Abstract
Aims and objectives:
This paper reports on an empirical study in which native speakers of Chinese (a wh-in situ language) of advanced L2 English (an obligatory wh-movement language) acquire L3 French (a language that allows variant wh-constructions) in the initial state. The findings are discussed in the context of the Cumulative Enhancement Model (CEM) and the Derivational Complexity Metric (DCM) Model, as to what gives rise to nonnative acquisition in subsequent language development.
Methodology:
A total of 85 participants were recruited for the study, comprising two experimental groups and two control groups serving as baseline comparisons. Participants completed two forced-choice elicitation tasks and two translation tasks.
Data and analysis:
Statistical analyses were carried out using mixed-model ANOVAs. Significant effects were followed up with Bonferroni-adjusted post hoc tests to control for multiple comparisons. Performance by native speakers was incorporated as a benchmark.
Findings/conclusion:
Although no significant differences are found between the learner group and a French control group in the interpretation of the Wh-in situ and Wh-fronting with inversion constructions, learners differ significantly from the native group in interpreting the Plain wh-fronting, Wh-fronting with ESK, and Wh-fronting with clefting constructions. The results appear to be consistent with the Cumulative Enhancement Model (CEM), which holds the view that all languages previously learned may be beneficial in subsequent language acquisition.
Originality and implication:
This study represents one of the few attempts to investigate the acquisition of French wh-questions in the initial state by L1 Chinese speakers with advanced L2 English. The study contributes new empirical evidence to the ongoing debate concerning the nature of the L3 initial state. The findings highlight the complex interplay among structural complexity, L1 transfer, and input, all of which play a crucial and interrelated role in L3 acquisition.
Keywords
Get full access to this article
View all access options for this article.
References
Supplementary Material
Please find the following supplemental material available below.
For Open Access articles published under a Creative Commons License, all supplemental material carries the same license as the article it is associated with.
For non-Open Access articles published, all supplemental material carries a non-exclusive license, and permission requests for re-use of supplemental material or any part of supplemental material shall be sent directly to the copyright owner as specified in the copyright notice associated with the article.
