Abstract
Red Pilled: The Allure of Digital Hate is highly recommended for scholars and students who want to understand further about the online right-wing movement in digital spaces, especially through the emotionality of hate. Luke Munn, a researcher at Digital Cultures & Societies at the University of Queensland, examines the four major far-right social media platforms, namely, 8-Chan, Gab, QAnon, and Parlor. Munn examines the sociological, political, and psychological components that radicalize people into right-wing terrorism, from the Capital Riot to ongoing American mass shootings, through online spaces. The book helps readers unfamiliar with the topics and gives scholars ideas to reflect on for future research. Munn suggests that we can prevent radicalization by debunking misinformation, even though it is complicated due to in-group biases (pp. 164–165). Focusing on how radicalizing political extremism is psychosocial helps us understand how identity, culture, and politics intertwine through both sentiments and technological strategies in social media.
The discussion on the emotionality of hate in the first chapter, how hate fuels political extremism through identity and actions, is crucial throughout the book. Due to the effect of digital media platforms, we learn that hate is a critical element of the far right through virtual mobilization. Munn argues that through methodological empathy, referring to deeply held emotional and spiritual beliefs on what is wrong with society and how to “regenerate” it (p. 160), we can understand how and why far-right culture appeals to certain people through the emotion of hate, especially as technology makes it much more plausible and feasible for far-right radicalization.
Munn discusses what type of hate the far right weaponizes against progressive movements. The first chapter is on 8chan, a platform that allows users to share shock “edgy” humor and shitposting memes, through what Munn calls playful hate, weaponizing hate through humor; passive and radical nihilism is a crucial element of 8chan, as users go from passive nihilism (“a world without values”) to radical nihilism (“values without a world”), making playful hate more destructive through desensitization toward violence and misanthropy (p. 42). The problem with ironic shock humor, such as joking about mass violence or xenophobia, is that it normalizes these beliefs, allowing people to not react negatively by not taking them seriously. People risk falling into layers of radicalization by accepting one belief into another, such as the mobilization of QAnon in the second chapter. QAnon is a rabbit hole for people with righteous hate, as their tightly held traditional Christian values risk falling into conspiracy theories, especially if they hold black-and-white thinking about morality, as they feel a sense of confidence by formatting conspiracy theories through the Socratic method and discussions in online forum posts. The third chapter is on Gab, a social media platform that resisted “Silicon Valley censorship.” The appeal of Gab is what Munn calls friendly hate; users can share interests and socialize with others through far-right beliefs, as Gab platforms a broad range of topics, from fashion, health, and sports to academic, social, and family life, similar to mainstream social media apps. Munn explains how the Gab newsletter uses conspiracy theories and fabricated stories for propaganda while reframing itself from using direct hate speech, such as avoiding explicit transphobic slurs but reporting stories with transphobic arguments and misgendering. Along with Gab is Parler, a similar platform that allows patriotic hate to spread. The fourth chapter focuses on how patriotic hate in Parler roots in white rages, including the revulsion toward social movements that challenge whitewashing narratives in American colonial culture, perceiving progressive actions as an attack against their colonial identity, such as believing that critical race theory is part of “cultural Marxism.” Emotionality and a sense of community are essential elements of the process of far-right radicalization.
Munn could have distinguished further between recovery and the deradicalization process. Munn asserts that studies in deradicalization ignore the complex narratives of former extremists, as he notes that people cannot just leave an ideology through mere reasoning, that is why he explains why he coins the recovery process in former political extremists. The recovery process (relapses, self-initiated, and humanizing radicalization studies) and counter-narrative (resonance, credibility, narrative depth, relevance, and accessibility) are part of the deradicalization process: for instance, sociologist Pete Simi et al.’s (2017) in-depth life history interviews with former White nationalists who struggle with involuntary reactions and use conscious efforts to deradicalize themselves, such as self-talking out of spontaneous racist thoughts or converting to Buddhism.
However, the crucial point Munn makes about the limitations of deradicalization and counter-radicalization studies is the massive focus on Islamic terrorism without considering White supremacy within and outside of research, such as intense profiling against Middle Eastern and Muslim communities, or the absence of anti-racist discussion. Munn also asserts that we should comprehend the differences in definition between deradicalization and counter-radicalization, as both focus on distinctive approaches to stopping radicalization (prevention versus conversion). Munn helps readers realize how White emotionality (intersecting with other oppression by culture and history of Whiteness) is a critical factor of far-right radicalization and fascism. Through the invisibility of Whiteness, we risk White people struggling to accept progressive changes without understanding why they abject them, especially why White emotionality is a crucial component in Trumpism. Racism includes White Americans consciously or subconsciously fearing the loss of their status quo and cultural identity by anti-racism. Trump supporters identify with Trump through his public persona and messages, especially through the slogan “Make America Great Again,” as they have a sense of community through their hatred toward the out-groups that contradict the far-right ideology. Digital platforms allow far-right groups to intertwine through connections with a few clicks at home, keeping them bound into the echo bubble of their collective and overlapping identity.
