Abstract
Mapping the trajectory of and influences on a discipline are important tasks, as they can enable reflection on and reassessment of existing practices. In this book, Charles Crothers draws out the history of sociology in Aotearoa New Zealand, stating his hope that ‘the publication of this book will help raise the lamentable lack of historical consciousness which seemingly afflicts many NZ sociologists’ (p. ix). As a peripheral state, New Zealand has been buffeted by forces beyond its control for much of its history. More recent efforts to redress past wrongs and acknowledge the impacts of its settler-colonial origins have resulted in considerable change. Crothers considers the ways in which these influences have filtered through to influence the practice of sociology. Organising the analysis around the origins of the discipline in New Zealand, its organisational form, disciplinary specialties and interrelations, and its production, Crothers opens the space to map these influences and lay the ground for the consideration of possible futures.
Chapters 2 and 3 examine the pre-history of sociology in New Zealand and its organisational structure, respectively. The period leading up to the establishment of sociology as a discipline in New Zealand is indelibly shaped by the importation of personnel and ideas from abroad, resulting in ‘curiosity-driven [work] against the backdrop of debate over alternative visions for organizing, or reorganizing, society’ (p. 32). This more ad hoc approach was reflected in the emergence of university-based sociology departments, often driven by individuals or the sense that ‘someone . . . “might like to start teaching sociology”’ (p. 45). The small size of the New Zealand sociology community enables Crothers to identify influential individuals and draw connections to the formation and institutionalisation of the discipline. A central theme here is the consolidation of sociology in universities and the shift from arguably looser approaches towards more standardised forms.
Turning to specialisations and disciplinary interactions (Chapter 4) and outputs (Chapter 5), Crothers identifies areas of strength. Viewing these in light of change in New Zealand society and as well as government priorities, it is clear to see why some areas have been more pronounced. This is demonstrated in the relative importance of rural sociology, where sociologists contributed to understandings of rural society from early on and also during more recent periods of rural restructuring. It is also possible to see the evolution of the discipline through an examination of these sub-disciplines, as ‘Rural restructuring . . . stimulated a new generation of rural researchers whose work was more directly critical of government policy’ (p. 83). Despite areas of more fully developed expertise, the need to cover the range of sociological topics means that there is relatively limited depth in most sub-disciplines. Attempts to forge a strong associational identity that would allow sociology to play a more significant role have been further constrained by limited resources. Given the breadth of topics covered here, a more in-depth examination of an area of strength could have drawn out further insights, pointing to opportunities for development.
A thread that runs through the book is the role played by Māori as part of New Zealand society and sociology. Crothers examines Māori knowledge and practices when opening Chapter 2, noting the importance of specialist personnel and institutions in the maintenance of knowledge. Of particular interest is the way ‘Māori knowledge tends to the holistic, with spirituality, environmental, and social knowledge [being] blended’ (p. 23). This presents an important challenge to sociology in New Zealand, as a settler-colonial society, there is tension between dominant approaches and those that draw on Indigenous approaches that could be addressed. Recent debates over the role of Māori knowledge in science show the need for such work (May, 2021). As Crothers argues, ‘NZ sociology ought to be distinctive at least in part because of its relationship to Māori and Māori issues, but this potential and promise has yet to be adequately filled’ (p. 78). In making this claim, he reinforces the tensions facing New Zealand sociology, as the apparent lack of a strong core limits opportunities for a truly local sociology to develop.
This book presents a comprehensive overview of the character of sociology as it has developed and is practised in New Zealand, capturing the ways in which different agendas and interests have shaped its current form. It provides an opportunity to consider what a locally relevant sociology could look like in the future, one that draws on other ways of understanding society. The level of detail means that it will likely be of more interest to those engaged in sociology in New Zealand. The brevity also means that there is considerable scope for elements to be developed more fully in future studies.
