Abstract
Elgar Advanced Introductions are ‘accessible yet rigorous . . . concise, lucid surveys of substantive and policy issues . . . pinpoint essential principles . . . offer insights that stimulate critical thinking’ (p. ii) for students and policymakers. Cook’s book does this – and even prompts thinking about solving global problems.
It is concise – five chapters (122 pages) explore social capital focusing on Robert Putnam’s work. Almost 75% of Cook’s 300 references predate 2010; surprisingly, only 17% are from the last decade. This aligns with my work on social capital and trends in volunteering – sparse recent publications suggest an opportunity – or that the concept evolved or faded!
It is accessible – Cook’s solid introduction acknowledges that the term social capital, popularized in the 1990s, is ‘murky’ with no clear, singular meaning – but most discussions focus on social connections and resources accessible through networks. Cook structures the book using Putnam’s three essential principles – networks, norms and trust – as distinct but connected social factors and notes that she just scratches the surface of research on related problems. True – but her overview is thorough; key issues are reinforced and related to multiple principles – for example, inequality is relevant to all three.
Putnam raised alarm about social capital and civic engagement declines, and resulting threats to civil society and democratic institutions, ‘deterioration of compromise in the public square, fraying social fabric and descent into cultural narcissism’ (p. 111). Decreasing social connections and membership in civic organizations, including volunteer organizations, damage networks of association that foster solidarity, norms of reciprocity and collaboration, commitment to the public good and even health and well-being of citizens. Democratic institutions are attacked by forces of inequality, polarization, nationalism, climate migration, immigration and international conflict. Cook’s readers gain a deeper understanding of social capital which may help explain some threats.
Networks are the ‘heart’ of most definitions of social capital, through which valued resources are accessed and shared, and collective behaviour supported, hopefully, but not always, for common good. Social ties, power and status they represent, open doors to information and influence, and support social cohesion essential to civil society.
Norms or accepted conventions help to explain social behaviour and define who is ‘in’ or ‘out’ of groups; reciprocity, central to community networks, fosters civic action. Cook challenges our thinking about shifts in communal norms – moves from small communities with collectivist social circles to more complex societies with individualistic groups where exchange relations with strangers replace ‘thick’ close-knit kinship or neighbour groups. Differences focus on personality, class, family, work and education at individual levels, mobility, community-level forces and ethnic/racial heterogeneity at meso levels, and culture, economic inequality and welfare state policies at macro levels. Changing patterns of work and home life (particularly evident during the pandemic) reflect declines in volunteerism as well. Voydanoff’s (2006) ecosystem model of family, work and society underpinning social behaviour may be helpful for readers to explore how the overlapping aspects of life link to social capital.
Trust, central to strong civil society and democratic stability, facilitates civic engagement, cooperation and social order, supports social integration and action for public good, and reduces costs and need for ‘monitoring and sanctioning’ (p. 75). Key to reciprocity – we invest in social relations with expectations of returns but no guarantee that actions (positive or negative) will be reciprocated with generosity or punished by guilt or exclusion.
Cook reminds us that most Americans trusted government institutions and representatives to ‘do the right thing’ in the 1960s, reversing in the 90s and at an all time low for 2022’s Capitol riots. Decreasing trust in government, business, religious organizations, social media and journalists negatively affects economies as confidence and compliance fall, chaos and conflict increase and doors open for autocratic action.
From misinformation to the mafia, Cook highlights ‘dark sides’ of social capital. Tendencies to join groups with members like ourselves (homophily) restrict innovation and exposure to diverse ideas – ‘echo chambers’ support polarization while restricting access and resources to ‘insiders’. Inequitable network access (e.g. for minorities and women) impacts opportunities and life chances (e.g. employment and education), as distances increase between people, and opportunities decrease for shared interests and norms. Cook quoted Bjornskov’s comment that ‘beneficial “Putnamesque” effects of social capital are probably outweighed by negative effects of associations working as predatory special interests’ (p. 15). This flourished during the pandemic with misinformation and democratic institutions undermined through easy access to unverified information. We saw networks spread ideology and prompt collective action against public officials – while being valuable online channels of influence for emerging social and political movements (e.g. Black Lives Matter). Both sides of online sharing of expertise, advice and emotional support were amplified. Policymakers are challenged as they purposely or inadvertently support limits and social control while balancing challenges of transparency, risk management and innovation.
Cook highlights vicious and virtuous cycles of trust and corruption – increasing wealth inequality, the strongest predictor of trust in the US, reduces norms, social similarity, cross-cutting ties, and optimism for shared goals, spiralling towards lower trust and greater division. Inequality links to decreasing democratization and increasing polarization along political, ethnic, racial, gender lines and animosity towards or demonization of the ‘other side’. Inequality (and associated tolerance and trust) may be policymakers most ‘substantive’ issue. Cook prompts thinking about how increasing diversity reduces collective action and trust, and that tolerance, valuing difference and addressing inequity are critical.
Putnam dreamed that social capital would ‘work its magic’ and increased collective and individual initiative could restore community and revive civil society. A more inclusive, less divisive ‘we’ approach instead of today’s ‘I’ focussed culture may resolve collective action problems through social norms, networks that enforce them, trust that builds community and reinforces commitment to reciprocity. Such shifts happened during the Progressive era when reformers worked for change. Cook is not confident that we have the kind of community for reviving such connection and caring. In today’s fragmented society with global challenges, division and cynicism, and in this political and social climate, she challenges us to ask, can we do it again?
I enjoyed the insights highlighted in this book – students and policymakers will be challenged to think about world problems in new ways through the lens of social capital.