Abstract
This paper revisits the subcultural/post-subcultural debate, with Goth culture as its subject of study. Both theories and their differences are presented, as well as the need for reflection on current alternative cultures. To this end, the paper focuses on Paul Hodkinson's reformulation of the subculture concept and seeks to assess its relevance to Goth culture. This is accomplished through an empirical study with Portuguese Goths to examine its applicability in the current context and confirm or refute the presence of subcultural substance indicators in Goth culture. The conclusion acknowledges the complexity of this particular culture and asserts that it remains a subculture, but now more diverse, fragmented, and influenced by post-subcultural traits than before. This complexity led to the proposal of referring to the Goth culture with a new term, such as ambivalent subculture, acknowledging its subcultural and post-subcultural characteristics.
Keywords
Introduction
Subcultural theory has been subject of debate, opposing subcultural to post-subcultural theorists. One of the main divisions between these two perspectives is the contrast between the rigidity and homogeneity of subcultural groups and the individuality, fragmentation, and heterogeneity of groups from a post-subcultural standpoint. But are the boundaries between subcultural theory and post-subcultural theory really so clear? Are scenes, neo-tribes, or lifestyles unquestionable substitutes for the old subcultures conceptualization? Has the concept of subculture lost its validity since the end of the last century? And are all current youth groups unquestionably assignable to one side of this debate? These questions, in our view, are relevant in terms of the subcultural/post subcultural theory discussion, as it does not seem clear that current alternative cultures can be easily classified without at least prompting a thorough reflection on the reasons for placing them on one side of this spectrum. The boundaries between subcultural and post-subcultural classifications are often fluid, and this may be reflected in subcultures like Goth, punk or hip-hop, for example.
The Goth culture, in particular, appears to be a good subject of study for this issue. From the outset, it is an alternative culture that emerged during a period when subcultural theory à la Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) prevailed and served as a reference for the study of youth cultures. On the other hand, its longevity (already spanning over four decades) allowed it to span the period in which post-subcultural theory emerged, and it has itself been incorporated into this approach through its classification as scene or tribe. Therefore, it seems relevant to understand how this process unfolded and where Goth stands today.
In Portugal, only in the 1990s did explicitly Goth bands emerge, and with them a Goth community. It should be remembered that until 1974, Portugal was under a dictatorship, and it only joined the European Economic Community in 1986, which resulted in significant delays in accessing new cultural trends. This situation, coupled with the country's small size and its semi-peripheral status, partially explains the peculiarities of Portugal concerning alternative cultures.
This analysis, we believe, can bring a significant contribution to dispelling (or even deepening) some of the doubts that surround the (post)subcultural discussion.
Subcultural theory
Theoretical and analytical approaches to subcultures have varied over time, and, as Patrick Williams (2024b: 4) asserts, subculture has not always meant the same thing to everyone. Although the concept of subculture emanating from the CCCS was seminal for subcultural studies, we are aware that it has been subject to criticism, even by some of its authors such as McRobbie and Garber (2007) or Paul Gilroy (2007), and especially by post-subculturalists.
The work carried out by the theorists of the Chicago School around deviance, although never explicitly addressing subcultures, can be seen as the starting point for the subsequent construction of subcultural theory. Researchers such as Thrasher, Cressey, Foote White, and Becker were pioneers in subcultural research, which at the time was associated with microsociology, exploring the darker corners of society, such as youth gangs, table-dancing, and drug use (Nayak, 2004: 14), In attempting to explain adolescent crime and deviance, a normative behavior was attributed to certain specific urban regions, each possessing its own moral codes (Park and Burgess, 1984). This allowed for labeling these groups as deviant, if not outright delinquent, rendering them a danger to normative society, which justified the search for understanding the origins of these deviant behaviors.
With the emergence of the CCCS at the University of Birmingham in 1964 the focus, previously placed by American theory on delinquent gangs, shifted to youth cultures based on style. What CCCS scholars did was to place the class factor at the center of the analysis of youth culture through the so-called “double articulation” of youth subcultures: parental culture, on one side, and dominant culture, on the other hand (Hall et al., 2004: 15).
Style in subcultures, as analyzed by the CCCS, played a crucial role in shaping the identity and sense of belonging of this youth, as it served as a means of creative resistance and expression, allowing them to challenge dominant cultural norms and forge alternative forms of cultural identity. Two important aspects underpinned the style adopted by subcultures: one was that it served as a form of resistance against subordination, and the other was that this resistance was largely symbolic, as it did not resolve the practical problems faced by these young people (Cohen, 1997: 154).
Style in subcultures thus functioned as a deliberate way of communicating a message: the choice of visual sets in spectacular subcultures exhibited their own codes (such as the ripped T-shirts of punks, for example), which positioned them in opposition to dominant culture and its normalized forms, making the communication of significant difference (and simultaneously a group identity) the underlying point behind the style of all spectacular subcultures (Hebdige, 2005: 101–102).
During the 1990s, some of these questions gained relevance through assumptions that subcultures began to change, and theories focusing on lifestyles associated with consumption and fluid identities led to criticisms of the work of the CCCS, shifting the attention towards how subcultural participants experienced subculture (Webb, 2020). Post-subcultural researchers argued that the previous subcultural theory was too rigid in its interpretation of youth cultures as mere products of class and believed that they were better positioned to exemplify how media and consumerism had given rise to “new reflexive forms of cultural identity” based on associations of taste, aesthetics, and lifestyles (Bennett, 2015: 44).
In a 1990 book, Steve Redhead was already signaling the foundations for a shift in attitude towards subcultural analysis. In a chapter where he aptly speaks about “post-subcultural pop” he observes that the interpretation of subcultural style made by the CCCS would have been more closely aligned with the neo-Marxist theoretical agenda of the Centre than with the empirical reality of subcultural participation (Redhead, 1990: 27–47). This work may be seen as a precursor to the post-subcultural approach that emerged during the 90s.
Polhemus (1994) provided a foundation for studying some of the new clusters of youth cultures that were emerging at the time and would later be known by new terms replacing subculture, such as scene, neo-tribe, or lifestyle, for example. According to Sarah Thornton (1995), the dance cultures of the 90s, which she studied as an insider, could not be explained based on the subcultural theory of the CCCS, a framework she considered to be empirically unworkable. The major innovation she brought to the post-subcultural discussion was borrowing the idea of cultural capital from Bourdieu, which she then reworked into the concept of subcultural capital. The Clubcultures Reader, Steve Redhead (1997), also brought a significant contribution to the consolidation of a new subcultural theory through the lens of postmodern analysis, serving as an impetus for the emergence of post-subcultural theory.
Andy Bennett used Maffesoli's concept of tribe to provide an “empirical illustration of the neo-tribal relevance for understanding the collective sensitivities of taste and style that characterise contemporary youth” (Bennett, 1999: 608). Youth groups, previously theorized in a classical manner as coherent subcultures, were, in this neo-tribal perspective, better understood as sets of temporary gatherings with fluid boundaries and fluctuating memberships (Bennett, 1999).
Another concept used from a post-subcultural perspective was the notion of scene. The first conceptualization of music scene as a theoretically grounded model is presented by Straw (1991: 373). He saw it as more effective than subculture in describing music-related activities, especially because it seemed to “acknowledge the fluidity, overlap, and individual differences in musical practices,” which established a certain connection to postmodernism and individualization theories (Hodkinson, 2007: 10).
Geoff Stahl also observed the transition from subculture to scene in light of post-subcultural reality. He viewed the scene as something that incubated creative activity and encompassed a diverse range of activities associated with media production, distribution, and consumption (Stahl, 2020: 348). Initially theorized in relation to a specific location, the concept of scene has been updated, evolving from an idea grounded in the local to encompass also other realities, such as the translocal space and the virtual one, the latter being a result of the significant development of communication media facilitated by the internet (Bennett, 2004; Bennett and Peterson, 2004).
Criticisms
One of the main criticisms of post-subcultural studies focused on the fact that they neglected the issue of social divisions and inequalities in contemporary youth questioning the post-subcultural shift, particularly regarding the disregard given to structural inequalities and their natural impact on how young people relate to new youth cultures (Blackman, 2005; Hesmondhalgh, 2005). The notion that individualism has surpassed an emphasis on collectivity as a means by which social actors construct sociocultural identities for themselves, as stated by post-subculturalists like Muggleton (2000), encounters an apparent contradiction of this premise when confronted with subcultural groupings based on group identity.
Another critique revolves around the excessive emphasis placed on the transient and fluid nature of subcultural belonging, overlooking the fact that for many participants, this affiliation is more enduring than ephemeral. Additionally, there is criticism regarding the challenge of constructing a sufficiently robust conceptual framework capable of avoiding a certain interchangeability among different post-subcultural terms like the ones of neo-tribe, scene or lifestyle for example (Bennett, 2011).
The ongoing relevance of this debate is evident in the continued emergence of contemporary works that aim to shed new light on the discussion of subcultural and post-subcultural theory (Williams, 2024a).
Entering Goth (sub)culture
Post-punk, still in the late 1970s, brought about a set of new musical expressions, more elaborate and melodic (Newman, 2018). Some of the bands of that time shifted the focus from the previous punk protest against society to introspection and addressing personal problems and experiences.
Emerging in the United Kingdom in the early 1980s, when subcultural theory guided by the CCCS's subcultural analysis was still predominant, the Goth subculture quickly spread to other countries (Baddeley, 2006). Goth culture experienced commercialization in the 1980s dictating the end of many of its founding bands. This was a result of the mainstream market's absorption of Goth elements, recognizing it as a valuable segment in both the music and fashion industries, and some of its founding actors distanced themselves from it, almost leading to its demise and incorporation into mainstream culture (Spracklen and Spracklen, 2018). Germany had also participated in the first wave of Gothic culture, but it gained particular prominence in the subcultural landscape from the 1990s onwards, especially with the emergence of the Neue Deutsche Todeskunst movement and darkwave. During this period, numerous specialized clubs, shops, magazines, and the Wave Gotik Treffen—the world's largest Gothic festival, held annually in Leipzig— emerged in Germany (Lange and Burmeister, 2022).
The US significantly shaped Goth history, particularly with Death Rock, brought to Europe by bands like Christian Death. Labels like Wax Trax promoted the subculture, featuring industrial bands like Ministry and Front 242 (Lee, 1995). In addition, US bands like London After Midnight played a crucial role in solidifying the Gothic aesthetic. Labels such as Projekt, founded by Sam Rosenthal, further contributed to the scene with bands like Black Tape for a Blue Girl and Lycia, whose atmospheric sounds have continued to influence the genre. Other influential American acts such as Assemblage 23, known for their blend of electronic and gothic sounds, and The Cruxshadows, whose energetic style has reached international audiences, have also contributed to the evolution of the subculture. Today, new Goth bands emerge from both North and South America.
Throughout its evolution, Goth culture further subdivided into various distinct branches. Hence, it becomes relevant once again to understand how an alternative culture that began in an era of subcultures and continuously diversified into a myriad of different variants over the last 30 years (in a post-subcultures era) can be positioned within the debates of subcultures versus post-subcultures.
Subcultural theory has primarily focused on Anglo-Saxon contexts, neglecting the distinct realities of the Global South. Before the 1990s, Portuguese goths identified as part of a movement called avant-garde (vanguardas in portugese), mainly concentrated in Lisbon (Scharf, 2011: 20). Listening to seminal Goth bands and dressing entirely in black, many early Portuguese listeners were even unaware that a subculture called Goth suited them. In Portugal, musical subcultures lack the infrastructure present in other European or Global North countries, forcing participants to rely on limited resources to showcase their music and build communities. They also struggle to find venues for meetings and concerts, particularly outside Lisbon and Porto (Guerra, 2020). Many Portuguese Goth musicians cannot rely solely on music for their livelihood and often balance their artistic pursuits with other jobs in the creative sector. Some choose this path to maintain artistic independence from major labels, as is the case in other alternative music cultures in Portugal (Guerra, 2016), while others allow their subcultural involvement to influence their career choices. They seek jobs that enable them to apply their subcultural knowledge and sustain their lifestyle, particularly by adopting their aesthetic in professional settings—a challenge for many in subcultures (Fauquet-Alekhine, 2015).
From the standpoint of classical subcultural theory, countries like Portugal exhibit the absence of many elements identified by CCCS theorists regarding working-class expressions in subcultures. This stems from Portugal's historical weaknesses in industrialization and urbanization, alongside a unique social structure among subcultural participants, who, at the emergence of alternative cultures and still today, are mainly from educated middle- and upper-class backgrounds (Abreu et al., 2017). While alternative cultures are mostly concentrated in larger cities, some expressions also exist in smaller cities like Aveiro, Coimbra, and Leiria (Guerra, 2016). The internet's advent in the early twenty-first century has made it easier for Portuguese youth to access information, discover bands, buy subcultural products, and form virtual communities, reshaping their connections and expressions in Portugal (Campos and Simões, 2022).
As Paula Guerra (2024) asserts, Portugal possesses characteristics, related to its small size, difficulty in accessing subcultural markets, and the need to blend a Do it Yourself (DIY) attitude with some post-subcultural fluidity, that lead to a certain ambiguity or even blending of subcultural and post-subcultural categories. The internet has spread the subculture across Portugal since the 2000s, often via virtual communities, and the largest Goth event is the Extramuralhas festival, initially called Entremuralhas until 2017, held since 2010 in Leiria.
Our experience with Portuguese Goths highlights both similarities and differences with classic subcultural characteristics. The working-class roots of traditional subcultures, seem to do not apply in Portuguese subcultures context. Many Portuguese Goths do not exclusively identify as Goth, recognizing connections with other subcultures, though some assert an exclusive Goth identity. Levels of commitment vary; some members maintain a stronger connection to Goth culture, while other participants often embrace post-subcultural fluidity. This suggests that discussions of subcultural versus post-subcultural contexts should consider the unique dynamics of semi-peripheral countries like Portugal, and subcultural and post-subcultural terms may not fully encapsulate all the specificities of Portuguese Goth, thus it may be necessary to find a new one to highlight all this ambivalence.
Paul Hodkinson and indicators of subcultural substance
The plethora of terms used to replace the use of subculture indicate a lack of consensus in the (post)subcultural debate, with proponents of both subcultural and post-subcultural theories. Paul Hodkinson (2002) acknowledged his inability to adopt the new post-subcultural terms to characterize the Goth culture, arguing that the continued use of subculture remained valid in referring to groups such as Goths.
But he argued that continuing the use of the CCCS framework was no longer viable either and called for a reformulation of the concept, proposing a set of subcultural substance indicators to better reflect the characteristics of youth groups in the new Millennium (Hodkinson, 2002). One of these indicators, consistent distinctiveness, refers to a subculture's ability to maintain a distinct and recognizable identity over time. This involves adhering to specific styles, values, and practices that distinguish the group from dominant norms and trends. As for identity, it relates to the importance of subcultures in expressing the identity of their participants, allowing them to have a sense of involvement and shared belonging that enables individuals to identify themselves as members of a specific group. The third indicator, commitment, refers to the level of involvement and dedication of subculture members, which may include participation in subcultural activities and events, as well as the adoption of lifestyles and values associated with it that have impacts on the daily lives of participants. Lastly, there is autonomy, which relates to the subculture's ability to exist independently from the dominant culture, creating specific spaces, means of production, and distribution (Hodkinson, 2002: 30–32).
Although Hodkinson's work is significant in the subcultural/post-subcultural debate, it has faced some criticism, particularly in Paul Sweetman's (2009) review of its reformulation. Sweetman suggests that Hodkinson's analysis does not fully address why individuals identify as Goths and that it tends to accept respondents’ narratives uncritically, overlooking issues such as class and race that are pertinent in a predominantly white, middle-class subculture. However, it is important to note that Hodkinson's work was more focused on documenting and analyzing the Goth subculture than providing an origin story. Another critique revolves around Hodkinson's perceived circularity in defining subcultures, by relying solely on the fulfillment of four criteria of subcultural substance as a condition for their existence, a term he continues to use despite its diluted original connotation. However, despite these criticisms, Sweetman acknowledges the significance and interest of Hodkinson's research.
Methods
The empirical material for this article stems from a study we are conducting on the Goth subculture in Portugal, focusing on the Extramuralhas Gothic festival as a case study. The fact that this event is the largest gathering of this alternative culture in Portugal, attracting subcultural participants from across the country and abroad, justified our choice of this festival. Following contacts made during the 2022 and 2023 editions of the festival, semi-structured interviews were subsequently conducted with Goth participants. Data saturation was reached after 20 interviews, and the most significant interviews were selected based on their depth, diversity of perspectives, and relevance to the study's key themes.
All interviews were transcribed verbatim and subsequently analyzed using the qualitative data analysis software MAXQDA 2022. The analysis process was based deductively on the four indicators of subcultural substance, which served as the foundation for coding. For each of these codes, new codes that reflected the subcultural participation experiences shared by the interviewees inductively emerged and allowed for the confirmation or elucidation of the current relevance of these subcultural substance indicators in relation to the contemporary Goth culture. Particularly relevant to this analysis was understanding whether the discourse of the Goths aligned entirely with the subcultural assumption or if it also exhibited some post-subcultural characteristics.
Findings
Consistent distinctiveness
Hodkinson argued that symbolic resistance should not be considered the core essence of subculture, as he observed significant variation in the way Goths presented themselves. However, despite this diversity, they maintained a consistent visual style that allowed them to be recognized as members of the Goth community (Hodkinson, 2002).
Indeed, this consistency appears to be confirmed based on the findings from the interviews. Having elements that, despite the diversity of styles within the Goth culture, enable recognition among peers, becomes an important factor for subcultural participation among its members: I also remember going to get this piercing [points to the ear piercing] at the Garage [tattoo shop] while wearing a T-shirt with a black cat, and Maria João [the tattooist] mentioned Edgar Allen Poe, and I thought, “Oh, my effort is being recognized here!” (LM, 17)
The notion that there is a common aesthetic that allows individuals to be identified as Goths, despite their diversity, is something that its participants acknowledge as a fact. However, it should not hinder individuals from choosing other forms of presentation that may not align with the perceived subcultural consistency. In one of the interviews, the fact that some members of the Goth community looked at the interviewee with suspicion when she once attended a Goth event dressed in an outfit that did not align with the Gothic aesthetic is viewed in the following way: I recognize that there is a common aesthetic, and it's easy to identify a Goth, you know, that look, right? But I think that shouldn't restrict you from expressing your individuality beyond a subculture. In other words, the subculture shouldn't stifle what you want to express, you know? (DS, 39)
However, the Goth culture has seen its existence characterized by the emergence of several new styles, both musical and aesthetic. If we consider stylistic homogeneity as a marker of the modern context (subculture) and stylistic heterogeneity typical of postmodernity (characteristic of post-subcultures), we can also find this opposition in the current context, where the stylistic diversity that envelops Goth, associated with the normalization and adoption of the Gothic style by mainstream culture, makes it increasingly difficult to maintain that consistent distinctiveness, as is the case with other subcultures, such as punk, for example. This is clearly illustrated in the statement of one of the interviewees when she shares the difficulty she currently faces in discerning whether a particular person is Goth or not: (…) you know, when you used to look at a person before and knew they were Goth or metalhead? It was like an X-ray. Now, no. I think it's cool that the younger people who go, uh, yeah, they're alternative, you have more freedom to express yourself, and there's no rigidity because, you know, it's a different topic, about Goths who dress like it's a uniform; when we were younger, it was like that, there was that mindset, if you're Goth, you have to dress like this, and now it's not, I don't know, there's freedom and that's cool, I think it's awesome, there's no, like, you're Goth or in that phase, you have to dress in black, but, I don't know, I look and wonder, is this person Goth or not? (DS, 39)
Identity
Regarding the identity indicator, Hodkinson argued that there was a perception that people were involved in a distinct cultural group and shared feelings of identity with each other. The sense of similarity marked the identity of Goths. It was important to have an affiliation with peers, who were the insiders, while also marking a difference from outsiders who did not belong to the group.
Being among like-minded individuals is, therefore, an important element of subcultural identity. The significance of being among similar peers is repeatedly highlighted in the interviews. One example is as follows: Because I felt like I was being myself and surrounded by people who were also being themselves in a similar way to mine. (LM, 17)
The importance of being with other Goths who think and feel similarly is further emphasized in the interviews. Another example: You end up wanting to be with people who understand you, right? You spend the whole day with people who don't understand you and they immediately judge you because I put on eyeliner, and it was rare to see women, maybe more now, but wearing eyeliner, “oh, what a horror!” and they immediately make those kinds of judgments, well. (DS, 39)
It is evident, therefore, how important the subcultural influence is for the identity of those who belong to the group. Being among like-minded individuals, free from prejudices, is essential for their well-being and feeling in tune with each other. These statements indeed give consistency to this subcultural indicator identified by Hodkinson and challenge the hypotheses of multiple stylistic identities and a greater emphasis on style and image, contrasting with the importance of beliefs and values that post-subcultural theory places in opposition to subcultural theory.
However, not everyone within the Goth community finds a shared identity through common visual markers; while certain aesthetic elements may be easily recognizable, the experiential and emotional dimensions that shape a Goth identity remain less uniformly perceived across members. This reflects broader trends in subcultures like US hardcore and emo, where, as Sklar and Donahue (2018) observe, personal engagement and experiential values play a central role in defining subcultural affiliation and identity. I'm saying this to tell you that most people in Entremuralhas, most of them are beautiful people in essence, but are they Goths? I don't have the capacity or enough Gothic culture to say if they are Goths. One or two, by their appearance, you might think they are Goth, then you start to… and if you share a dinner and all that, you end up understanding, well, neither are… (MF, 60)
Commitment
Commitment is another indicator that marks the subcultural participation of Goths. It opposes the fluidity and transit between different cultures that characterize post-subcultures, as opposed to the perception of a permanent belonging that is typical of subcultures. In this way, Goths are expected to maintain a long-lasting relationship with this alternative culture and that, even in cases where it is not exclusive, it is still significant for the expression of their identity.
Regarding the theme of commitment, there are disparate situations regarding the duration of the connection to Goth. I have been part of it for many years, at least for twenty years. (DS, 39) I don't know when I started wearing black, with chains… I was 14 years old, and at that time, I didn't exactly know why or what Goth was, but I always felt outside the social norm. I must have been in the 9th grade, and I remember that at the school I attended […] everyone looked at me (CM, 42)
The degree of involvement that the interviewees maintain with Goth also differs. While in some cases, it is absolutely essential that events like a Goth festival have a lineup that lives up to a subcultural event of this type, in other cases, the commitment to Goth in musical terms is not as marked or determinant of the person's involvement: (…) of course, when the lineup for Extramuralhas comes out, they go, “What is this? I don't know what this is!” And we sometimes jokingly say among ourselves, “Hey, man! Not even the castle is Gothic now.” Because it used to be in the castle, we had a Goth festival. Oh, man! I think it's complicated. (DS, 39) And then, I was there for two and a half days because I needed to go to another festival, so I left to go to another festival where things were much more appealing to me. (CG, 49). Actually, I like Goth music a lot, but my favorite music is not that, I like heavy metal much more. (CG, 49)
It is not uncommon to see participants in Goth culture who also maintain an involvement with the heavy metal music genre. The immense diversity of different musical variants that make up this subculture leads to a myriad of different music genres within the culture.
Regarding the commitment indicator, the exclusivity that it could presuppose is not mandatory. On the contrary, in a post-subcultural way, it is common for participants to reveal that they transit between different subcultures: I don't have exclusivity, but it's where I identify the most, although I also like heavy metal. (CM, 42) At that time, I was even following a rockabilly band and was their DJ. (DS, 39)
Participants frequently acknowledge the challenges they face in distinguishing between subcultures, highlighting how overlapping aesthetics and values can blur the boundaries between these groups. This struggle underscores the complexity of subcultural identity formation and the nuanced distinctions that exist within and between subcultures. In the case of the Goth, it often overlaps, musically, with metal: […] oh, so that music I used to listen to, is it goth or metal? Some subcultures end up overlapping, don't they? (DS, 39)
Autonomy
This indicator emphasizes the role of media and commerce which are absolutely crucial for the construction and facilitation of the subculture. Not only does the more professional and structured circuit keep the subculture alive and aid in its dissemination and expansion, but also small record labels, small-scale bar and concert circuits, and homemade fanzines play a fundamental role in keeping the subculture alive.
In this sense, a subculture like Goth is a niche culture, whose dissemination circulates only through specific channels that keep it within the underground system. One of the interviewees even states that in the 1990s it would certainly have been difficult to see a poster advertising a Goth event in a space that did not belong to the subculture:
I believe that in the 1990s it was a much more secretive thing, like, if there was a party, it wasn't a party that would have posters. (LM, 17)
The role of small promoters is still seen as absolutely essential to keep the subcultural activity alive: If it weren't for promoters like Rollercoaster and Fade In
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, it would probably have disappeared. (DS, 39)
As Hodkinson (2003) has explained, the internet, rather than causing Goths to dilute their subcultural commitment and engage with other affiliations, has enabled them to connect with fellow Goths, thereby deepening their knowledge, friendships, and commitment to the subculture, and reinforcing boundaries with outsiders. Several cases identified in the interviews show how digital social networks and the internet are presented as the main source of knowledge about the subcultural milieu: Meanwhile, I had access to the internet, I started doing my research on alternative cultures, I even started with punk, and then I discovered Goth. (LM, 17) I started talking to people on mIRC.
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(DS, 39) This started in the early years of Facebook when, at first - I was thinking about this yesterday - there was a lot of music sharing and music group sharing, and I also created a group. I'm still a bit into events and stuff, and one day someone in one of those groups asked me if I was going to Entremuralhas in Leiria, and I asked: “What is it for?” And she told me: “Entremuralhas”… and I said: “I don't know, I've never heard of it!” (MF, 60)
Initially, local clubs and specialised shops were key spaces for newcomers to connect, explore styles, and discover bands within the subculture. Today, however, much of this discovery happens individually online, as the internet has made subcultural styles more accessible and imitable, broadening their diffusion across various groups (Sklar et al., 2022: 715). This shift also influenced Goth culture by transforming how style and identity circulate and are expressed. I met Maria through Instagram. Although Maria is more into traditional Goth, she leans more towards Malgoth, which is not as Goth anymore. She was the one who helped me discover traditional Goth. (LM, 17)
Certainly, this allows the Goth community to become global, and subcultural participation can take place virtually through new digital tools. This greatly boosts the subculture and its dissemination. In this sense, new media play a fundamental role in the existence of the subculture, especially through the creation of websites, blogs, vlogs, and digital magazines, which facilitate the formation of online groups, sharing of information and playlists with new bands or the musical and literary canon for those seeking to enter Goth.
While in the beginning Goth was based on a DIY logic, with participants creating their own clothes and accessories as there were no specialized Goth clothing and accessories stores in Portugal, currently there is a whole commercial structure in place that coexists with the DIY logic, which still persists, to meet the needs of Goths: […] it is very complicated to find a physical Goth store, there are very few. The stores, well, for economic reasons, prefer to be online stores because they don't have to pay rent […] there are houses that function, of which I am a regular customer, that operate online and are superb. In fact, I can't imagine buying anything from the stores I see out the door because there is nothing that speaks to me, and everything has to come from the internet, from online stores. (CG, 49)
Not everyone opts for online commerce, staying true to physical Goth stores with local presence and buying second-hand clothes that they then recycle and adapt to the desired Gothic aesthetic: As for accessories and more clothing […] I like to go to Alkrima, Alquimia, and also to a second-hand store near the library, I also like to buy accessories at Alquimia, almost everything is from Alquimia. Also Triparte
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, in Lisbon. (LM, 17) […] it started when I wanted to be different, to dress differently, so I started making my own clothes, I didn't know how to sew or anything like that, but I did it as best as I could, and over time I learned more and more, and even today, I am always learning… it is very important because my work is to create clothes for alternative people, mainly for the Goth subculture. (CM, 42)
Conclusion
With this article, we sought to rekindle the debate concerning subcultural/post-subcultural theory. Beginning by outlining the essence of each theory, we then focused on Paul Hodkinson's reformulation of the subculture concept to demonstrate the appropriateness of characterizing Goth culture as a subculture rather than a scene or tribe, as a more post-subcultural approach might suggest. We conclude that it is not accurate to refer to Goth as either a subculture or a post-subculture, as we find traits of both in this alternative culture. This leads us to argue that the most fitting term may be ambivalent subculture. It does not mean that, based on our study, Hodkinson's theoretical assumptions are no longer relevant, because they remain pertinent, and we found a strong correspondence between the indicators of subcultural substance and Goth, especially in terms of autonomy and identity. However, Goth has become more diverse and fragmented than it was in the 1990s when Hodkinson conducted his study. Although all the indicators of subcultural substance continue to manifest in Goth, the indicators of commitment and consistent distinctiveness appear to be less pronounced compared to past periods. Indeed, there is a certain difficulty reported by participants in this ambivalent subculture in identifying their peers, or at least it has become more challenging than before. On the other hand, commitment to this culture is also reported to be more tenuous, with a sharing and movement between different subcultures that raise some doubts about the degree of this commitment. This ambivalence observed in Goth culture may also be present in other alternative groups, suggesting that the boundaries between subcultural and post-subcultural classifications are not always clear-cut.
The analysis reveals that Goth has evolved into a more diverse and fragmented subculture, blending elements of both subcultural and post-subcultural influences. It is important to recognize that Goth does not fit neatly into either category; instead, it embodies characteristics of both. This complexity supports the designation ambivalent subculture, reflecting its dual alignment with both traits. This term aims to emphasize the adaptability and evolution of Goth culture, while preserving its unique cultural characteristics. Recognizing Goth as an ambivalent subculture enhances our understanding of the interaction between traditional identities and contemporary influences.
Limitations of the study
This paper should be viewed as an exploratory work aimed at contributing to the subcultural/post-subcultural discussion. However, some limitations should also be acknowledged.
The paper concentrates on a specific subcultural group, namely Goth. The rationale for this choice has been elucidated throughout the text. However, it is essential to underscore that this article does not seek to conduct a transferability exercise to other existing subcultures.
Moreover, the concepts of resistance and class warrant consideration. These two concepts were among the primary targets of criticism directed at the CCCS theory of subcultures. Nonetheless, they continue to retain relevance. In the case of Goth subculture, cultural resistance is evident in the way Goths engage with the theme of death. They confront death not as a taboo but rather embrace and incorporate its symbols into their culture in a playful manner.
Another significant theme is that of class. Goth subculture does not neatly align with the working-class youth subculture assumption as envisioned by the CCCS. However, class remains a significant factor for the educated and well-off members of the Goth middle-class, as they require a certain level of economic power to participate fully in this subculture.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The author would like to thank the reviewer of this article for their valuable contribution to the improvement of the manuscript. The author would also like to express their gratitude to Professor Claudino Ferreira for reading and commenting on the initial version of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT-MCTES) under Grant 2021.06792.BD/Manuel Soares.
Notes
Author biography
Manuel Soares holds a master's degree in Sociology and is currently a PhD candidate in Sociology at the Faculty of Economics of the University of Coimbra/Centre for Social Studies. His doctoral research centers on the experience of Goth subculture in small and medium-sized cities and explores the relationship between subcultures, alternative lifestyles, and cultural events.