Abstract
As police agencies across the globe continue to address recruitment and attrition within their organisations, the voices of early career, i.e. police recruit, officers offer insight into what motivates recruits to join the police profession and their expectations of the role ahead of them. This article presents initial findings from the first of six cohorts of police recruit students who are part of a 5-year longitudinal study as they commence their policing careers. Findings from survey data suggest that supporting the community and expectation of good career prospects were the highest ranked motivators. Having a family member in the police force was indicated as a strong source of knowledge and influence on joining a police organisation, and this together with the opportunity for a long-term career were strong motivators, particularly for Generation Z respondents. The study findings offer indicative trends for police organisational recruitment strategy deliberations.
Introduction
The recruitment and retention of police officers is critical to managing a workforce that is both vital for the proper functioning and safety of the community and, by its nature, burdened with high workloads and accompanying levels of stress (Sheard et al., 2019; Waters and Ussery, 2007; Wuschke et al., 2018). Those choosing to become police must be suitable for the job and the job must be suitable for aspirants to want to enter and remain in the profession. Organisationally, the costs of initial training for recruits and of those associated with replacing the experience of officers leaving are high (Wilson, 2012). Early career resignations result in a low return on investment for police agencies that, having outlaid significant costs for training and supervision, have not had the opportunity to deploy a more fully developed and experienced officer (Wilson et al., 2023). For individuals leaving policing, especially in the early years of their career, the personal costs also need to be considered as unrealised investments of time, money and opportunity in a career false start. Seeking to understand aspirations for a career in policing and the expectations aspirants have of the profession they have chosen, as well as the frustrations and disappointments that may see them become less committed to their work or leave the profession altogether are worthwhile scholarly and industry interests.
This article reports on the first stage of a longitudinal study investigating motivations and expectations, and fulfilments and disappointments experienced by policing students and early career officers. At this early stage in the study in which respondents are newly exposed to police education and training and yet to experience the work of policing, the focus for this article is on motivations and expectations, with subsequent stages of the study better able to explore fulfilments and disappointments. Nevertheless, as Charman and Tyson (2023) observe in their investigation into reasons officers exit a policing career through the perspective of identity construction, to understand an officer's decision to leave requires an understanding of his or her initial reasons for joining the police. The motivations and expectations of the participants in the current search will therefore necessarily inform subsequent stages in which job satisfaction and disenchantment are manifest.
The multiyear scope of the study also appreciates differing attitudes across generations and anticipates future staffing considerations taking the attitudes of those who are currently the youngest of adults into account. For this reason, this article reports on and analyses survey responses from police aspirants and compares the results of the overall cohort of respondents with those aged between 19 and 25, a demographic referred to as Generation Z (Gen Z) (Dimock, 2019).
Literature review
Motivations for joining
As Wozniak et al. (2023) contend, understanding why those aspiring to a career in policing are drawn to it is critical to understanding policing itself. Wozniak et al. also observe that despite this importance, few studies explore recruit motivations. Notwithstanding this lack in volume, the existing body of knowledge has been developing for many decades. Schuck (2021) refers to the early policing scholars McNamara (1967) and Niederhoffer (1967), who attributed a need for power and control as key drivers for wanting to become a police officer (Schuck, 2021). Subsequent studies have located motivations around other needs and expectations that are more in keeping with a profession and institution that has adapted to changing expectations from its public (Mawby, 2008; Reiner, 2008, 2010). Lester's (1983) survey of male recruits from a US state police agency identified pay security and service as the most important reasons for becoming a police officer. Job security, helping others and enforcing the law were also established as important drivers (Lester, 1983).
Clustering influences and motivations around different categories, some of which are altruistic, some practical, is common to much of the research. Schuck (2021), for example, identified three ‘basic dimensions’ as motivators: economic opportunities and job stability, working conditions and humanitarian reasons. Wozniak et al. (2023), also observing the small body of knowledge on the motives of prospective officers, identified two principal themes: practical matters such as job security and income, and more ideological expectations such as contributing to society and idealised perceptions of police officers and their role.
Regardless of research classifications for motivations, the most commonly claimed reasons prospective officers give for wanting to join the police have remained consistent since Lester's (1983) study, with only slight variations in the order of ranking of established reasons for joining (Foley et al., 2008). Todak (2017) also observed research respondents identified their interest in becoming a police officer at different stages in their development. For many, policing was a childhood dream, a motivation strong on emotion but lacking a definitive cause.
It is evident from these studies that policing aspirants are not homogenous in their motivations for joining, nor are they homogenous in ethnicity or gender. In recognising the Peelian principle that the police are the public and the public are the police (Emsley, 2013), police agencies are keen to reflect the community and to ensure diversity among their ranks (Stergioulis, 2018). Researchers, too, have sought to investigate ethnicity and gender representation in policing, including motivations for joining.
Although difficulties in recruitment to and retention of police officers are common to agencies across the world (Davies et al., 2024), a particularly tense social climate surrounding policing in the USA has likely had an adverse effect on those considering the profession in that country (Todak, 2017). Todak's (2017) research investigated motivations to become a police officer in the wake of numerous instances of deadly force imposed by police on Black citizens. With a particular focus on women aspirants, whose increased representation in police agencies is seen as a potential solution to negative public attitudes to police, Todak found that the women in the surveyed cohort were ‘uniquely motivated to become police officers because of these challenges’ (Todak, 2017: 265 emphasis in original). Similarly, for both male and female recruits, surveys conducted by Wojslawowicz et al. (2023) in a US police academy found that such negative impressions had little to no influence on police recruits’ decisions and career motivations. Negative attitudes towards policing organisations or the institution itself as a cause for a lack of willingness, or indeed a motivation to join the profession have not been identified by research examining the Australian context (this current study being situated in the Australian context).
Diversity
Differences based on race and gender for individuals seeking to pursue a police profession have been subject to research that predates the above studies of motivation in response to diversity issues involving police organisations. Raganella and White (2004), in their survey of New York Police Department recruits, found that motivations, both altruistic and practical, were similar regardless of race and gender with any minor differences having ‘limited practical implications’.
The work of Gibbs (2019), which focuses solely on women and minority applicants to a US police agency, found that one-quarter of respondents could not articulate a motivation, and the second most frequently stated driver was that indeterminate notion of a childhood dream. More clearly defined motivations featuring strongly in Gibbs’ research were of the altruistic type (helping others and making a difference) rather than the practical (job security and salary), although the expectation of a good transition from military service was also commonly stated (Gibbs, 2019). Gallardo's (2020) study of Latino officers in the Los Angeles Police Department found a desire to serve the community, particular the Latino community, was the leading motivation among the cohort. Research undertaken by Wallace (2021) in the form of surveys of recruits commencing their first phase of academy training with the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service, found that job security was the main motivation for recruits entering into the programme. The work of Wallace (2021) also found that the motivations of male recruits were more altruistic, such as giving back to society, service to the community and supporting the criminal justice system, when compared with those of female recruits, which were ‘generally self-serving’ (Wallace, 2021) such as salary, job benefits and security. In a broader study of Caribbean police agencies, Wallace and Neptune-Figaro (2021) demonstrated that job security was the dominant motivator for female officers (Wallace and Neptune-Figaro, 2021).
Research into motivations for joining the police held by serving officers and those having retired from the role, such as that of Howes and Goodman-Delahunty (2015), requires retrospection from those who are removed in time and experience from their aspirations. Nevertheless, Howes and Goodman-Delahunty's categories of opportunities and enjoyment, practical considerations, desire to contribute, influence from others and lack of alternatives, are just as relevant to studies of recruit identified motivations as they are of that of officers more established in their careers.
Expectations
Beyond research aims of exploring the motivations of those seeking to become police officers, few researchers have focused specifically on aspirants’ expectations of their careers in terms of longevity and role assignment. In regard to the former of these foci, Cox et al. (2025), in examining the motivations of 120 new UK recruits, found that regardless of the reasons participants gave for joining, nearly 90% expected to remain in policing for at least 10 years. Scheer et al. (2018), in considering recruitment decline in the USA, report on pre-service criminal justice students’ preference for roles other than police patrol work, the general duties role at the frontline and heart of policing. More than half (55%) of the 753 participants regarded police patrol as a ‘stepping stone to more specialized work within law enforcement’ (Scheer et al., 2018: 6).
As a current trend experienced across multiple policing agencies around the globe indicates a downturn in applications to join the police profession and a rise in the numbers leaving the police profession, it is timely to explore the attitudes and perceptions of more recent recruit officers to contribute to the currency of literature in this domain. In contributing to an understanding of the prevailing motivational factors and expectations prevalent among 21st century police recruit applicants, a longitudinal (5-year) study is being conducted in the Australian context with the New South Wales Police Force (NSWPF). The study includes exploring insights into the motivating factors for joining the police profession identified by current (2023–2025) police recruit students.
Becoming a police officer: the NSWPF experience
The pathway to becoming a police officer in New South Wales (NSW) is through enrolment in and completion of the Associate Degree in Police Practice (ADPP), a programme offered through a partnership between the NSWPF and Charles Sturt University (NSW Police Force, 2024). An ADPP student's employment status with the NSWPF and the mode of study vary throughout the programme. After completion of a generalist 4-week enabling programme, ADPP students commence Session 1, which is conducted online (e-learning approach) over a 16-week period, or in a half-time mode over a 32-week period. Session 2 is a further 16 weeks of on-campus (face-to-face) study during which students are temporary, fixed-term employees of the NSWPF. Following attestation, or swearing in as a police probationary constable, students commence the Year 2 programme of study. The newly deployed probationary constables commence working full-time on a full salary and studying the Year 2 segment of the ADPP part-time in distance education mode. As the first component of a longitudinal study of ADPP students and early career police officers, the research reported on in this article is focused on policing students in their first session of the programme of study.
Methods
The data analysed in this study were collected during the first phase of the longitudinal study conducted by Charles Sturt University researchers at the School of Policing Studies. This study seeks to understand the elements in the journey from applicant to 5-year experienced police officer that influence motivation, job satisfaction and career decisions. The sample for this first phase was drawn from policing students who commenced Session 1 (identified as Session 1A) of the ADPP in January 2024 in a part-time mode and those who commenced the programme as full-time students in April 2024 (identified as Session 1). Both cohorts study in the online (e-learning) environment. The students were invited to participate in a survey constructed and administered by the research team. Students were informed that their participation was voluntary, they could withdraw at any time without consequence, and their participation or decision not to participate and their individual responses would be confidential.
Table 1 indicates the analysis in respect of the number of surveys completed, and the gender and age attributes of the respondents.
Demographics of survey respondents.
In respect of Gen Z, 34 of the respondents were in the 19–25 age cohort, 7 of whom were female and 27 were male.
Data collection tools
The survey distributed to Session 1 and Session 1A consisted of 22 questions. In respect of collecting data attributed to motivational factors, four initial questions were focused on demographic data: age, gender, language other than English and highest level of education. Subsequent questions reported on in this article explored motivations for embarking on a career in policing, sources of knowledge of the role of policing and career expectations, including anticipated duration, taskings as a probationer and role aspirations. Questions on these topics either used a Likert scale (Very strongly agree, Strongly agree, Agree, Undecided, Disagree, Strongly disagree, Very strongly disagree and Not applicable) or required the preferential selection of nominated responses with the option of adding free-text responses. Other questions included in the survey but not reported on here explore respondents’ confidence in managing the demands of the ADPP and the support they received from family and friends in undertaking the course.
Results
Major motivation
The first set of survey questions focused on motivations for pursuing a career in policing. Respondents were asked to rank a list of seven motivating factors for joining the police:
good career prospects; stability of employment; the influence of family and friends; an interest in supporting the community; an interest in a non-desk job; an interest in moving into a specialist role such as marine or air commands, forensics, tactical teams; the influence of the media showing the job as exciting and challenging.
The survey also offered the opportunity for free-text responses in which respondents were asked to nominate any other factor not listed that they considered to be the strongest influence in their decision to select policing as a career. The highest and lowest rankings for these options are displayed in Figure 1.
Influence of motivational factors.
As shown in Figure 1, the top ranked motivating factor selected from the list was an interest in supporting the community, an influence ranked highest by male and female respondents. Career prospects and an interest in specialisation were ranked second and third respectively. These factors were valued differently by male and female respondents, as shown in Figures 2 and 3, and by the Gen Z cohort (Figure 4) in comparison with the respondents as a whole. One-third of all female respondents ranked career prospects highest compared with male respondents, one-fifth of the latter ranked this option first. One-quarter of the male respondents indicated a preference for the more specific career prospects provided in the form of specialist role, a motivating factor not shared by any of the female respondents. Notably, Gen Z female respondents ranked career prospects and performing in a non-desk job equal first with the community focused factor (Figure 6). The lowest ranked motivating factor across the cohort was the influence of the media showing the job as exciting and challenging, with half of the respondents ranking it last and one-third ranking it second last. A greater percentage of male respondents (62%) placed this motivator last compared with female respondents (17%), with half of the female respondents nominating the influence of family or friends as the lowest factor, a view shared by only one-quarter of the male respondents.
Motivational factors identified by male respondents.
Motivational factors identified by female respondents.
Motivational factors identified by Generation Z respondents.
Motivational factors identified by male Generation Z respondents.
Motivational factors identified by female Generation Z respondents.
As shown in Figure 4, first preferences were similar for the 34 respondents in the 19–25 age range, with interest in supporting the community ranked highest by 41%. However, female respondents in this cohort (Gen Z) ranked interest in career prospects and interest in a non-desk job equal first with supporting the community (29% for each), whereas 44% of their male contemporaries ranked supporting the community first followed by interest in moving into a specialisation (19%) as second preference (Figure 5).
The lowest ranked motiving factors selected by Gen Z respondents were also consistent with the wider cohort: influence of family and friends and influence of the media were selected lowest by an equal number of respondents (44% each), both Gen Z and in total. The ranking of the lowest motivator showed more variation between male and female respondents in this age cohort. While the influence of media was ranked last by 56% of Gen Z males, 71% of females placed it as second lowest motivator. In respect of the motivating factor of influence of family and friends, male respondents ranked this as second lowest, whereas 86% of female respondents ranked this as the lowest motivation factor.
Respondents were also provided with an opportunity to nominate other motivating factors and 27 of the 62 respondents took this opportunity. The most frequently provided motivator was childhood or lifetime dream, not further defined. Other responses were closely aligned with the factors provided in the pre-defined list, examples of which include career progression, service to the community and job variety. Unique responses included ‘work with like-minded people’, ‘I have always been drawn to accomplishing difficult things’ and ‘I was always motivated about the opportunity of representing my community in the police as I believe having diverse perspectives would enrich the relationship between law enforcement and various communities’.
Family and friends in the police and their influence in choosing a policing career
The influence of relatives and friends as a motivation factor was further investigated with respondents being asked whether any of their family members or friends were or had been police officers. A subsequent question asked whether this factor influenced respondents’ motivation to follow a policing career.
Over half of all respondents indicated that they had a police officer family member or friend (Figure 7), two-thirds of whom were either somewhat or heavily influenced by that person in their decision to become a police officer. One-fifth of those with family or friends in policing saw the relationship as having no influence, four (11%) were undecided.
Respondents with family and/or friends in policing.
All of the 12 female respondents with family or friends in policing indicated they were either somewhat or heavily influenced by that person(s), with the exception of one being undecided. Of the 52 male respondents, 62% identified as having a family member or friend in policing, two-thirds of whom were either somewhat or heavily influenced by that person in choosing a policing career; one-quarter reported the relationship as having no influence, with three being undecided.
Generation Z respondents with family or friends in policing.
Influence of family/friends to join the police profession.
Influence of family and friends – Generation Z.
Of the 34 Gen Z respondents, 16 (47%) identified having a police officer family member or friend, 11 (69%) of whom were either somewhat or heavily influenced by that person in their decision to become a police officer; 5 reported the relationship as having no influence and 1 was undecided. Two of the seven female Gen Z respondents (29%) identified as having family or friends in policing, both of whom indicated they were heavily influenced by that person(s). Of the 27 male Gen Z respondents, half identified as having a family member or friend in policing, the majority of whom were somewhat influenced (57%) with 1 being heavily influenced by that person in choosing a policing career. Thirty-six per cent reported the relationship as having no influence, and one was undecided.Figures 8–10
Although more than half of all participants had a family member or friend in the police, this association was not strongly identified as an influence on respondents’ motivation to pursue a policing career in comparison with the other options presented to them in the previous set of questions, in which the prospect of supporting the community was highest ranked. However, when asked to assess this factor alone, all respondents with family or friends in policing reported it as a strong positive influence. Notably, female respondents with family or friends in the police were more inclined than their male counterparts to regard this relationship as having a strong influence, despite ranking it lower than males when other factors were available to select.
Media influence
As well as being included in the options for respondents to rank in the series of questions on motivating factors, the influence of advertising and media campaigns on respondents’ decisions for joining the police was explored through a stand-alone question. Respondents were asked whether the media and advertising campaigns by the NSWPF influenced their decision to apply to the NSWPF.
As indicated in Figure 11, 49% of the respondents either agreed (39%), strongly agreed (8%) or very strongly agreed (2%) with the statement media and advertising campaigns by the NSWPF influenced their decision to apply to the NSWPF; while one-third either disagreed (27%), strongly disagreed (2%) or very strongly disagreed (5%). One-fifth of the cohort, all of whom were male, were undecided. Of the female respondents, as many agreed with the statement as disagreed (42% each), whereas more male respondents agreed with the statement (38% agree, 8% strongly agree) than disagreed (24% disagree, 2% strongly disagree, 6% very strongly disagree). Figure 12 indicates the responses from the Gen Z cohort were similar to those of the cohort as a whole.
Media influence on joining the New South Wales Police Force.
Media influence on Generation Z respondents joining the New South Wales Police Force.
Although more than half the respondents rated media representations of policing lowest of the seven motivational options presented in the first series of questions, when asked directly almost half regarded the media as having at least some influence on their decision. This is an interesting finding; recruitment advertising, an often-substantial investment by police agencies, is not a significantly strong motivational factor of itself, however, suitably target campaigns should not be discounted.
Sources of knowledge
As well as exploring the influence of family and friends in choosing a policing career, the survey included questions on what sources respondents drew on in developing their knowledge of the role of policing. Boag-Munroe's (2019) study of UK police recruits found those with relatively high pre-career knowledge of the police also held high levels of organisational commitment suggesting that those ‘who feel more familiar with the police service will be more attached’ (Boag-Munroe, 2019: 95). The sources of knowledge nominated for respondent selection in the current research were experience in another jurisdiction; from family members who are police officers; from direct interaction with officers on duty; from television news reports; from reality TV programmes such as Recruits and RBT; and from fictional television programmes.
As shown in Figure 13, information from family members and direct interaction with officers performing in the role were the most frequently selected response (27% for both). Experience in another jurisdiction was ranked lowest by more than half of the respondents (53%), only four (6%) selected this as their first ranked source of knowledge. Gender differences on this question were most prominent for the interactions with police on duty as the key source of knowledge, with half the female respondents selecting it first compared with less than one-quarter of the male respondents (Figures 14 and 15).
Sources of knowledge about policing.
Sources of police knowledge for male respondents.
Sources of police knowledge for female respondents.
In the Gen Z cohort (Figure 16), family members and police on duty were ranked first by an equal number of respondents (29% for each). Thirty per cent of male respondents in this age group selected family members first and 26% selected police on duty (Figure 17). Family members were selected as the primary source by 29% of Gen Z females with police on duty being the chief source for 43% (Figure 18).
Sources of police knowledge for Generation Z respondents.
Sources of police knowledge for male Generation Z respondents.
Sources of police knowledge for female Generation Z respondents.
Career expectations
The survey included questions relating to career expectations. These questions explored respondents’ anticipated career length, what activities they expected they would be engaged in during the early probationary stage of their careers, and what field of policing they were interested in pursuing post-probation.
Expected duration
The first of the career expectation questions asked respondents the extent to which they agreed with the statement that they anticipated a medium- to long-term career in policing.
Figure 19 shows that almost all respondents (92%) very strongly agreed (58%) or strongly agreed (34%) with the statement ‘I plan to be in the NSWPF as a medium- to long-term career’. Only one of the respondents, a male in the 45–55-year age category, disagreed with the statement, and two, a male and a female in the 26–35-year age category, selected uncertain as their response. Gen Z respondents were no less committed to a lengthy career (Figure 20), although the percentage of males in this age group indicating they very strongly agreed with the statement was slightly lower than it was for male respondents overall.
Long-term career expectations.
Long-term career expectations – Generation Z.
Probationer activities
The survey also explored respondents’ expectations of the frequency they would likely undertake nominated activities at the commencement of their careers. The activities nominated included:
doing paperwork/administration; using appointments/weapons; using bodily force or being ‘hands-on’ with offenders; using technology; responding to mental health calls; responding to domestic violence calls; foot patrol; pushbike patrol; vehicle patrol; public order policing (riots and protests); appearing in court; working with specialist officers.
The respondents were asked to nominate the frequency of which they anticipate performing tasks as a probationary constable. The time frames offered for selection included: not at all, rarely, occasionally, regularly and most of the time for each of these specified activities. Figure 20 shows the responses for the total cohort, with Figures 21 and 22 showing male and female responses respectively.
Expected frequency of police tasks.
Expected frequency of police tasks as identified by male respondents.
Using technology (66%) and doing paperwork/administration (53%) were jointly the most selected activities regarded by respondents as being probationer activities undertaken ‘most of the time’, with all respondents selecting these activities as either requiring most of a probationer's time or being a task they would do regularly. Other activities selected as being undertaken ‘most of the time’ were vehicle patrol (40%), responding to domestic violence calls (34%) and responding to mental health calls (23%). The options of using technology and doing paperwork/administration were also the most selected as activities being done most of the time for female respondents (75% and 67% respectively) as shown in Figure 21 and male respondents (64% and 50% respectively) as shown in Figure 22, although there was some variation in the number of respondents making these selections. Female respondents nominated attending domestic violence calls (42%) more readily than male respondents (32%), with 42% of male respondents nominating vehicle patrol at the third highest frequency compared with domestic violence at 32%. There was also notable variation between female (25%) and male respondents (8%) in their expectation of court attendance as an activity probationers would undertake most of the time.
The activities most selected as being undertaken regularly were responding to mental health calls (68%), responding to domestic violence calls (60%), foot patrolling (58%), vehicle patrolling (50%) and paperwork/administration (47%). Although female and male respondents selected responding to mental health and domestic violence calls most highly as regular activities, their subsequent selections were more varied. Female respondents nominated foot patrol at half the rate of male respondents (33% compared with 68%) and, although half of the male respondents (50%) nominated paperwork as a regular activity, only one-third (33%) of the female respondents made the same selection.
Four of the activities were identified by approximately half of the cohort as being undertaken on an occasional basis: attending court (53%), working with specialists (53%), public order policing (48%) and using appointments (48%). Although female and male respondents were consistent in their selection of attending court and public order policing as occasional activities, one-third (33%) of female respondents identified working with specialists compared with 58% of male respondents, and one-quarter of female respondents (25%) identified hands-on engagement compared with nearly half of male respondents (46%).
The activities most selected as being undertaken rarely or not all were pushbike patrol (64%), public order policing (42%) and using appointments (37%). Although these activities were ranked highly by males and females as activities rarely or not at all engaged in there were some minor variations for each: 58% of female respondents and 66% of male respondents nominated pushbike patrol; 50% of female respondents and 40% of male respondents nominated public order policing; and 25% of female respondents and 40% of male respondents nominated using appointments. The most notable difference in this category was working with specialist officers which was listed as rarely or not at all be one-third of the female cohort (33%) with one-tenth of male respondents (10%) making either of these selections.
Gen Z's expectations for the work they would be engaged while probationers are given in Figure 23 and further delineated for male and female respondents in Figures 24 and 25 respectively.
Expected frequency of police tasks as identified by female respondents.
Expected frequency of police tasks identified by Generation Z participants.
Expected frequency of police tasks identified by male Generation Z participants.
These younger respondents were consistent with the wider cohort in their selection of using technology (74%) and doing paperwork/administration (59%) as activities probationers would do most of the time. However, all Gen Z female respondents nominated using technology compared with 67% of their male contemporaries, and 86% of Gen Z female respondents selected paperwork/administration compared with 52% of male Gen Z respondents. Other activities ranked at the highest frequency were vehicle patrol (38%), responding to domestic violence calls (32%) and responding to mental health calls (21%). The options of using technology and doing paperwork/administration were the most selected as activities being done most of the time for female (75% and 67% respectively) and male respondents (64% and 50% respectively) although with some variation in total preferences. There was greater variation between Gen Z female and male respondents in their nominating of other activities that probationers would engage in most of the time. GenZ female respondents selected attending domestic violence calls (57%) and appearing in court (26%) more readily than their male counterparts 26% of whom nominated domestic violence and 7% attending court.
The two most frequently selected activities by GenZ respondents as being undertaken regularly were the same as the cohort as a whole: responding to mental health and domestic violence calls, although a higher percentage nominated responding to mental health calls (71%), a variation stronger among male respondents in this cohort (74%) than female respondents (57%). Being hands-on with offenders (59%) and undertaking foot patrol (53%) were ranked at similar rates to responding to domestic violence (59%), and male respondents were more inclined to nominate foot patrol (63%) and vehicle patrol (56%) than their female counterparts (43% for each).
The four activities identified by approximately half of all respondents as being undertaken on an occasional basis were selected by the Gen Z respondents at similar rates: attending court (62%), working with specialists (56%), public order policing (56%) and using appointments (53%). As was the case for the larger cohort, there were variations between female and male respondents. Nearly one-third of female Gen Z respondents selected foot patrol as an occasional activity compared with one-tenth of their male contemporaries, and half of the male respondents identified physical engagement with offenders compared to 14% of female respondents.
The activities most selected as being undertaken rarely by the younger cohort were pushbike patrol (62%), public order policing (35%) and using appointments (32%), responses consistent with the wider cohort. Although these activities were ranked highly by male and female Gen Z respondents as activities rarely engaged in, there were some minor variations for each: 57% of female respondents and 63% of male respondents nominated pushbike patrol; 43% of females and 33% of males nominated public order policing; and 14% of females and 27% of males nominated using appointments.
None of Gen Z cohort selected any of the nominated activities as those in which probationers would not engage at all. The activities most selected as being undertaken rarely by Gen Z respondents were pushbike patrol (64%), public order policing (42%) and using appointments (37%). Although these activities were ranked highly as activities probationers rarely engaged in by male and female respondents there were some minor variations for each: 58% of females and 66% of males nominated pushbike patrol; 50% of females and 40% of males nominated public order policing; and 25% of females and 40% of males nominated using appointments. The most notable difference in this category was working with specialist officers, which was selected as rarely occurring by 14% of the female respondents and 4% of the male respondents in this cohort.
The relevance of including the question in respect of the taskings the police recruits anticipate will occupy their operational time on duty is to provide insight into how they perceive the role of a probationary constable. Further, this data will be utilised at a later stage in the longitudinal study to compare expectations of the role with the reality of their field-based experience.
Role aspirations
Respondents were asked to nominate their preferred career assignment following probation and tenure requirements from the following options: general duties, investigations, plain clothes, traffic policing and tactical operations/public order unit. The responses are shown in Figure 26.
Expected frequency of police tasks identified by female Generation Z participants.
Overall, approximately one-fifth (19%) of respondents selected general duties, one-quarter (26%) investigations, 13% selected traffic, one-third (32%) selected tactical operations/public order unit and 8% selected plain clothes duties. These categories were not favoured equally by female and male respondents with the most notable exceptions being investigations and tactical operations/public order: half of the female respondents nominated the former compared with one-fifth of the males and, whereas 40% of males selected tactical operations/public order unit, none of the female respondents nominated this role. There were smaller differences for female and male respondents for general duties (25% for females, 18% for males), traffic (8% of females, 14% of males) and plain clothes (17% for females, 8% for males).
The selections made by Gen Z respondents (Figure 27) were similar to the overall cohort with some variations for female and male respondents, reinforcing the point that a general duties role is not the preferred career path for one-fifth of the cohort and one-quarter of females (Figures 28).
Policing career preference identified by respondents.
Policing career preferences identified by Generation Z respondents.
The preference among male respondents in this group was more strongly weighted towards tactical operations and public order policing, and investigations/plain clothes only slightly less appealing to the younger female cohort.
Discussion
At approximately 16% of the Session 1 cohort, the survey response rate was not high. Although the female return rate represented one-quarter of respondents, a proportion consistent with female representation in the cohort and the policing profession (Productivity Commission, 2024), the overall low response makes difficult any conclusive comparisons based on gender particularly regarding Gen Z policing students. This low return rate should be taken into account before generalising any of the results; however, there are aspects deserving of observation even at this stage of the longitudinal study of which the survey is a part, including those that might provide guidance for further exploration as the study progresses.
Motivation and sources of knowledge and influence – implications for recruitment
Although most respondents suggested they were not motivated in their career decision by images of policing presented in the media, they did recognise that such images contributed to their knowledge of policing, although less so than they did through personal interactions with and observations of, operational police. Nevertheless, the recognition among respondents that media and advertising did influence their decision to follow a policing career demonstrates that such campaigns, suitably designed, can be effective in contributing to organisational recruitment goals. Although prospective recruits might be receptive to media initiatives designed to encourage interest in a policing career, their motivations are likely to be already firmly established. Advertising targeted at promoting those aspects of the job policing organisations and prospective officers value is therefore more likely to contribute to successful recruitment initiatives by confirming expectations and thus reinforcing intentions for aspirants rather than introducing policing to a less resolute audience with a view to generating interest. For this reason, ensuring recruitment campaigns and other organisational messaging aligns with the motivations and expectations of prospective police officers is essential. In keeping with previous studies (Foley et al., 2008; Lester, 1983; Raganella and White, 2004; Schuck, 2021), supporting the community ranked highest as a motivating factor. Campaigns depicting operational policing interacting positively with community members would do much to harness social service as a durable image of police work and encourage those who associate policing in this way to commit to their career goal. Given that general duties is the face of policing, such an image would also privilege this duty role. This is also an important consideration in responding to any potential drift towards specialist roles that do not require the same type or level of community engagement, notably public order policing, which was shown to be a favoured assignment by the majority of male Gen Z respondents in this study.
Having a personal relationship with someone in the police was ranked low as a motivator for pursuing a policing career compared with other available options by both the wider cohort and Gen Z respondents, particularly among female Gen Z respondents. However, the low ranking of this factor can be attributable to its lack of applicability to many in this cohort without family or friends in the police. Nevertheless, for those respondents who did have a family member or friend in the police force, this association was both a key source of knowledge and a strong influence on joining the police; again, particularly for Gen Z and female respondents. Similarly, first-hand observation of policing was found to be major source of knowledge about the profession. Combined, these findings align with that of Ryan et al. (2001) who suggest realistic views of the working life of police officers, likely among those who derive their understanding of the policing from family members, but also from experience and observation, is important for applicants and the organisation. Recruitment strategies that can encourage and facilitate serving, and retired officers to advocate policing to family and friends are likely to prove effective in attracting applicants. Ensuring officers themselves understand their own potential as advocates for the profession and encouraging them to be active in leveraging that potential, also presents as worthy recruitment strategy. In this regard, Gibbs et al. (2018) point to recruitment strategies that leverage personal relationships. While noting that a focus on recruitment from the families of established officers may be inadvertently counterproductive to diversity targets, particularly regarding under-represented ethnicities, they advocate proactive and targeted strategies that decrease social distance between the police and the public in the way familial relationships can act as an effective means to help attract women applicants (Gibbs et al., 2018). Furthermore, as G Stubbs and Tong (2024) observe, as well as providing a valuable source of support for other family members in policing, family ties would appear to be highly represented in females who successfully navigate their recruitment training.
Career expectations and directions
As was the case for Cox et al. (2025), almost all the respondents (95%) in this study anticipated a long policing career. This should be seen as a promising sign for police agencies across national and international jurisdictions as they seek to reduce attrition rates and improve the return on investment in recruitment and initial and ongoing training. The expectation of a lengthy career being strongly held by Gen Z respondents, who are commonly viewed as less organisationally committed and more free ranging across their working lives (Sullivan, 2024; Woodman, 2019), should be particularly encouraging as the representation of this cohort expands in the coming decades.
The strong preferences for specialisation, particularly in tactical operations and public order commands for male respondents and investigations for female respondents, do suggest the organisation may face difficulties in retaining general duties staff, the front line of policing with the highest staffing requirement (NSWPF, 2024). As suggested in the discussion relating to recruitment campaigns, reinforcement of the community-oriented nature of policing may be effective in bolstering general duties as a preferred career path. However, the widely shared expectation of a lengthy career may be informed by ambitions to take advantage of the many deployment options and career paths available in the modern police force such that lateral movements to different specialist commands within the organisation should be planned for and facilitated as a measure against attrition from policing.
When asked to consider the types of activities they would be performing in their probationary year, most respondents held realistic expectations. Operational policing work is dominated by domestic violence offences (J Stubbs and Wangmann, 2017) and mental health incidents (Morgan and Miles-Johnson, 2022), and respondents recognised they would be responding to tasks of this nature regularly within their future policing locations. They also recognise that the reporting, recording and processing of incidents ensures paperwork demands much of an officer's time. Much of that reporting, recording and processing is conducted electronically and respondents would understand the amount of time spent on organisational systems as being aligned to paperwork, although operational technology in the form of communication tools and body-worn cameras would also fall into this category. The activities respondents indicated they would engage in occasionally, such as using a firearm, using physical force, bike patrol, working with specialists and attending court, or rarely in the form of public order policing, were also realistic. The low frequency of ‘not at all’ for each of the options presented to the respondents further demonstrates their expectations of police work as aligning with the reality of operational policing, an alignment most likely to ensure career durability.
Limitations and future directions
The researchers acknowledge the sample is small. Nevertheless, the survey constitutes a component of a longitudinal study during which the survey will be replicated for other cohorts and supplemented by additional surveys as students advance through the ADPP programme and into their operational practice. The study will also be complemented by surveys and interviews with those who have voluntarily exited during the ADPP programme, or during their operational practice. Engaging with these respondents will provide further insights into motivations and expectations, as well as the impact of operational practice on levels of satisfactions and disappointments.
Some of the response options could have been framed more clearly. For example, the question relating to activity frequency may have been improved with most frequently as a response option rather than most of the time. Respondents selecting most of the time for more than one activity may have interpreted this response as being at a higher frequency than regularly, rather than as greater than half the time. Similarly, the question on previous experience in another jurisdiction as a source of knowledge of the role of policing allow for several ranked responses when a narrower range would provide an accurate count of respondents in this category. Likewise, it cannot be assumed that the respondents interpreted the meaning and intent of all the questions according to their design. For example, what constitutes a medium- to long-term career is likely to vary between individuals, particularly those in different age groups. Because a key focus of this component of the study is on members of Gen Z whose careers are just commencing, more clearly defined career spans would assist in determining whether this cohort differed from the sample as a whole regarding their career span expectations.
The issue of career longevity itself requires further study. The assertion of long-term career commitments among those still at the threshold of policing is inconsistent with the reality of attrition from police agencies. Further research into career satisfactions and disappointments, including subsequent stages of the longitudinal study informing this early reporting, will provide greater understanding of this expectation and reality gap. In doing so, studies of this nature can assist in developing strategies aimed at reducing early career disengagement.
Conclusion
The research reported in this article constitutes a component of what is planned as a 5-year longitudinal study of policing students and early career police officers. The findings identified from the study should be considered as early indications in the context of the more extensive project; nevertheless, they do offer insight into the motivations and expectations of policing students embarking on the foundational education and training programme prior to their deployment as early career police officers. They also offer considerations for policing agencies as they seek to recruit and retain officers in what is a competitive market for staff across comparable professions (Davies et al., 2024). Consistent with the small but long-established body of research on the topic, an interest in supporting the community remains the strongest motivation for becoming a police officer. In isolation, this factor suggests there is value in highlighting the community focused components of policing in recruitment campaigns and other corporate messaging. More holistically, this approach may also encourage prospective police to regard the frontline role of general duties officer, a position in which the majority of officers are needed, as a preferred career path rather than aspiring to specialist roles. These recruitment campaigns could be supplemented by encouraging serving officers to capitalise on their status as sources of policing knowledge and influence to attract applicants. Police agencies can also expect that their investment in recruitment and training will be rewarded with long-term career aspirants with a sound understanding of and strong committed to policing, including those in the Gen Z age group who might otherwise be regarded as less dedicated than other generations. This expectation will be more likely realised by ensuring that the other high-ranking career motivations, notably career prospects, stable employment and the variety of a non-desk job, are perceived and experienced supported and achievable.
Footnotes
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.