Asian American social workers’ experiences and perspectives on anti-Asian hate

Abstract

Summary

The rise in anti-Asian hate since the COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the challenges that Asian Americans in the United States (U.S.) experience with xenophobia, racism, and the “model-minority stereotype.” The model-minority stereotype is a misleading myth that has been pervasively attached to the Asian American identity and experiences. Thus, it can serve as a useful framework to understand experiences in the current anti-Asian hate climate. In this exploratory qualitative study, the investigators interviewed Asian American social workers (N = 17), highlighting their perspectives and experiences during the anti-Asian hate climate, with attention paid to how the model minority stereotype was contextualized among participants.

Findings

The resounding tone underlying participants’ model-minority stereotype-related discussions was the need to counter the model minority stereotype. Notably, the model-minority stereotype was contextualized differently for participants and three themes were identified: (1) limbo between model minority and perpetual foreigner status; (2) impacts on the social worker role and in the organizational setting; and (3) impacts on advocacy work.

Applications

Study findings suggest a need for continued support and opportunities to unlearn and relearn the purpose of the model-minority stereotype and its broad sweep and attacks on various health dimensions (physically, psychologically, socially, and spiritually) across Asian Americans ethnic groups. Countering the model-minority stereotype can play a pivotal role in transforming the narratives surrounding Asian American's identity and experiences in the U.S., in addition to organizational culture and dynamics to support Asian Americans social workers practice and advocacy work across practice levels.

Introduction

Anti-Asian racism

Since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020, there has been a rise in overt racism against Asian Americans in the United States (U.S.). According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Hate Crime Statistics, there was a 77% increase in hate incidents since 2019 (Department of Justice [DOJ], 2022). Racialized language like “Chinese virus” and “kung flu” used by some political leaders to describe COVID-19 only exacerbated xenophobia, bias, and discrimination against Asian Americans. What is also important to acknowledge is that initiatives to expand data tracking on hate incidents were amplified during this tumultuous time. Stop Asian American Pacific Islander (AAPI) Hate, a U.S. coalition founded in March 2020, has been identified as one of the lead aggregators of anti-Asian hate incidents (CAA, n.d.). Stop AAPI Hate identified 10,905 hate incidents since March 19, 2020 and nearly 60% of these acts were blatantly occurring in public spaces, including public streets and businesses (Jeung et al., 2022). Their data also shows that most of the hate reports came from Chinese individuals (42.8%), followed by Korean (16.1%), Filipino (8.9%), Japanese (8.2%), and Vietnamese (8.0%) (Jeung et al., 2022). When reflecting on anti-Asian racism in the U.S., what can be argued to be different this time around is the visibility of the violence, in part due to both mainstream news and social media coverage (Krishnakumar, 2021; McAboy, 2021). Moreover, perhaps less understood by the general public is that the link between the COVID-19 pandemic and racism against Asian Americans highlights the reality – the long enduring racial stereotypes and scapegoating of Asian Americans in American society (Hahm et al., 2021; Le et al., 2020; Tessler et al., 2020).

Anti-Asian racism and health impacts

Associations between social determinants of health like internalization of model minority stereotypes, hate crimes, microaggressions, and discrimination on Asian American’s mental health and therapeutic work with professional providers have been identified (Haft & Zhou, 2021; Kim & Lee, 2014; Sue et al., 2007; Tessler et al., 2020). One study examining levels of discrimination and health outcomes among self-reported Asians living in the U.S. showed that their full model predicted anxiety symptoms and depression symptoms (Lee & Waters, 2020). Researchers also found that perceived discrimination was related to concurrent anxiety symptoms among Chinese American college students (Haft & Zhou, 2021). Moreover, Hahm et al. (2021) suggested that increases in COVID-19 related discrimination may be more strongly associated with post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms (e.g., disturbed memories, thoughts, and avoidance) than anxiety symptoms. Finally, a systematic review outlined the overall health consequences of the anti-Asian stigma on Asian Americans and emphasized mental health concerns (e.g., increased levels of anxiety, fear for personal safety and for loved ones), social health concerns (e.g., increased microaggressions, model-minority stereotypes endorsements, shunning behavior by others), and physical health concerns (e.g., headaches, heart palpitations) (Bresnahan et al., 2022).

Model minority stereotype

The aforementioned health effects experienced across Asian Americans communities contradicts the model-minority stereotypes. The model-minority stereotypes is a stereotype pervasively attached to the Asian identity and most Asian Americans are well aware of the model-minority stereotypes and have negative feelings about it despite its positive appearance (Wong & Halgin, 2006). The “model minority” label originated in the 1960s and was first used by sociologist William Peterson to describe Asian Americans, particularly Japanese Americans, and the roles of their cultural values and family structures as protective factors contributing to their perceived success in the U.S. (Peterson, 1966). It is important to note that the model-minority stereotypes was incepted during the 1950–1960s Civil Rights Movement in the U.S. as a way to counter Black Americans and other ethnic minority groups’ advocacy work for social justice and equality. Contrary to the seemingly positive presentation of the model-minority stereotypes, the resulting “myth” or stereotype ignores the complexity of social, political, and migration factors that have contributed to the composition of Asians as well as their experiences in the U.S. The model-minority stereotypes further disregards particular risk factors and contexts of underrepresented Asian ethnic groups in favor of highlighting the successes of some Asians to perpetuate a stereotype intended to position Asians as high achieving and non-Hispanic White adjacent in their success.

According to Peterson (1966), the model-minority stereotypes reflect the perspective that Asian Americans are more successful academically, economically, and socially when compared to other racial/ethnic minority groups in the U.S. Attributes such as intelligence, perseverance, emphasis on hard work, and a belief in a meritocracy are attached to model-minority stereotypes (Yoo et al., 2015). This signifies that those who fall behind (particularly, those who are from non-Asian racial/ethnic groups) do so due to poor personal behavior, which diverts attention from institutional racism, structural inequality, and denies the different historical contexts and immigration histories of racial/ethnic groups in the U.S. (Kawai, 2005; Shih et al., 2019).

Internalizing the model-minority stereotypes can have broad ramifications for Asian Americans individuals. For example, on an individual level, there is extant empirical evidence on the negative effects of internalizing the model-minority stereotypes and mental health-related variables like perceived needs and help-seeking patterns (Gupta et al., 2011; Tummala-Narra et al., 2018; Yoo et al., 2015). The pressures to conform and to cope with the restrictive model minority image have also been highlighted (Kiang et al., 2017). On an interpersonal level, internalizing the model-minority stereotypes can result in perceptions that Asian Americans have similar experiences and outcomes to non-Hispanic White and fuel division with other communities of color (Kiang et al., 2017; Kim et al., 2021). Furthermore, the internalization of model-minority stereotypes was also found to discourage some Asian Americans from engaging in social activism relevant to Asian American’s quality of life (Tran & Curtin, 2017). This is concerning because social and health injustices experienced by people of Asian descent include xenophobia and racism (Kim et al., 2021), challenges that can be addressed by social activism.

Perpetual foreigner stereotype

The model-minority stereotype is in contrast to another pervasive stereotype that impacts Asian American experiences in the U.S, the perpetual or forever foreigner. According to Huynh et al. (2011), ethnic minority groups are often denied the American identity, seen as the others in the non-Hispanic White dominant U.S., and treated as perpetual foreigners irrespective of their generational level in the U.S. The perpetual foreigner stereotype is particularly salient for Asian Americans and assumes that members of ethnic minority groups do not fit the cultural Americanness (Daley et al., 2022). This can manifest in seemingly harmless ways like through micro-aggressive behaviors which include complimenting the individual on their command of the English language and questioning the individual on their nationality or hometown (Huynh et al., 2011; Sue et al., 2007). These attributes of foreignness can provide a basis for Asian American’s devaluation and subordination (Daley et al., 2022). Whether the sender's message is intentionally malicious or not, the message is often interpreted as that members of ethnic minority groups are less American than their non-Hispanic White counterparts.

Mobilization of social movements

Despite the adverse effects of the anti-Asian hate climate, the strengths, resiliency, and actions taken by Asian communities must be acknowledged. In response to the current anti-Asian climate, Asian Americans have mobilized and continue to take action offering various types of support for their communities and allies. One example that has garnered public attention and arguably perceived to have changed awareness of anti-Asian racism is the movement Stop Asian Americans PI Hate (Cao et al., 2022). The social activism witnessed across Asian communities can be argued to counter the typical characteristics attached to the model minority which includes passivity, staying under the radar, complacency, and obedience (Kawai, 2005). Grassroots movements like this, in addition to top-down advocacy efforts like research and policy development, can combat anti-Asian racism by increasing education and awareness, and supporting health-related data disaggregation among AAPI populations, which can result in data-informed policies and structural change.

Asian American social workers

The National Association of Social Work (NASW, 2021), the largest membership organization for professional social workers, released a formal statement on February 19, 2021, denouncing the anti-Asian crimes. This serves as a critical reminder of the profession's heartbeat which is to promote social and health justice and amplified the call for social workers to maintain self-awareness and remain vigilant regarding Asian American challenges and needs. Asian American social workers are not immune to hate climates and have been servicing their communities as frontline helping professionals during the tumultuous pandemic COVID-19 years. Additionally, the social work profession is understood to be both fulfilling and demanding. Contextual and psychological challenges including racism and discrimination in the workplace have been associated with social work (Lee, 2021), distress and burn-out (Lloyd et al., 2002), depression (Finne et al., 2014), barriers to self-care practices (Acker, 2018), and help-seeking behavior (Siebert & Siebert, 2007). Thus, Asian American social workers’ perspectives and experiences need to be understood in light of this current anti-Asian hate climate.

Asian Americans are composed of diverse individuals having origins in East Asia (e.g., China, Japan, Korea, Taiwan), Southeast Asia (e.g., Cambodia, Hmong, Laos, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam), and South Asia (e.g., Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022). In the context of the social work profession, Asian Americans are underrepresented. According to 2015 data reported by the Council of Social Work Education (CSWE, 2017), Asians represent 3.6% of active social workers; and although underrepresented in human and social service fields, reports indicate that the number of Asian American social workers have been growing steadily over the past decade (Salsberg et al., 2017). It is also worth mentioning that Asian American college students found that their interest in social work was strongly influenced by: (a) the congruence between their personal values and social work values (Lee, 2008; Kwong, 2018); and (b) their commitment to helping people with social problems as opposed to desires of becoming a therapist or the perceived prestige of the profession (Lew, 2005). These examples underscore Asian American’s recognition of the social, health, and systemic challenges that uniquely impact historically marginalized groups and their intrinsic motivation for social change.

Research purpose

The model-minority stereotype has been argued to be a salient framework for understanding Asian American’s experiences in the U.S. In light of the pandemic COVID-19 and current anti-Asian hate, efforts have been made to understand Asian American’s experiences and to promote their wellbeing. However, a subgroup within the Asian American population that we lack understanding in are social workers, and their insights during this hate climate can provide important implications. A literature review revealed a shortage of empirical investigations focusing on social worker's perspectives and experiences during heightened racist climates and social movements. In addition, empirical investigations on Asian American social workers’ experiences and perspectives, in general, are scant. In response to the growing number of Asian Americans pursuing social work and with the profession's mission to combat social injustice in mind, it is imperative to raise the visibility of Asian American social workers and learn about their perspectives and experiences in the current anti-Asian hate climate using the model-minority stereotypes as a framework to comprehend their experiences. The present study conducted by two Korean American researchers, and one Filipino American researcher, and one Japanese American graduate student was conducted with the intention to explore the perspectives and experiences of Asian American social workers during the anti-Asian hate climate.

Methods

Participants and procedures

This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board affiliated with our academic institution. Purposive, convenience, and snowball sampling strategies were used to recruit self-identified Asian American social workers. Participants were recruited through professional networks. Examples of professional networks include the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) and their regional chapters and the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) and affiliates. Each of the research investigators met the inclusion criteria established for this study: (1) at least 18 years of age, (2) identify as Asian American, and (3) obtained a social work degree from an accredited social work program. The investigators also have varying numbers of years practicing as a professional Asian American social worker across practice levels (e.g., micro, mezzo, and macro). As such, investigators reached out to their own professional contacts as part of the recruitment effort. Additional organizational systems and social workers were identified using snowball sampling. Emails were sent to organizations’ mailing lists and our research team advertised the study using various social media accounts (i.e., Instagram and Linked-in).

Once consent forms were received, semi-structured interviews were scheduled between September 2021 and December 2021 via Zoom. Zoom offers advantages like the ability to communicate in real-time via geographically dispersed individuals across device types, that is, computer, smart phone, or tablet (Archibald et al., 2019). Each interview lasted between 60 and 90 min and was facilitated by at least two investigators. The interview questions focused on experiences during the anti-Asian hate climate and distinguished personal and professional impacts, self-care and coping strategies, perspectives surrounding the increased visibility of advocacy work such as Stop AAPI Hate movement, and recommendations when engaging in anti-racist work. To offer support and as a token of our appreciation, a resource guide that included information on various Asian American support and educational materials was provided to each participant. Participants were also provided access to their interview transcripts of which 13/17 (76.5%) requested copies at the end of their interview. The interviews were recorded using Zoom and interviewers’ personal recording devices served as back-up. Back-up recordings were immediately deleted upon successful upload in Otter software which was used to initiate the transcription process and organize the qualitative data in electronic format (Otter, n.d.). Transcriptions were then uploaded to Dedoose, a web-application for analysis used to apply codes/themes and document memos (Dedoose, n.d.).

Data analysis

A deductive approach was used in our reflexive thematic analysis (Braune & Clarke, 2020; Maguire & Delahunt, 2017). In the first phase of the analysis, two investigators independently coded each transcript using a codebook of predetermined themes, verified each other's findings by comparing and discussing each code and meaning, and subsequently, developed and modified the codes. Therefore, the investigators maintained coding reliability and reflexive approaches in the analysis (Braune & Clarke, 2020). As the investigators also met the inclusion criteria established for participants, bias concerns were discussed. In the data analysis and interpretation phase, several strategies were used to ensure the trustworthiness and rigor such as intensive engagement during the interview, debriefing after each interview, and record keeping of memos during the interview and analysis phase (Maxwell, 2012; Shibusawa & Lukens, 2004). In the second analytical phase, line-by-line coding was conducted to identify themes that connected the model-minority stereotypes-related contents. The research team discussed the applicability of the themes across interviews and any discrepancies were resolved in the team meetings. At all stages of data collection and analysis, methodological and analytical memo-writing was conducted by all research team members and discussed during team meetings.

Result

There was a total of 17 participants, with six identifying as Chinese, three as Filipino, one as Japanese, three as Korean, one as Taiwanese, one as multi-ethnic Asian (Japanese/Chinese), and two identified as multi-racial (Filipino/Pacific Islander and Filipino/Japanese/Irish/Black). More than half of the participants (58.8%) identified as female. About half of the participants (52.9%) practiced social work in the Pacific/Western region in the U.S., 29.4% from the Eastern region, and 17.6% were from the Midwest. One participant had a PhD degree and nearly all of the participants had an MSW degree. Seven of the participants (41.2%) had a type of licensure, one with an LSW and the other six with an LCSW. Participants’ number of years in practice ranged between under one year to 31 +  years, with the average number of years being 15.7 years.

All 17 participants engaged in conversation about the model-minority stereotypes, whether they described it in their own words, or offered examples of how it impacted their professional and/or personal lives. When characterizing model-minority stereotypes, participants offered a range of descriptions that generally aligned with well-understood characteristics: for example, “don’t make waves,” “obedient,” “study and work hard,” “go with the flow,” “don’t rock the boat, so they don’t bother you.” When sharing examples of how model-minority stereotypes impacted their lives, one participant stated, “I think I learned, especially as people of color, we're not allowed to show rage, we're not allowed to show anger, especially as Asian Americans” (Pacific/West, male participant). While another participant spoke about the internal conflict she experienced while trying to prioritize their mental health in the workplace, and simultaneously, grappling with the pressure to “please everybody” and to just do the work (Pacific/West, female participant).

Participants acknowledged the varying extent in which Asian American ethnic groups as well as other racial/ethnic groups have internalized the model-minority stereotypes. Many further proclaimed that despite its seemingly positive image, consequences were attached to internalizing the model-minority stereotypes. For example, the divisive nature of the stereotype was highlighted and how it was inhibiting both intra-racial and inter-racial/ethnic advocacy work. For example, one participant expressed, “I feel like it's a stereotype placed on us by White Americans. And it kind of pitted us against other minorities i.e., Latino and Black communities. And so, I feel like we are seen as the White people of the minorities, if that makes sense” (Pacific/West, female participant). Another participant further discussed their internal dialogue while attending a George Floyd protest and how the historical relationship between Asian and African American communities and the model-minority stereotypes resulted in him feeling worried about how his support in the protest may be perceived. Another commonly held concern regarding the internalization of the model-minority stereotypes included the masking of unique health disparities, resulting in misleading health profiles among Asian ethnic groups and inaccurate belief that little to no health concerns existed among Asian American.

Limbo between model minority and perpetual foreigner stereotypes

Further analysis revealed three major themes that showed how the model-minority stereotype was contextualized during the anti-Asian hate climate. First, Asian American experiences were described as being in a limbo between model minority and perpetual foreigner stereotypes. Historically in the U.S., and in light of the pandemic COVID-19 and anti-Asian hate climate, our participants perceived Asian American identity and experiences to be influenced by both the model minority and the perpetual foreigner stereotypes. The two stereotypes were discussed as polar opposites of each other with model minority presenting as a (superficially) positive stereotype and perpetual foreigner serving as the other side of the coin or negative image. As stated earlier, participants acknowledged the complexity of the model-minority stereotypes and its deceiving presentation as a functional and beneficial label attached to the Asian American identity. For instance, the seemingly positive presentation and interpretations (e.g., Asian American are successful and experience no challenges) was expressed more so as a perceived belief that society at large has about Asian American and model-minority stereotypes. However, this is not to say that functions or benefits were not acknowledged; as one participant expressed, “I feel like some of us (Asian students and colleagues) might be trying to fit into the stereotype and it's frustrating. But I also understand, like to be able to fit in the White supremacist structure, that is how we survive. And that is not our fault to be protective of ourselves. So, it's very complicated” (Mid-West, female participant). Participants also described the oscillation between the two stereotypes as being influenced by the political and social climate of the time and drew back on historical references in their discussion, that is, 1960s and Civil Rights Movement. For example, one participant stated, “it's always been like this ebb and flow of like when things are good, we’re the model minority, but when they’re not, we’re perpetual foreigners - carrying disease and taking away jobs” (East coast, male participant).

Model-minority stereotypes impacts in the organizational setting and as a social worker

Impacts in the organizational setting and as a social worker were also discussed across participants. When considering model-minority stereotypes and their social worker role, most participants identified feeling stress, pressure, and frustration particularly within the context of the current anti-Asian hate. Specifically, model-minority stereotype was contextualized in three areas: (a) relationship dynamics with colleagues/peers and leadership; (b) perceived lack of resources and support; and (c) interference with self-care practices. For some, there was a perception that colleagues or leadership maintained an attitude that they can manage the workload or be asked to work harder without question or opposition. This, in turn, translated to a perceived lack of support in their setting from direct supervisors, administrative leadership, and the organization at-large. For example, many participants expressed not receiving acknowledgments about the anti-Asian hate climate or support from their supervisors or colleagues. For some, this lack of recognition served as a reminder of the model-minority stereotypes, and in turn, impacted their levels of communication and engagement with others in the workplace.

Importantly, some participants highlighted the intersectionality of their Asian ethnic identity with gender, immigration history, and generation level and how they felt these identities further exacerbated their experiences and perceived level of support in the professional setting and when compared to non-Asian colleague's experiences. In addition, some participants highlighted the challenges of being the only Asian staff member at their workplace or identifying as an underrepresented racial/ethnic group in their geographic setting. For example, participants expressed feeling pressures to perform without making mistakes in addition to their peers’ lack of awareness and attention to challenges and health disparities experienced in the Asian community.

Moreover, participants stressed the mental health concerns in Asian American communities in general, the importance of self-care in social work, and how the model-minority stereotypes can interfere with one's self-care practice. For example, one participant acknowledged common psychological impacts of model-minority stereotypes like feeling pressure to pursue “perfection” at work and concerns with “letting others down”; all the while, emphasizing the importance of “giving yourself grace and empathy,” reframing narratives that can inhibit self-care practices, allowing permission to “take deep breaths,” and to not dismiss one's well-being especially in their role as a social worker (Pacific/West coast, male participant). Although the aforementioned participant further hinted at how he challenged the influence of model-minority stereotypes on his self-care practice, other participants focused more of the discussion on model-minority stereotypes impacts on their practice.

Model-minority stereotypes impacts on advocacy work

Finally, impacts on advocacy work were acknowledged. In this context, participants expressed the need and their intentions to counter the model-minority stereotypes when advocating by: (a) being more visible and vocal about the challenges and needs experienced in Asian communities; and (b) promoting allyship and solidarity within their own racial/ethnic group and with other racial groups.

First, opportunities to debunk the model-minority stereotypes by raising awareness of the community's challenges and needs were presented. For example, some participants reflected on their social work training and education and the lack of Asian-focused topics in course curricula or research agendas. Hence, for participants affiliated with the academic community, they mentioned the need to integrate more Asian-focused topics in these contexts. In this regard, participants also stressed the importance of data disaggregation efforts among the extremely diverse Asian American population and the need to improve health data collection across Asian ethnic groups. The aforementioned concerns were expressed in the context of our participants’ role in macro-level practice. As one participant stated, “the fact that we are also people of color, we (referring to Asian ethnic subgroups) are not included in the charts…and there's a lot of focus on us as a marginalized group. But the Asian group is a large group of people. I think that's one of the biggest struggles. You also get the perceived privilege attached with the model minority, but you also get the downfall where people don’t acknowledge anti-Asian stuff or they’re really shocked to learn about it” (Mid-West, male participant). Other efforts to be visible included advocating through their social media accounts by sharing information about the history and experience of specific Asian ethnic groups in the U.S., as well as support resources for individuals impacted by the anti-Asian hate. As another participant simply stated, “I post (on social media) to bring awareness to the fact that we are here” (Mid-West, female participant). Finally, participants stressed the need to promote allyship and solidarity within the Asian American population and with other racial/ethnic groups through reparation work like addressing issues like colorism and anti-Blackness within Asian American communities. In this light, a common interpretation of the model-minority stereotypes that was presented was the perception that Asian Americans were not seen as people of color, and that their experiences were adjacent to those of non-Hispanic Whites. This was perceived to foster division and inhibit Asian American's allyship-building with other racial/ethnic groups.

Discussion

The purpose of this exploratory investigation was to contextualize the model-minority stereotypes, a salient framework for understanding Asian American's experiences in the U.S., in the context of the pandemic fueled anti-Asian hate climate. Generally speaking, individuals perceive and internalize model-minority stereotypes differently. For our participants, model-minority stereotypes had individual (affective and behavioral) and social (interpersonal) effects at their professional settings. This level of breadth can likely be explained by one's identification with their Asian ethnic heritage, intersectionality with other dimensions of self (e.g., gender identity, sexual orientation, etc.), and the extent in which the model-minority stereotypes is internalized by the social worker as well as their perception of others’ internalization of the stereotype. The resounding tone underlying our participants’ model-minority stereotypes-related discussions was the need to counter the model-minority stereotypes and to break free from its constraints. This is not to say that functions or benefits were not acknowledged due to the model-minority stereotypes; however, it was clear that the consequences which were seen as having broad and deep ramifications on Asian American individuals’ well-being outweighed any temporary gains from the model-minority stereotypes.

For our participants, the two stereotypic labels attached to Asian American identity that impact functioning and wellbeing were model minority and perpetual foreigner. Throughout history, xenophobia and racism have preserved the perpetual foreigner label resulting in Asian American being viewed as not upholding cultural Americanness (Daley et al., 2022) despite their U.S. nationality (Yi et al., 2022). Mentions of the perpetual foreigner stereotype was not surprising as this discourse often comes up in times of public health crises or competition (Li & Nicholson Jr., 2020); and the current anti-Asian hate climate has been reported to be fueled by xenophobic rhetoric (Daley et al., 2022). Additionally, a study examining the “othering” of Asian American in the context of the pandemic COVID-19 found that sociopolitical attitudes, such as assigning blame to China for COVID-19, do predict increased foreignness perceptions of Asians (Daley et al., 2022). Among participants, it was clear that much of the Asian American experience in the U.S. can be described as a dance between these two pervasive stereotypes. Importantly, what makes model-minority stereotypes different from the perpetual foreigner label is that its outward presentation is misleading and can present as a positive characterization of Asian American especially for those who are unaware of the stereotype's historical racist origins. Hence, when internalizing the model-minority stereotypes, society at large may overestimate Asian American's success and health outcomes (Kim et al., 2021). Our participants acknowledged the model-minority stereotypes’ deceiving presentation and it's impacts on an individual level like on their mental health and attitudes towards help-seeking, interpersonal level like Asian American's relationships within own group and with other ethnic groups, and on a macro (societal) level like data acquisition, funding distribution, and policy and research endeavors.

Internalizing the model-minority stereotypes can contribute to an inaccurate portrayal of Asian American and perpetuate unanticipated psychological and social challenges. Countering the narratives attached to the oversimplified and misleading interpretations of the model-minority stereotypes through both formal academic and informal education are imperative. Raising awareness of the true intentions of the model-minority stereotypes which includes the historical racist origins and its wide array of health and social ramifications on Asian American are integral action steps to continue to take. Sharing Asian American narratives, specifically by in-group members, can support a strengths-based approach in outreach and advocacy work by normalizing education surrounding both healthy behaviors and outcomes, as well as the challenges experienced in Asian American communities (Kim et al., 2021). Additional modalities like collaborative education and resource sharing in community settings should be considered when targeting specific Asian American ethnic groups. Mainstream news sources and social media can also continue to play a support role in countering the model-minority stereotypes narratives and in reshaping the portrayal of Asian American ethnic group's identity and experiences (Kim et al., 2021). Opportunities exist to unlearn and to relearn why model-minority stereotypes was created and its effects. It should be recognized that social workers across practice levels (micro, mezzo, and macro) can play a powerful role in promoting the quality of life of Asian American by addressing the bias and stereotypes attached to the Asian American ethnic groups.

When contextualizing model-minority stereotypes in the workplace, participants described their emotional states (e.g., wary, pressured, and frustrated) and spoke about their relationship dynamics with clients, colleagues, and leadership; in addition to the challenges with practicing self-care. It is well understood that social work is both a challenging and rewarding field. When considering the common challenges in the field, themes like mental health, (di)stress, and burn-out are important areas to monitor, especially since one can argue that the foundation of social work lies in relationships with clients (Lloyd et al., 2002), colleagues/leadership, and self.

Most of our participants expressed not feeling seen in their workplace. This perceived invisibility is a common attribute of the model-minority stereotypes; and serves as a critical reminder of the value in human relationships and how meaningful connections can have significant impacts on one's quality of life. One setting to monitor and potentially improve the quality of human relationships is in the professional settings and workplace.) Asian American experience are impacted by the model-minority stereotypes amongst other stereotypes in the workplace; and when Asian American do not adhere to the prescribed stereotype, social ramifications like avoidance can be experienced. This highlights the need to address bias and discrimination to improve workplace experiences. Academia, in particular, has gone underway to implement and/or improve current anti-racist, diversity, equity, and inclusion (ADEI) policies and practices. This is a step in the right direction and requires thoughtful planning and understanding by all relevant stakeholders regarding the purpose and delivery of ADEI practices. The body of literature related to organizational relationships between colleagues and leadership has steadily grown (Chiaburu & Harrison, 2008), and informal interactions at work such as friendships where workers are perceived to be treated with friendliness and warmth were identified as an important determinant to workplace experience and outcomes (Venkataramani et al., 2013). Specifically, among a sample of social workers, social and emotional support served as protective factors from burn-out and job dissatisfaction (Lloyd et al., 2002). The benefits of working in an organizational culture that promotes inter-colleague support and self-care practice cannot be dismissed. These practices also align with social workers’ ethical responsibilities to colleagues specifically codes 2.01 Respect, 2.05 Consultation, 2.08 Impairment of Colleagues and in the practice setting specifically codes 3.01 Supervision and Consultation and 3.08 Continuing Education and Staff Development (NASW, n.d.). To start, acknowledging the stressful social events during staff meetings, supervision, or informal conversations and checking-in with the individual of concern can be paramount and help relieve feelings of isolation. Promoting a healthy organizational culture that embraces both professional and informal relationships between workers, optimizes supervision time with clinical supervisor, and/or invites workers to confidentially “check-in” with supervisors or other team members may have beneficial outcomes for social workers, and especially for those who may be the only ethnic minority in the organizational setting.

Across helping professions, self-care entails practices one intentionally adheres to: (a) promote wellness across their health domains (i.e., physical, psychological, social, and spiritual) (NIMH, n.d.) and (b) reduce stress and challenges that impair the worker to effectively engage with their clients (Acker, 2018). Importantly, self-care can also be integrated in the organizational setting through professional support and development (Acker, 2004). Notably, NASW included self-care language in the Code of Ethics to support a healthier culture in which social work functions and as a reminder for social workers to practice engaging in self-care (NASW, n.d.). Self-care is deemed vital in social work practice, and although reinforced in our field, social workers continue to identify challenges with practicing it (Acker, 2018). An organizational system that embraces and promotes self-care practices in the workplace can profoundly shape one's experiences and fulfillment of responsibilities. One area to pay attention to can be the help-seeking practices among social workers, especially since professional relationships and use of supervision time can be considered as viable avenues to practice self-care. According to Siebert and Siebert (2007), different reasons exist that inhibit help-seeking from helping professionals like fear of professional consequences to disclosing problems, difficulties recognizing one's problems, and denial. Higher internalization of model-minority stereotypes has also been shown to interfere with help-seeking across Asian American ethnic subgroups (Gupta et al., 2011; Kim & Lee, 2014). It is important for leadership and colleagues to be aware of the unique barriers or challenges to help-seeking among underrepresented groups in the organizational setting. Supporting Asian American social workers’ relationship building capacity with leadership and colleagues during supervision meetings may help reduce barriers to engaging in help-seeking behavior and self-care practice.

Finally, concerns regarding the model-minority stereotypes and its effects on inter-racial allyship and solidarity were expressed with particular attention made to racial triangulation. The model-minority stereotype was conceived in the 1960s, during a contentious political and social decade, and in conjunction with the implementation of less restrictive immigration policies and activation of civil rights movements. The casting of Asian American as models of success can dismiss the idea of inequality and systemic barriers, and thus, contribute to racial triangulation where tension can be experienced between the “successful” group and the “complaining” groups (Kiang et al., 2017). Moreover, according to Wong and Halgin (2006), perceptions of Asian American as a model minority can also cause indifference and non-action when Asian Americans are victims of racial intolerance. For example, Tran and Curtin's study revealed an inverse association between the internalization of model-minority stereotypes and own-group activism which was conceptualized as “actions with the aims of bringing about sociopolitical change to improve the condition and status of one's in-group” (2017, p. 499). This means that the more Asian American individuals believed the model-minority stereotypes to be true, the less likely they were to engage in own-group advocacy work.

Countering the model-minority stereotypes has the potential to speak volumes in Asian American's advocacy work. In doing so, this can help raise the visibility of social advocacy and civic engagements led and/or supported by Asian American and also ease the burden by promoting allyship and solidarity both within and between racial/ethnic groups. Lee and Kim (2021) offered several recommendations for social workers to stand against anti-Asian racism: (1) learn the long-rooted history of anti-Asian racism and unique injustices experienced by specific subgroups, (2) promote the use of non-stigmatizing language that can perpetuate xenophobia, (3) continue to build and strengthen alliances with other social justice organizations combating racism, and (4) promote governmental and local assistance for Asian Americans who experience racism. In turn, these recommendations require deeper reflections on: (1) factors like colorism and other intersecting identities that influence experiences with racism, (2) the active practice of building trusting rapport by eliminating stigmatizing language which can be enacted immediately with personal relationships (i.e., family, intimate partner, friends) and professional relationships (i.e., clients, colleagues), (3) identifying other community-based organizations with similar social justice intentions, mobilizing resources and intervention efforts, and engaging in service/volunteerism, and (4) engaging in culturally-responsive research practices including evaluation that yields disaggregated data, and in turn, data-informed interventions and practices. These recommendations are offered to encourage social work researchers’ reflexive practices and consciousness of one's own privilege, and hence, their positionality as researchers and advocates. Moreover, by acknowledging the social and health disparities that exist in the disaggregated Asian American population and the need for support and resources in underrepresented communities, advocates can further challenge the perspectives and characteristics attached to the model-minority stereotypes.

Limitations and recommendations for future research

Our study findings should be interpreted in light of the study's limitations. First, our sample size was relatively small. This is likely associated with the challenge of recruiting an underrepresented group (Asian American) in the field of social work during the peak of the pandemic which was coupled with the increased racist climate, work-related stressors, and personal reasons. Nevertheless, we were humbled to have shared space with 17 other Asian American social workers who felt compelled to share their experiences and insight. Second, our research team's intentions were to minimize patterns of bias towards East Asians and to combat presumptions that “Asians” means “East Asians” (Nadal, 2019). Therefore, we made efforts to target specific professional groups, for example, South Asian Social Work Educators Association, Asia and Pacific Association for Social Work Education, Southeast Asia Resource Action Center, etc., but we received limited recruitment responses. Researchers conducting similar investigations should continue engaging in tailored efforts when recruiting groups underrepresented in this study and who are severely underrepresented in data in general including South Asians (e.g., Bangladeshi, Indians, Nepalese, Pakistani, etc.) and Southeast Asians (e.g., Cambodians, Hmong, Laos, Thai, Vietnamese, etc.) beyond Filipinos, males, those in the Southern U.S. region, and social workers practicing on a macro level. It could also be possible that the Asian ethnic identities of the research team members may have limited motivating some Asian American social workers from participating in this study (e.g., those from particular Asian ethnic groups or those who prefer to speak in their first language for the interviews if English was not their primary language). Moreover, the disproportionate attacks on East Asians and certain Southeast Asians (Jeung et al., 2022) may have motivated our participants to participate in this study. Future studies would benefit by actively recruiting the aforementioned underrepresented subgroups within the larger Asian American social worker population. Lastly, although our participants characterized model-minority stereotypes and contextualized it in the current anti-Asian hate climate, future studies can further explore how to overcome the negative narrative of model-minority stereotypes. Moving forward, this presents opportunities to further investigate the role of model-minority stereotypes and its effects on Asian American social workers, especially with regard to their experience in the organizational setting, adherence to self-care practices, and advocacy work at large.

Conclusion

The present study was conducted by two Korean and one Filipino American social work researchers and one Japanese American graduate student and showed that the current anti-Asian hate climate is having varying intrapersonal and interpersonal effects, particularly by the constraints of model-minority stereotypes, on Asian American social workers. Exploring the experiences of Asian American social workers enhanced our understanding of the effects of the stereotype, which has both personal and professional consequences. In this study, the underlying tone pertaining to the model-minority stereotypes corresponds with previous empirical findings in that there is a need to continue with education efforts and overcome the restrictive image attached with the model-minority stereotypes. Opportunities are present to unlearn and to debunk the myths attached to the model-minority stereotypes. We must also relearn the true intentions to the model-minority stereotypes which includes understanding its historical origins and the external imposition of this label onto the Asian American population. Finally, continued efforts should be made to promote knowledge about its broad sweep and attacks on various health dimensions (physically, psychologically, socially, and spiritually) across Asian American ethnic groups and social workers. In addition, efforts should be made to further investigate the possible role and impacts of model-minority stereotypes when considering tailored intervention efforts to improve Asian American experiences and wellbeing across social settings.