Practices such as recycling, using eco-friendly modes of transport, saving resources such as water, or contributing to their community. Recognising more inclusive ways in which young people experience citizenship, plays an important role in shaping young people’s approach to civic engagement (Wood, 2012). Although often undervalued as forms of activism, these practices contribute to and affirm students’ activist habitus and civic agency.