Reflecting on nation image and perceptions of nation brand: Scottish-themed pubs,bars and restaurants outside of Scotland

Abstract

Nation-themed retail, hospitality and entertainment spaces are a valuable yet underutilised resource for the analysis of national stereotypes and dominant brand narratives. When such spaces operate outside the borders of the nation upon which they are themed, they can be interpreted as presenting a ‘stage’ national identity: one that is understood as being unreal, and yet simultaneously hyperreal. This article explores the visual signifiers (e.g. décor, displayed products and promotional materials) and consumption opportunities (e.g. food, drink and cultural events) at 110 Scottish-themed pubs, bars and restaurants located outside of Scotland’s borders. In doing so, it highlights how national historical narratives, symbols and motifs are commercialised by and for people outside that nation, often to the extent that outdated views are perpetuated, stereotypes are exacerbated, and the signifiers of other nations are absorbed and/or hybridised. This has potential impacts inside said nation, too: on the tourism industry, food and drink sector, and on the nation’s ability to attract and retain the interest of outside investment and skilled migrants, among other things. This research thus draws attention to the complex role(s) of nation-themed spaces in overseas settings, particularly in mediating and – in some instances, contradicting – the collective and commercial identities and/or official (government-endorsed) brands of the nation being displayed for consumption.

Introduction: Scotland’s ‘Nation brand’

The nation of Scotland enjoys a relatively strong global profile, thanks in part to movies such as Braveheart (released 1995), the book and television series Outlander, and the romanticised depiction of the Highlands in popular culture. The Scottish diaspora, concentrated in North America and the Antipodes, and totalling an estimated 28 million (Bruce, cited in Basu, 2007: 15) is another factor, serving as an engaged global audience. The existing visibility of Scotland thus presents a significant opportunity to the Scottish Government and tourism and export sectors. As a devolved entity that must defer to the British Government on matters such as foreign affairs and trade, the Scottish Government has turned to ‘soft power’ strategies under the umbrella of ‘nation branding’ and cultural diplomacy to differentiate its economic, political and social ambitions from the rest of the UK (Clarke, 2016: 52-53). Tourism, cultural exchange, and food and drink exports have played a central role in this agenda. This has been particularly important during the Scottish National Party (SNP)-era of government (2007-present), as the SNP has pursued total independence for the nation yet failed to achieve this goal in a 2014 referendum. Concerns over the impacts of independence on Scotland’s economy and global standing were among the issues cited by those who voted to remain in the UK (Clarke, 2020: 396). If the SNP Government holds a second referendum in the future, it will need to convince voters of Scotland’s ability to stand alone internationally. The careful monitoring and management of Scotland’s national brand – the way it is perceived by external actors, including governments, multi-national corporations, investors, non-governmental organisations, tourists and consumers of Scottish products – is thus vital to the Scottish Government’s international ambitions, and to the SNP’s independence agenda.

International perceptions of Scotland have been the subject of research and policy by Scottish authorities since the early 2000s; and the SNP-led Government has monitored the nation’s reputation as part of the National Performance Framework since 2007 (Scottish Government, 2022). The Anholt-Ipsos Nation Brand Index^SM (NBISM) has been the Scottish Government’s preferred instrument for tracking its international profile since 2008–09. The Index compares the global public’s perceptions of 50 countries across six categories: Culture, Exports, Governance, Immigration and Investment, People and Tourism. The NBISM and the overarching concept of ‘nation branding’ have been criticised, however, with doubts raised about the Index’s accuracy and the efficacy of government-led, commercialised (and potentially politicised) branding agendas (Aronczyk, 2018; Browning, 2016). The pre-determined and quite general categories used by surveys like the NBISM leave little room for nuance, and have not been deployed consistently across long periods or large cohorts. Moreover, they do not typically investigate how, when or why respondents have developed their perceptions of the focal nations. Arguably, then, they are only broadly useful for government policy makers, marketers, and tourism organisations, and alternative or complimentary methods for analysing perceptions of a nation’s ‘brand’ are needed.

This article argues that nation-themed spaces that operate outside of the nation – in this instance, Scottish-themed pubs, bars and restaurants – are indicators of global perceptions of said nation’s culture, values and society. Using these spaces, this research investigates what a national ‘brand’ becomes when it is commercialised as an ‘experience’ beyond its borders. It is precisely because such profit-seeking hospitality venues have opted for a nation-specific theme as their point of distinction that they are valuable ‘texts’ for examination. This article considers Scottish-themed spaces, but explorations could be undertaken of any nation (or region) that is the subject of these types of venues. The work of Hudson (2019), O’Mahony, (2009), McGovern (2002) and others regarding the global proliferation of Irish-themed pubs demonstrates the usefulness of adopting nation-themed spaces to investigate national stereotypes and cultural perceptions. This discourse has not contemplated the relationship between such spaces and the nation branding agenda of the home country’s government, however. Moreover, the Irish pub trend differs from that explored in the present article because it was instigated and has been dominated by the Guinness Breweries-affiliated ‘Irish Pub Concept’ as a vehicle for increasing global beverage sales; many Irish-themed pubs have been designed to the homogenised standards established by this ‘Concept’ (Hudson, 2019; Runyan, 2009). This is not the case with Scottish-themed pubs, bars and restaurants, which are fewer in number but are not affiliated with any one corporation or franchise. The ‘Scottishness’ on display in these spaces is unique to each business, leaving room for regional variations, contradictions, and negotiations of identity, and highlighting what Edensor (2002) described as the complex ‘matrix’ of spectacular and banal forms, meanings and symbols that make up a nation’s image.

It is tempting to disregard these external ‘Scottish’ spaces as inauthentic kitsch or cliché, but we would miss an opportunity to observe the commercialisation of Scottishness for Scottishness’s sake. These themed hospitality venues have chosen a national culture for their brand identity, and the patrons of these spaces are buying a ‘Scottish’ experience without travelling to Scotland. There is a commercial imperative to produce a kind of ‘Scottishness’ that passes as ‘authentic’ to consumers. However, and as this article will demonstrate, because these businesses exist outside of Scottish borders, are often helmed by non-Scottish operators, and are popular with non-Scottish patrons, the version of ‘Scotland’ that is on display tells us much about how this nation’s culture and people are perceived globally, and without the intervention of Scottish authorities. Several scholars (Anholt, 2006; Echtner and Ritchie, 1991; Power and Jansson, 2011) have argued that this kind of ‘outsider’ perspective of nation image is more objective than can be obtained from inside the focal nation, and that external actions, connections and attitudes can shape a nation’s image or brand as much as internal practices and policies. Consumers’ perceptions of a nation can influence their purchase and use of commodities with strong connections to said nation; just as perceptions of nation-affiliated commodities can influence broader views of the nation (Power and Jansson, 2011; Hakala et al., 2013). Scottish-themed pubs, bars and restaurants located outside of Scotland showcase ‘Scottish’ products and culture as well as portraying – or, in order to portray – the ‘nation’ itself. This article analyses 110 such spaces, and identifies and describes several recurring thematic expressions of ‘Scottishness’. By taking this approach, the issue of authenticity – of whether these portrayals of Scotland are, in fact, accurate – can be reflected upon, shedding light on the challenges inherent to government nation branding agendas. These spaces reveal, in addition to the more well-known tropes of Scottish culture, a number of alternative or ‘hybrid’ narratives that are used by the venues to communicate ‘Scottishness’ to customers, often in ways contradictory to the Scottish Government’s preferred narrative.

Literature review

This research is framed by several overlapping academic discourses, including theories of nation-, place- and destination-branding/image, as well as the design and function of themed spaces. Intersecting with these realms are broader notions of nationalism and globalisation; theories of ‘authenticity’ (particularly those applied in touristic and consumer spaces); and an extensive literature on Scottish history, culture and identity. Each theoretical strand is intertwined with one or more other strands, such that it is difficult to extricate them for the sake of an orderly review of the literature. A brief overview of the interdisciplinary work concerned with ‘themed space’ and authenticity is instead provided; where relevant, the connections between these discourses and the ideas of ‘brand’ and ‘image’ are further highlighted. Elaboration on specific elements – particularly those which contextualise the Scottish aspects of the research – will be incorporated throughout the article.

The discourse on themed spaces coalesces around the notion of ‘simulacra’ (Baudrillard, 1994), or ‘hyperreal’ ‘absolute fakes’ (Eco, 1998), that are somehow more ‘real’ than the originals they are imitating. This is partially achieved, Baudrillard has suggested (cited in Hudson, 2019: 165), by the accumulation of industrially manufactured atmospherics and ‘folksy knick-knacks’ easily identified as having specific connotations. When concentrated together, they constitute what Hudson describes as a ‘sensory regime’ of ‘assemblages of quintessentially [national] accessories’ (2019: 163). This is, perhaps, an applied version of Edensor’s matrix of national identity, in which the nation is characterised by subtle but frequent (re-)negotiations and (re-)integrations of banal, common symbols and ideas alongside the more ‘elite’ forms of ‘high culture’ (2002). Put simply, by combining a varied, extensive, and/or exaggerated selection of signs that communicate ideas of ‘Scotland’, the intended national theme/identity should be discernible by a wide audience. As Pine and Gilmore (Pine and Gilmore, 1998: 104-105) have noted with regards to the ‘service-scape’, it is necessary to go beyond visual signifiers to create a satisfying, near-immersive themed experience. Since the 1990s, this is an approach that has been championed by the Irish Pub Concept company, which identified the aspects it believed necessary to create an ‘authentic’ Irish pub. As outlined in the company’s guide for franchisees, these ‘authentic’ elements include ‘Irish staff, Irish music, Irish food and drink, Irish pub design, sound management and positive environment’ (Runyan, 2009: 49). The guide elaborates further on these attributes, outlining, for example, five specific sub-types of Irish pubs, including the ‘Victorian Dublin pub’ and ‘Gaelic pub’ models (McGovern, 2002: 83-84). There is no equivalent guide for Scottish-themed spaces, but the hospitality industry is clearly aware of the various facets of design that can enhance consumer experiences within the service-scape. Important to this study is the idea that emerges from this discourse about an ‘authentic’, near-immersive themed space being something that is, to quote Eco, simultaneously ‘completely real’ and ‘completely fake’, in the same way that Disneyland is hyperreal precisely because it ‘makes it clear that within its magical enclosure it is fantasy that is absolutely reproduced’ (Eco, 1998: 6-7, 43).

Questions of authenticity are deeply entrenched in discourses about themed, hyperreal spaces which are often employed in touristic or consumer settings. As academics increasingly turned their attention towards tourism in the 1970s, ‘staged authenticity’ emerged as the dominant theory for understanding the expectations and behaviours of tourists. MacCannell (1973) posited that consumers of ‘experience’ held a notion of the ‘frontstage’ (the ‘faked’ areas that are manufactured and controlled for tourists) and the ‘backstage’; the latter being the zone where the ‘reality’ of places and people could be discerned. Of course, the backstage is also a manufactured space, but theorists argued that it was here that tourists pursued what they regarded as ‘authentic’ versions of places. This perception was subsequently challenged by Urry (1990), Rojek (1997) and others, who pointed to a group they described as ‘post-tourists’. These were postmodern tourist/consumers who were aware that much of the tourist experience was ‘faked’, sanitised, controlled and rendered safe for their benefit. This overlaps with the concepts of simulacra and hyperreality per Baudrillard and Eco. In her analysis of the stereotypical Irish-themed pub, Scully (1997) similarly indicated that the version of national culture on show was a ‘stage identity’: a performance of exaggerated national images and behaviours that everyone – Irish and non-Irish alike – understood on some level as being ‘unreal’. Freed from the constraints of ‘reality’, these depictions of Irishness were instead ‘hyperreal’. This is a phenomenon that Steiner and Reisinger (2006) have equated with offering a kind of ‘existentially’ authentic experience.

The Scottish-themed pubs, bars and restaurants that are the focus of this article can also be understood as hyperreal spaces of staged identity. Patrons know that they are not ‘in Scotland’, but they are willing to temporarily suspend reality for the sake of experience; to ‘pretend’ that they are in a quasi-Scotland (per Beardsworth’s and Bryman’s theory of ‘quasification’ in touristic spaces [Beardsworth’s and Bryman, 1999]). Stereotypes and well-known symbols that serve as a kind of cultural shorthand are an important part of this staged identity, just as they are in global perceptions of a nation’s image or brand – despite the attempts of some authorities to correct what they view as ‘clichéd’ narratives. As Yousaf (2017: 83-84) has noted, nation brands ‘are usually powerful stereotypes, an oversimplification of the reality that is not necessarily bounded by preciseness […]’. These brands ‘tend to reduce complexity by omitting superfluous details and information’, and they persist ‘in the minds of the people for a long time period, even if they no longer remain valid’ (ibid.). Indeed, Anholt argues that it is vital for governments to acknowledge and work with these simplistic and perhaps inaccurate narratives, because people tend to be ‘warmly attached’ to their existing perceptions (2006: 36). Moreover, he suggests, if a nation’s image on the global stage is ‘outdated’ in the eyes of national authorities, this is likely a sign ‘that people haven’t heard anything more interesting coming out of the country than the last interesting thing that happened there’ (ibid: 63). There are many similarities between ‘staged identity’ (such as is used in themed spaces) and ‘nation brand’ (such as is promoted by national governments), and yet authorities regard the latter as one that can be ‘corrected’ in order to mask perceived ‘inaccuracies’ featured by the former. At the heart of both ideas is a question of authenticity. While staged identity knowingly rejects material and historical authenticity in order to produce hyperreality (or an existentially authentic experience) for customers, nation branding uses government authority to designate a specific identity narrative as the ‘real’, ‘authentic’ version of the nation – even if this is an oversimplification that also relies on stereotypes and clichés.

Methodology

Unlike multi-national corporations with networks of franchisees, there is no central list or directory of Scottish-themed spaces. Instead, a Google search for key phrases (‘Scottish pub’, ‘Scottish restaurant’, etc.) was executed for each continent, as well as for nations where media coverage indicated there might be clusters of such spaces. Searches of different phrase combinations were undertaken until the results failed to return any new venues/businesses. A total of 110 pubs, bars and restaurants were identified; they were then scrutinised to confirm that they were ‘Scottish’ in theme (i.e. they explicitly stated this in their marketing material, and attempted visual or product branding to match this claim). While the venues identified are unlikely to comprise an exhaustive list of such spaces, they do constitute a sufficiently large group for analysis. Furthermore, their distribution is global: 41 in Europe (excluding the UK), 30 in North America, 22 in Asia, eight in the Antipodes (Australia/New Zealand), and nine across South and Central America, Africa, and the Middle East.

The primary modes of examination for this research were visual discourse analysis of the identified venues’ websites and social media accounts, combined with content analysis of their marketing materials and menus. Many of the venues published event calendars online, and some offered explanations of theme selection, venue design and product choices. An extensive volume of photographs and videos for the majority of the 110 spaces was examined, enabling the identification of recurring features of ‘Scottishness’ via décor, promotional materials and events, and products for sale. The standard structural and/or spatial elements that are common to the type of hospitality spaces studied – such as areas for customers to consume their purchases, and amenities such as restrooms – were not included in this survey, but the décor of these elements (e.g. upholstery and furnishings, wall decoration, etc.) was. The combined volume of data that emerged proved sufficient to identify recurring themes of displayed ‘Scottishness’. Certainly, there are other ways a comparative examination like this could be undertaken, ranging from site-visits, interviews with proprietors and patrons, and qualitative analysis of online reviews. These approaches were either not feasible (because of COVID-19, and the global distribution of the sites), or were not necessary for the purposes of this initial, and intentionally speculative study. In other words, informed observations regarding the projection of ‘Scottishness’ were achievable from the collated data, and they naturally fell into two overarching categories that proved helpful for framing the analysis: visual appearance and motifs; and the provision of themed food, drink and cultural celebrations. These will now be discussed in turn.

Visual signifiers in Scottish-themed pubs, bars and restaurants

It is not surprising that analysis of the 110 Scottish-themed spaces revealed 75 instances where tartan had been used for uniforms, soft furnishings (e.g. upholstery, curtains and carpets), wall treatments, decorative elements (e.g. displays or diagrams of clan tartans) and in marketing material (e.g. logos, motifs on official websites). Tartan has been a prominent part of the visual culture of Scotland, particularly since the nineteenth century, when it was adopted by individuals like Sir Walter Scott, who were eager to craft a palatable, romanticised portrayal of Scottishness. So successful was this endeavour that it was used by Trevor-Roper (Trevor-Roper, 1983, in Hobsbawm and Ranger’s pioneering edited volume) to demonstrate the ‘invention of tradition’ – the act of creating a national mythology to aid in ‘nation building’. Put differently, tartan can be understood as something that was once an ‘inauthentic’ Scottish national symbol, but which has, over time, been converted into a ‘tradition’ that is now ‘authentic’, albeit to varying degrees depending on the situation. The categorisation of different tartans as ‘belonging’ to certain clans – a further aspect of nineteenth century romanticisation now accepted as ‘authentic’ – gained popularity as Scots emigrated to the ‘New World’ (particularly North America, Australia/New Zealand and South Africa). As the Scottish diaspora expanded generationally, interest in ancestral identities and affiliations also grew, with ‘clan tartans’ being a marker of this trend. Where large pockets of the Scottish diaspora now reside, it is reasonable to assume there is also a heightened awareness of tartan as a visual signifier of Scottishness. By extension, Scottish-themed venues in these regions may utilise tartan as an obvious way to project identity outwards. This theory is supported by visual analysis, as 23 of the 30 examined North American businesses had tartan on display, as did all eight of the Australia/New Zealand venues. Of the 22 Scottish-themed spaces in Asia, a region lacking a substantial Scottish diaspora, only one venue had tartan on show. It can therefore be argued that ‘Scottishness’ is understood and communicated differently by different audiences in different locations; the signs and symbols used thus vary. We can also reflect on the history of tartan as a signifier of Scottishness: it was ‘invented’ as a national symbol in the nineteenth century, and transmitted globally by the Scottish diaspora. In those places, as well as in Scotland, it is now understood as ‘authentic’ because it has been adopted by families and individuals as representative of an ancestral connection to ‘home’ and ‘the past’ (both of which are also sources of ‘the real’).

Flags are a common mode of communicating national affiliation. As a sub-state of the UK, Scotland’s de facto flag in most international situations is the Union Jack. This design carries strong connotations of Britishness and empire, appearing also on several flags of the Commonwealth of Nations, including Australia and New Zealand. The standard alternative for Scotland is the blue and white Saltire, and this became the official logo for the devolved Scottish Government following its establishment in 1999. The Saltire, as well as the Lion Rampant of Scotland (gold field/background, red border and red lion rampant), have long been popular domestically, and are especially visible during sporting competitions and on celebratory occasions. It is therefore not surprising that the Saltire and Lion Rampant are the second and third most frequently used symbols of ‘Scottishness’ in the surveyed spaces, with 58 and 39 occurrences, respectively. These flags appear with near equal frequency in North America and Australia/New Zealand (diaspora hot spots); but in Europe and Asia, the Saltire is far more commonly displayed. In Europe, this might be because of the participation of Scotland in European sporting events, such as the UEFA Euros Football and Six Nations rugby union championships, especially as team uniforms incorporate the Saltire. Its popularity in Asia is harder to explain, but because it features on the labels of many Scottish-made products sold in the region, such as whisky, it seems plausible this has led to its wider use as a Scottish signifier. An unexpected result of the present study was the display of non-Scottish flags in Scottish-themed spaces. The Union Jack of Britain – with its pro-Union, and therefore anti-Scottish independence connotations – was displayed in eight of the surveyed sites (six in North America, one in Europe, one in Asia); the Welsh flag was visible in six venues (four in North America, two in Europe); and the Irish flag was noted in four locations (two each in North America and Europe). This is not the only instance where signifiers of other nations of the British Isles were observed, and this will be discussed in greater detail later. It will suffice here to note that even apparently simple signs such as national flags can be used in unexpected ways, to communicate identities beyond (or in addition or contradiction to) that which they officially represent. As with tartan, this appears to occur in certain regions more than others, further emphasising the variability of what people regard as ‘authentically’ Scottish in different settings.

Turning now to some of the other symbols that appeared with notable frequency, we find tropes of Scottishness that are arguably understood by Scots and non-Scots alike as markers of the nation, even if they have little daily use for Scottish residents. These are the key elements of the Scottish ‘stage identity’, and are used to create an existentially authentic experience within the venues. In addition to tartan, bagpipes (26 occurrences), kilts (22 occurrences), thistles (14 occurrences) and clan heraldry (13 occurrences) are among the common signs adopted in Scottish-themed pubs, bars and restaurants, as are the more generic symbols of game trophies (mounted stag heads and antlers; 23 occurrences), swords (12 occurrences) and shields of armour (six occurrences). These motifs are associated with the Scottish Highlands and militaristic clan culture, and are symptomatic of the romanticised Highland identity that has dominated all other iterations of ‘Scottishness’, both internally and abroad, since the nineteenth century. This phenomenon has been discussed in detail by Withers (1992), and McCrone et al. (1995), among others, and has been the target of Scottish Government attempts to update, diversify and ‘correct’ perceptions of the national culture. During the 2009 Year of Homecoming celebrations, for example, Scottish authorities prioritised showcasing the Enlightenment-era achievements of Scots in engineering, science, economics and other fields (see, for example, First Minister Alex Salmond’s foreword in The New Scottish Enlightenment [Salmond, 2009: 11-12]) instead of the more clichéd Highland motifs. Even if the Government regarded this Enlightenment version of Scottishness as being a more authentic representation of Scotland’s ‘brand’ in the 21^st century, the emphasis on this and other non-Highlands-related motifs was perhaps misguided. The target audience of the Year of Homecoming was the Scottish diaspora, a community known to romanticise the return to ancestral Highland landscapes (Basu, 2004, 2007). The practice of ‘Homecoming’ does not have a logical connection to science, philosophy and other Enlightenment-era pursuits. This is demonstrative of the bind that Robertson (Robertson, 2018: 339-42) has suggested Scottish authorities find themselves in, as they seek to simultaneously market a past-facing ‘blood and soil’ national identity to the diaspora, and a future-facing and diverse civic national identity to the domestic public. Scottish-themed spaces outside of Scotland have, perhaps, an easier task in communicating Scottishness. It is precisely because people know these venues are not actually in Scotland, and are Scottish themed as opposed to ‘real’ Scottish places, that they are allowed to fall into the realm of ‘hyperreality’.

Food, drink and cultural celebrations in Scottish-themed pubs, bars and restaurants

There are, of course, other elements aside from visual signifiers that assist in creating or perpetuating the theme of any space. In the case of pubs, bars and restaurants, it is logical that the products and experiences available would reflect – even superficially – the overarching theme. As such, we turn our attention to the food, beverages and cultural celebrations offered by the Scottish-themed sites under investigation.

Of the 110 venues in the present study, nine specifically identify themselves as restaurants. In addition, many pubs operate as bar/kitchen hybrids, serving alcohol and food, much of which has Scottish overtones. Scottish cuisine is conspicuously absent from a small number of the venues, however. Based on mid-2022 information, the closest that the Highlander Scottish Pub in Collierville, Tennessee, gets to distinctly ‘Scottish’ food is fish and chips, steak pie, and bangers and mash (Highlander Restaurant and Pub, 2022) – all traditionally British pub meals. Recent menus of the Cutty Sark (Marano Vicentino, Italy; Cutty, 2020) and Scottish Pub Academia (Cetinje, Montenegro; Scottish Pub Academia, 2017) appear to be dedicated to generic European cuisine such as salads, pasta, bruschetta and pizza. Though these are outliers among the 110 venues, the absence of Scottish consumer goods raises a question about whether businesses like these can call themselves ‘Scottish-themed’ if they do not serve Scottish food and drink: is décor sufficient for a venue to become a quasi-Scotland? It should be noted, too, that most of the investigated food-serving venues offer what might be regarded as ‘universal’ bar snacks and meals, such as fries and burgers, in addition to more discernibly Scottish food. This says more, perhaps, about the globalisation of ‘fast’ food and the culture of dining at pubs and bars generally than it does about the degree of Scottishness achieved.

Scottish cuisine – as with its British brethren – has a reputation for being bland, heavy and greasy. Knight (Knight, 2016: 369), and De Jong and Varley (2017), acknowledge that Scots are perceived as having a sub-standard diet and high rates of obesity. Despite this, the Scottish Government and related agencies have branded the nation as ‘The Land of Food and Drink’ (Scottish Government, 2018b) and instigated the 2015 Year of Food and Drink promotion, both of which emphasise Scotland’s high quality natural produce. Challenging the existing perceptions of Scottish cuisine with a newer or more ‘authentic’ (from the perspective of the Government) national brand has clearly been a recent priority. Analysing the depiction of ‘Scottish’ food and drink outside of Scotland reveals that the Government’s preferred narrative has not taken hold, however.

For those familiar with Scottish cuisine, the dish that likely comes to mind is haggis, defined in The Scots Kitchen as comprising ‘the large stomach bag of a sheep, the pluck […], beef-suet, pin-head (coarse) oatmeal, onions, black pepper, salt, stock or gravy’ (Marian McNeill, 1976: 172). Traditionally, the ingredients are combined into a mince, stuffed inside sheep’s stomach lining, and then boiled, baked or deep-fried. A serving is typically accompanied by ‘neeps and tatties’ (mashed turnips and potatoes); and if consumed as part of the annual Burns Supper (25 January) it also comes with a ‘dram’ of single-malt Scottish whisky. Haggis is regarded as a specialty item outside of Scotland, particularly among societies that do not regularly consume offal. The North American market prohibited haggis imports from the early 1970s to late 2010s due to restrictions on the sale and consumption of sheep stomach (Scottish Government, 2017). The outbreak of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (mad cow disease) in the UK during the 1990s led to several other countries banning the import of Scottish-made haggis to stem the spread of the disease (Jackson, 2018). Nevertheless, haggis is the most common ‘Scottish’ meal offered at the 110 examined venues, with 86 appearances. Some businesses have altered the recipe to give it broader appeal, by replacing the stomach lining with a dough or pastry, and making the mince from prime cuts of meat rather than offal (for example, The Dam Pub, 2022). Other venues have transformed haggis by fusing it with alternative dishes, creating, for example, haggis hushpuppies (Braveheart Highland Pub, 2022), burgers (The Kaledonia Budapest Gastro and Sports Pub, 2020), bruschetta (Highlander Pub Rome, 2022) and egg rolls (Scotsman Public House, 2022a). These tweaks indicate a perception that while haggis is an integral – and expected – component of Scottish cuisine, it may be off-putting to customers in its original, ‘authentic’ format. It is also an example of the kind of identity-hyphenation that Edensor (2002) suggests occurs in the globalised marketplace, where cultural products are adapted to fit regional tastes.

The presence of Welsh, Irish and British/English (these terms have become conflated, as will be discussed later) items on Scottish-themed menus is also worthy of reflection. Popular British pub fare was featured by many of the examined businesses, including fish and chips (60 occurrences), bangers and mash (32 occurrences), shepherd’s pie (31 occurrences) and sticky toffee pudding (19 occurrences). These are simple dishes comprised of ingredients that have been available in the British Isles for several centuries or more; they are certainly not regarded as uniquely ‘Scottish’. Also of note is the presence of chicken tikka-masala (or ‘butter chicken curry’), particularly at Scottish-themed venues in North America and Australia/New Zealand. This is an anglicised ‘British-Indian’ dish that resulted from Britain’s colonisation of India, and it has become a celebrated feature of British cuisine (Buettner, 2009). The mild, creamy chicken curry is widely available in Scotland, as it is throughout the rest of the UK (and parts of the British Commonwealth). Another unexpected feature on seven of the menus studied was Welsh Rarebit (a more complex version of cheese on toast), as well as Irish stew on three menus. These dishes carry the national indicators of ‘Welsh’ and ‘Irish’ in their titles, so it is difficult to explain why they would be included on Scottish-themed menus – though, as with the other British foods noted here, they are consumed widely within the UK. It seems plausible that this incorporation of ‘British’ food in Scottish-themed spaces is occurring for similar reasons to the display of the Union Jack and other regional British flags: Scottishness, Welshness and Irishness are being conflated with Britishness. This is an issue that will be revisited in the conclusion.

Single-malt Scottish whisky is a geographically protected product, and it constitutes one of Scotland’s major exports (Scottish Government, 2018a). It is regularly referred to as ‘Scotland’s national drink’ and is a source of great pride. It would be strange if a Scottish-themed pub or bar failed to have any Scottish whisky on offer, and indeed, it was near ubiquitous across the 110 venues. Scottish beer brands such as Belhaven, Tennent’s, Innis & Gunn, and Brewdog were also present at a moderate number of sites, though not to the extent of whisky. Notably, however, no Scottish beer brands came close to the frequency of occurrence of the iconic Irish stout Guinness, which was specifically named by 45 of the Scottish-themed venues, and likely available (but not explicitly advertised) at many more. The visibility of Guinness in Scottish-themed spaces around the world may be attributable to its popularity and brand recognition, despite its nation of origin. But we should not dismiss the overt Irishness of this brand completely. Around half of the Scottish-themed businesses that serve the stout also display Guinness paraphernalia, signage and décor, including vintage advertisements showcased as wall-art. Moreover, Guinness was often the most visible alcoholic brand advertised in these spaces, despite a wide variety of other alcohol – including Scottish whisky and beer – also being available. This Guinness-themed décor may be displayed primarily out of commercial pragmatism and availability of signage, but this is still difficult to reconcile with the fact that proprietors have made other decisions intended to emphasise rather than confuse the Scottishness of their offering. Perhaps there is a presumption that customers will accept Ireland’s Guinness as ‘close enough’ to Scotland to warrant inclusion; an explanation that we could extend to the other British, Welsh and Irish menu items that appear with some frequency.

There may be a connection, too, between the popularity of Guinness and the most common cultural celebration marked by these overseas Scottish-themed spaces: St Patrick’s Day, the annual day of Ireland’s patron saint (17 March). This was commemorated by 47 of the 110 venues (21 in North America, 17 in Europe, and the remainder spread globally), despite it clearly being an Irish, rather than Scottish, occasion. By contrast, Burns Night (25 January, celebrating the Scottish poet Robert Burns) was featured in 28 of the analysed spaces, followed by St Andrew’s Day (30 November; commemorating Scotland’s patron saint) with 11 occurrences, and Hogmanay (Scotland’s version of New Year’s Eve) with only six such events. As Hudson (Hudson, 2019: 161-62) has noted, the consumption of Guinness – and indeed any alcohol – has become an integral part of St Patrick’s Day celebrations. As it has grown into an event observed globally, often regardless of the Irishness of a community’s composition, it is plausible that pubs and bars of all kinds would promote St Patrick’s Day festivities to increase food and drink sales and grow their customer base. The most popular Scottish cultural celebration hosted at the surveyed venues, Burns Night, is arguably of lesser appeal, though it is also associated with alcohol (whisky). It is traditionally marked by a lengthy dinner (including haggis, neeps and tatties), recitations of Burns’ poetry, speeches and musical performances. Despite its thoroughly Scottish nature, Burns Night is perhaps outshone by the more raucous, binge-drinking reputation of St Patrick’s Day. The Scottish Government has been promoting the global celebration of St Andrews Day, Hogmanay and Burns Night in recent years (Scottish Government, 2022b: 11); yet even Scottish-themed businesses – the very venues who should celebrate these events as ‘authentic’ expressions of Scottishness – prefer the festivities of St Patrick’s Day. Again, it is clear that the ‘authenticity’ of the Scottish Government’s preferred narrative – as communicated through its nation branding agenda – differs quite substantially from the ’hyperreality’ that is offered by Scottish-themed spaces around the world, where ‘Scottishness’ often slips into a hybrid realm of multiple British identities.

The ‘Scottishness’ of overseas Scottish-themed spaces: Concluding remarks

Returning now to the overarching subject of nation-themed spaces in overseas locations, this intentionally speculative article has highlighted several findings that warrant further reflection. First is the adoption and presentation of multiple nations’ symbols as representative of a single nation’s culture. This is perhaps even more complex in the case of the UK, as there exists the notion of ‘Britishness’ in addition to English, Irish, Welsh and Scottish identities. As Kumar (2010) has noted, there has been a gradual conflation of the motifs and ideas of ‘England’ with that of ‘Britain’, often to the obfuscation of the Union’s other constituent cultures. The absence of the English flag of St George, but occasional presence of the Union Jack in Scottish-themed venues alongside the flags of Wales and Ireland, may be symptomatic of this phenomenon. Potentially, the Union Jack is being used to communicate a hybrid English-Britishness, and/or Scottish-Britishness, and is present while more overtly English flags are not. There were several Scottish-themed venues that advertised themselves as the ‘home’ of fans of English football teams (such as in Yekaterinburg, Russia [Dillon, 2018], and Cape Town, South Africa [Mitchell’s Scottish Ale House, 2022]), but the English Premier League (EPL) has a global audience, and teams field numerous non-English players. Supporting an EPL team does not therefore carry the same patriotic overtones as does the support of the English national team, and it is understandable that people would congregate at Scottish-themed spaces that broadcast EPL games. Moreover, given the strong historic association between football (soccer) and the British Isles, it is possible that the broadcasting of matches and display of football paraphernalia is done to add a further layer of existential authenticity, whereby a ‘British’ sport – as with ‘British’ food – is standing in for something more distinctively Scottish.

In terms of the Scottish-Irish contamination of signs that was observed with the widespread provision of Guinness and St Patrick’s Day celebrations, there is another possibility to be considered. Of the 82 observed cases of this hybridisation, 31 occurrences were in North America. This is where a large segment of the Scottish diaspora has settled since the 1700s, but it is also home to a significant portion of the Irish diaspora (Hickman, 2002: 11). In some parts of the US there are people regarded as having ‘Scots-Irish’ ancestry. This is not a fabricated identity, as migrants to the ‘New World’ often blended along religious lines, with Irish and Scottish Catholics, and Irish and Scottish Protestants, grouping together (see Peatling, 2003). This hybridisation can be seen in Knoxville, Tennessee (Boyd’s Jig and Reel, 2022), and Waynesville, North Carolina (Scotsman Public House, 2022b), where Scottish-themed venues explicitly acknowledge the local ‘Scots-Irish’ communities that inspired their businesses. This is an ‘authentic’ expression of a ‘real’ blended national identity; one that makes sense in its specific setting (North America) but which would be entirely out of place if transported back to Scotland or Ireland, and which is incongruent with the brand narrative favoured by the Scottish Government. Similarly, some proprietors appear to regard Scottish, Irish and Welsh cultures as falling under the umbrella of a broader ‘Celtic’ or ‘Gaelic’ identity, thus rendering any of these nations’ motifs eligible for inclusion in Scottish-themed spaces. This is the case at the Celtic Tavern Pub in Denver, Colorado, which refers to itself variously as a Scottish-, Irish- and Celtic-themed venue, and makes a point of including Irish, Scottish, Welsh and Cornish elements in its menu and décor (Celtic Tavern Pub, 2022).

A second finding of this research that warrants follow-up investigation is the hyperreal version of ‘Scotland’ that non-Scottish people may develop by patronising Scottish-themed spaces, which in turn is suggestive of attitudes they may have towards ‘Scottish’ products and Scotland as a potential travel destination. The work of Hendry (2000) on the gaikoku mura or ‘foreign-country theme parks’ of Japan – literally, parks with national themes, such as the Netherlands-inspired Huis Ten Bosch – is insightful here, as it demonstrates that Japanese people sometimes visit these attractions to help prepare for subsequent travel to those countries. The possibility that potential visitors to Scotland may first patronise Scottish-themed spaces overseas as a way of ‘testing’ the nation’s appeal or familiarising themselves with Scottish culture is one that should be given serious consideration. This is similar to the global audiences who sample national cultures, food and drink, and other products at international trade shows and expos – events consistently utilised by the Scottish Government to promote Scotland’s ‘national brand’. Unlike these occasions, however, the Scottish Government has little or no control over the narrative being projected by Scottish-themed venues outside its borders. This has implications for tourism operators and related businesses within Scotland, as the experience upon arrival in the country may be quite different from that offered by the overseas Scottish-themed venues. Another possibility is that patrons of Scottish-themed spaces are satisfied by this degree of exposure to ‘Scottish’ culture, and may therefore deem it unnecessary to make the (often long and expensive) journey to Scotland. This is not entirely farfetched: as Graburn (Graburn, 2008: 231) has noted with the gaikoku mura in Japan, people sometimes patronise nation-themed spaces from within the comfort (and socio-cultural security) of their home country instead of undertaking overseas travel. This research did not explicitly pursue such lines of enquiry, but given the findings that have emerged, there is obvious potential for further investigation. Do people patronise Scottish-themed spaces in their home country prior to, or instead of, visiting Scotland in person? In the case of the former, how does the narrative of ‘Scottishness’ shift once the person arrives in Scotland? Do these visitors regard the ‘real’ Scotland as the ‘backstage’ version of the ‘frontstage’ Scotland offered by themed venues? Or do they instead fit the description of ‘post-tourists’, who understand both versions of Scotland as ‘staged’ iterations?

Finally, this research has highlighted the contrasting ambitions of national authorities – in this case, the Scottish Government, and affiliated agencies – and those of external proprietors of nation-themed spaces, specifically regarding the symbols and motifs each regards as ‘authentic’ to that national culture. The Nation Brand Index^SM (NBISM) consistently shows ‘Tourism’ (including ‘natural beauty’ and ‘historic buildings and monuments’), ‘cultural heritage’, ‘Governance’ and ‘People’ as Scotland’s strengths on the global stage (see, for instance, Scottish Government, 2019, 2021). The themed spaces analysed show evidence of some of these elements, indicating an overlap between Scotland’s ‘nation brand’, and Scotland’s ‘nation image’ as portrayed by venues outside of its borders. But the NBISM’s categories are so broad as to obscure important details: depending on the respondent, ‘tourism’, ‘historic buildings and monuments’ and ‘cultural heritage’ could represent multiple and competing identity narratives. To more fully understand what global participants of surveys like the NBISM mean when they rank a nation like Scotland highly in ‘cultural heritage’, for instance, we should consider external expressions of Scottishness (such as that of themed spaces), as well as pop culture, news and other forms of socio-cultural transmission that inform outsider perspectives of the nation. When we take this approach, specific narratives – that of Highland romance and clan-based society, of hybridised yet still ‘authentic’ British/Scottish and diasporic identities, and of adopted elements like St Patrick’s Day that arguably have greater appeal than those indigenous to Scotland – emerge as indicators of what the rest of the world associates with Scottish ‘cultural heritage’. These narratives stand in stark contrast to the contemporary identity that the Scottish Government has been promoting as part of its preferred, ‘authentic’ nation brand. This is further evidence of the stubbornness of people’s pre-existing notions of the nation (as theorised by Anholt (2006); Yousaf (2017) and others), and highlights the difficulties faced by authorities attempting to challenge or overwrite what they regard as ‘inaccuracies’ in the nation’s brand.

Scottish-themed spaces – and indeed, those of any national or regional theme – may have greater influence on external perceptions than they have thus far been given credit. Moreover, the proprietors of such spaces essentially operate outside the authority of their theme nation, and are more likely to respond to the expectations of customers than to the agenda of a foreign government. The version of authenticity being offered by these businesses is often at odds with the ‘authentic’ representation of the nation that is promoted by government authorities. As this article has noted, the Scottish Government has engaged in various degrees of ‘nation branding’ – including attempts to reshape the existing narrative – since the mid-2000s, and yet key elements of this desired ‘brand’ have not been adopted by the external themed spaces surveyed in this research. This correlates with Anholt’s suggestion (2006: 36) that failure to change the perceptions of a nation may come down to the appeal of the ‘story’: Scottish authorities cannot expect people to ‘voluntarily or involuntarily “trade down” from [the existing] narrative to one that’s less interesting’. Moreover, the consistency of the ‘Scottish’ theme that is being communicated across the 110 businesses – despite being independently owned, and dispersed around the globe – indicates that the narrative that holds the most appeal, and is therefore commercially viable, is one that is romanticised, blurred together with that of other British nations, and occasionally hybridised with the cultures of the local area. This is a hyperreal version of Scotland, a version that is more real than the ‘real thing’. Arguably, if this narrative is to be coaxed into greater alignment with the perceptions of those who presently reside within the focal nation, then the attitudes of external proprietors and consumers must first be altered. But rebranding a national culture – particularly to the extent that the new ‘version’ is adopted outside of that nation – is a near impossible feat (Dinnie, 2008: 46). For national authorities to have a chance at successfully expanding and updating their nation’s global profile, it is therefore imperative that they undertake a more detailed investigation of the existing external ‘nation image’ (beyond instruments like the NBISM). They must also embrace the multiple and sometimes contradictory perceptions of what is ‘authentic’ to their nation’s brand.