From kindergarten to primary school – Physical education as a support for students’ transition

Abstract

The transition from kindergarten to primary school is a significant event in children's education, garnering increasing political and social attention in Norway and globally. With the growing focus on educational transitions and continuity, this study examines the role of physical education (PE) in facilitating students’ transition into primary school in Norway. The study was conducted across four Norwegian primary schools, utilising semi-structured interviews with 16 first- to fourth-grade teachers, observations of PE lessons and school environments, and field notes from school visits. A reflexive methodology and an abductive approach were employed to analyse the data, drawing on the concepts of continuity and discontinuity ( Dewey, 1938; Hogsnes and Moser, 2014). The findings indicate that PE in the early school years can play a supportive role in students’ transition from kindergarten to primary school through socialisation processes and bridging approaches in PE, thereby enhancing continuity in the transition process. Based on these findings, we argue that primary PE's emphasis on movement, play and social interaction offers valuable opportunities to support young students during this transition. To conclude, we suggest that PE can contribute meaningfully to students’ adjustment to school by balancing both stability and adaptation in the shift to formal schooling.

Introduction

In education, the term ‘transition’ can be explained as ‘the process of moving from one setting to another, often accompanied by a move from one phase of education to another’ (Fabian, 2007: 6). These transitions can occur when students enter school or progress through different stages of their schooling, each representing a change in their educational experience. Within Western societies, children undergo numerous educational transitions (Fabian, 2007), which involve leaving behind familiar people, practices, environments, roles and identities and encountering new ones. As a result, children must adapt to and establish themselves within a new socio-cultural context. Transitions throughout a student's educational journey are crucial, as they can significantly impact their wellbeing, development and learning outcomes (Kunnskapsdepartementet, 2019).

This paper focuses on the transition from kindergarten to primary school, a process that is typically smooth for many children but can be more challenging for some due to a lack of continuity between the two educational settings (Lillejord et al., 2015). A key issue in understanding school transitions is their temporal scope. Rather than occurring as a single event, transitioning to primary school is a gradual process that typically unfolds over the first year of school, though some children may require more time to adjust depending on individual and contextual factors (Dockett and Perry, 2006). Recognising this extended timeframe provides a more nuanced perspective on how children experience and navigate the transition, emphasising the need for support mechanisms that account for both continuity and change in early schooling. In Norway, the first four years of schooling are often viewed as a unified phase, supported by a common curriculum plan for grades 1–4 that promotes continuity and coherence across this period (Kirke-, utdannings- og forskningsdepartementet, 1992). In 2008, the Ministry of Education and Research published a guide to strengthen coherence and create a good transition for children when they start school. The guide highlights the importance of children's previous experiences from kindergarten to their further schooling, with reference to ‘students’ early learning and care services’ more generally (Kunnskapsdepartementet, 2008). Reflecting this policy orientation, the present study adopts an extended perspective on school transition that includes grades 1–4 and focuses on how young students gradually learn to navigate everyday school life.

How well children manage the transition to primary school, both socially and academically, can significantly impact their long-term educational progress and development (Einarsdottir, 2011). Due to such crucial ripple effects, successful transition into primary school is emphasised and strived for both in Norway and internationally (Kunnskapsdepartementet, 2019; OECD, 2017). Although research on the transition from kindergarten to primary school has increased (Lillejord et al., 2015), there is a relative lack of studies focusing on what role physical education (PE) plays in this process. Indeed, Jess et al. (2024) recently emphasised the subject's unique features and thereby potential to play a greater role in children's education within and beyond the school setting. The aim of this paper is, therefore, to explore if and how PE can support children's transition into primary school. The research question guiding this paper is: What role can PE play in supporting students’ transition into primary school? The goal is to explore the potential of PE and PE teaching to facilitate a successful transition and its broader educational implications.

Primary PE and school transitions

Possible benefits of PE are identified to encompass children's physical, affective, social, cognitive, lifestyle and fitness development (Morgan and Hansen, 2008; Ni Chróinín et al., 2020), and the subject's potential to offer meaningful experiences (Beni et al., 2017). A central purpose of PE in Norway and globally is to inspire lifelong enjoyment of a physically active lifestyle (Naul and Scheuer, 2020). The early years are particularly emphasised for achieving this goal (Kirk, 2005). Indeed, primary PE has garnered increased attention from political, professional and academic contexts (Carse et al., 2018), with expanding research interests (Petrie and Griggs, 2018). It is asserted that primary PE ‘can take a more central role in children's education’ (Jess et al., 2024: 2). Simultaneously, this heightened attention has made primary PE a more contested subject area with diverse stakeholders and agendas (e.g. health, sport, recreation, education and PE agendas) influencing its direction (Jess et al., 2024). An example is the health agenda, which addresses concerns about children's declining health and primary PE's potential to mitigate this (Carse et al., 2018). From this perspective, primary PE is viewed and utilised as ‘a means of shaping “healthy” citizens’ (Powell, 2018: 9). However, Bailey (2018: 55) cautions against such an instrumental justification, arguing it reduces the subject ‘from a discrete and valued area of study to a context that can enhance performance in other, more important areas of study’. Suominen et al. (2017) highlight similar challenges in Norway, where PE is influenced by public health issues, competitive sport and the dominance of academic learning. PE is generally well-regarded among most students but tends to decline in popularity as students grow older (Moen et al., 2018). In Norway, the subject is mandatory from primary through secondary school (grades 1–13) and is typically taught by generalist teachers in grades 1–7 (Suominen et al., 2017). Ballgames and play are predominant in PE from first grade to fourth grade (Buaas and Sandseter, 2023) with traditional instruction methods prevailing (Moen et al., 2018). Historically, primary PE in Norway has not been outsourced, but attitudes have shifted, particularly in relation to swimming instruction, where outsourcing has become increasingly common (Suominen et al., 2017).

In Norway, children enter primary school the year they turn six, marking a significant educational transition. Research on school transitions, both in Scandinavia and internationally, highlights the challenges students face when shifting to primary school. This transition is often marked by increased academic demands, longer attention spans, new routines, rules, responsibilities and the introduction of new teachers and peers (Einarsdottir, 2011; Nicholson, 2019). These differences can lead to discontinuities in the transition, as noted in various studies. For instance, Einarsdottir (2011) found that children in her study perceived PE as something they had learned in primary school, and not before. This suggests that PE in primary school did not resemble the physical activities they were used to in playschool. ¹ Nicholson's (2019) study similarly identified pedagogical discontinuities stemming from the shift away from play-based curricula in early years education ² to a content-based curriculum in primary school. These discontinuities can have both positive and negative effects. On one hand, children face significant challenges during the transition, potentially leading to increased anxiety, fatigue and discomfort (Fabian, 2007). On the other hand, overcoming these challenges can stimulate growth in terms of independence and new skills (Niesel and Griebel, 2007).

Measures aimed at promoting continuity in school transitions have also been explored, including efforts to prepare children by developing a spectrum of skills. In Serry et al.'s (2014: 119) study, for example, the importance of ‘sufficient emotional, self-care, social, language and motor skills’, as well as ‘the child's ability to fit into school routines, their age and maturity’, was emphasised as crucial for enabling students to successfully navigate the transition to school. Furthermore, continuity in school transitions has been associated with children's prior experiences. Hogsnes (2015: 5) found that identifiable objects could serve as boundary objects, functioning as tools that could ‘bridge children's transition from kindergarten to school’. She identified different boundary objects typically related to friendships, playmates, play and outdoor activities. Hogsnes also found that these boundary objects could facilitate active participation in different settings and empower students to co-create continuity during the transition. This enabled participants to actively connect their experiences across different environments and thereby ‘find a balance between what is established and what is new’ (Hogsnes, 2015: 10). Based on her findings, Hogsnes suggests that schools can enhance coherence and continuity in transitions by acknowledging and incorporating earlier experiences, such as play, into their educational practices.

Several studies have also explored transitions within the context of PE (e.g. Dismore and Bailey, 2010; Rainer and Cropley, 2015). However, much of this research has focused on the transition from primary to secondary school. Findings indicate a lack of information exchange between primary and secondary school teachers, leading to discontinuity and stunted progression in students’ PE learning (Rainer and Cropley, 2015). PE often appears neglected in schools’ efforts to ensure successful transitions, resulting in a start-stop curriculum and repetitive PE experiences that may hinder children's sustained ‘lifelong physical activity beyond the primary years’ (Rainer, 2018: 158). This echoes Petrie and Clarkin-Phillips’ (2018) examination of learning experiences in early childhood education, highlighting how previous experiences can either serve as positive foundations for schools to build upon or as negative influences requiring intervention. Given that children's understanding and engagement in physical activity and movement can begin before school, it underscores the importance of recognising and leveraging children's prior learning experiences to promote continuity in PE throughout their education.

In Norway, the 1997 Reform (R97) lowered the school starting age to the year children turn six (Haug, 2019). One of the primary aims of this reform was to facilitate a smooth transition to school, with an emphasis on play. The intention was for education to gradually become more academic-focused from first grade to fourth grade (Kirke-, utdannings- og forskningsdepartementet, 1995). However, by the early 2000s, concerns about students’ learning began to emerge. National and international surveys highlighted declining reading skills among third graders, putting the intentions of R97 under pressure (Haug, 2019). This led to the introduction of a new school reform known as the Knowledge Promotion Reform (LK06). Implemented in the early 2000s, LK06 reduced the emphasis on play and instead prioritised other skills such as speaking, reading, writing, numeracy, digital literacy and adapted learning (Utdannings- og forskningsdepartementet, 2004). This shift has raised concerns about how students transition into school, as there remains little understanding of how the youngest students are being supported more than two decades after the 6-year reform was implemented (Kunnskapsdepartementet, 2019). In response to these concerns, in 2020, the Norwegian Directorate for Education and Training (NDET) tasked a group of researchers at OsloMet ³ with evaluating the 6-year reform. A primary objective of this ongoing evaluation is to strengthen the school system to better meet the needs of young students (Bjørnestad et al., 2023). While the evaluation is comprehensive, its initial reports do not specifically examine PE.

Although research on educational transitions and continuity has grown, little is known about the role of PE in the transition to primary school. This gap in the research means we still lack a clear understanding of if and how PE contributes to this critical educational transition – a gap that is particularly relevant as the focus on early education grows both in Norway and internationally. Understanding whether and how PE can support this transition is therefore an essential area for further exploration.

Dewey and the concept of (dis)continuity

In this paper, we draw on several guiding theoretical concepts, primarily focusing on continuity and discontinuity, to explore how PE can support students’ transition into primary school.

Our understanding of continuity is rooted in Dewey's (1938) concept of education as an ongoing process shaped by prior experiences. Dewey (1938: 35) explains that ‘every experience both takes up something from those which have gone before and modifies in some way the quality of those which come after’. This emphasises how the school transition experience can influence students’ future learning experiences. Dewey (1938) further suggests that our habits, formed through previous experiences, help shape our attitudes and ways of responding to new situations. According to Dewey's (1938: 35) ‘principle of continuity of experience’, educators play a vital role in assessing the direction and value of students’ experiences, ensuring that these experiences contribute positively to their development.

Dewey (1938: 25–26) also warns against disconnected experiences, stating that while they may seem ‘agreeable or even exciting’, they fail to build upon each other cumulatively, resulting in ‘dispersive, disintegrated, centrifugal habits’ that can hinder a child's ability to make sense of new situations. In other words, if students’ early educational experiences lack continuity, they risk struggling to integrate prior knowledge and skills into new learning contexts, ultimately affecting their ability to engage effectively with school life. This idea is particularly relevant in the transition from kindergarten to primary school, where children must adapt to new educational expectations while still drawing on their earlier experiences.

The concept of continuity also allows us to distinguish between ‘educative’, ‘mis-educative’ and ‘non-educative experiences’ (Dewey, 1938: 37, 47). Educative experiences promote growth, fostering curiosity and motivation, while mis-educative experiences hinder progress by instilling negative habits or attitudes. Non-educative experiences, in contrast, occur when the material does not align with students’ needs and capacities, failing to contribute meaningfully to their learning (Dewey, 1938). Educators must therefore use their judgement to design experiences that are developmentally appropriate, ensuring that learning environments encourage the kind of growth that Dewey (1938) describes as central to the educational process.

In contrast, discontinuity refers to significant breaks or shifts in experiences that disrupt established learning trajectories. While Dewey does not explicitly use the term ‘discontinuity’, we use it to complement and further develop his conceptualisation of continuity, highlighting instances where experiences do not seamlessly connect and may disrupt learning trajectories. Discontinuities can arise when differences in teaching methods, expectations or environments create a sense of separation from previous experiences (Hogsnes and Moser, 2014). For example, Hogsnes (2015) identifies discontinuities in early education when children experience a stark contrast between play-based learning in kindergarten and structured, formal instruction in school. Similarly, Rainer and Cropley (2015) discuss how gaps in curriculum progression within PE can lead to inconsistent learning experiences, though they do not use the term ‘discontinuity’ directly.

Both continuity and discontinuity are seen as integral to the school transition. While continuity provides stability and familiarity, discontinuity introduces new challenges that are necessary for growth (Hogsnes et al., 2025). Encountering both continuity and discontinuity can be beneficial for children's development, as disruptions in experience push students to grow and adapt (Dewey, 1938). However, Dewey (1938: 44) warns that if students are unable to use their past learning as an ‘instrument of understanding and dealing effectively with the situations which follow’, their learning becomes fragmented, leading to a divided world in which experiences do not connect meaningfully. In such cases, discontinuity does not contribute to productive learning but instead creates confusion and prevents meaningful progression (Hogsnes et al., 2025). Teachers play a crucial role in balancing these elements, ensuring that students’ experiences are both connected to their prior learning while also offering new challenges that promote development. For example, the knowledge and skills learned in earlier settings, such as kindergarten, serve as instruments for dealing with new situations. As Dewey (1938) explains, successive experiences build upon one another, expanding children's understanding and helping them to adapt to new environments. However, if discontinuities are too abrupt or poorly managed, they risk creating mis-educative or non-educative experiences, potentially stifling students’ curiosity, confidence and engagement. Teachers must therefore actively structure educational experiences that facilitate continuity, allowing for meaningful learning progressions while ensuring that discontinuities are productive rather than disruptive. As Hogsnes (2015) suggests, understanding how children experience both continuity and discontinuity in school transitions is essential for developing effective transition practices that support long-term learning and adaptation.

In addition to Dewey's (1938) ideas, we thus draw on the work of Fabian (2007), Broström (2009) and Hogsnes and Moser (2014) to further explore the forms of continuity that shape transitions between kindergarten and primary school. These include physical, social, philosophical and communicational continuity. ⁴

Physical continuity refers to consistency or change in the physical environment between institutions. When transitioning to school, children often encounter physical environments that differ from what they experienced in kindergarten. These differences can include variations in daily organisation, outdoor and indoor layouts, equipment, materials and student-teacher ratios (Broström, 2009; Fabian, 2007; Hogsnes and Moser, 2014). In the context of PE, settings such as sports halls and swimming facilities may represent new and unfamiliar environments for young students starting school.

Social continuity concerns the changes in social conditions and identities when transitioning from kindergarten to school. This shift requires children to adapt to new social norms, language and behaviours often described as ‘new social codes’ (Hogsnes and Moser, 2014: 3). They also need to navigate the ‘intricacies of the classroom’ (Fabian, 2007: 8). Starting school introduces children to a new social network, including interactions with peers and adults (Broström, 2009).

Philosophical continuity is related to the new expectations that meet the children in school and concerns ‘the pedagogical and value-based prerequisites for content and methods in the institutions’ (Hogsnes and Moser, 2014: 4). Kindergarten and school often differ in their approaches to learning, which can lead to philosophical discontinuity (Nicholson, 2019). While play-based learning is central in kindergarten, primary schools tend to emphasise more structured, teacher-directed learning (Nicholson and Hendry, 2020). This shift in educational philosophy can create a sense of discontinuity as children must adjust to new expectations and ways of learning (Broström, 2009).

By understanding these forms of continuity, we can better assess how PE might facilitate a smoother transition for young students. In the next section, we describe the methodology used to generate the data upon which this paper is based.

Methodology

This paper is part of a larger doctoral study that examined PE in first grade to fourth grade in Norway. While the overarching study explored a range of aspects related to PE teaching in the early years of schooling, this article focuses specifically on the theme of PE as a transitional subject, which emerged during the data analysis (described in more detail below). In this study, a qualitative research approach was adopted, informed by Alvesson and Sköldberg's (2018) reflexive methodology. Reflexive methodology acknowledges that the interpreted nature of reality positions research as a result of interpretation. This perspective encourages reflection on the complex relationship between knowledge production processes, the context and the knowledge producer (Alvesson and Sköldberg, 2018). Adherence to this methodology ensured a reflexive stance on the role of the researchers as active participants in the knowledge production process. A multiple case study design (Stake, 2005) was employed to allow for in-depth exploration and enable insights across different contexts. Four primary or combined primary and secondary schools were selected as cases for this study. Given the varied contexts of each school, this design provided an opportunity to examine how PE is taught and experienced across different educational environments, and for the purposes of this paper, particular attention is given to how PE may support students’ transition from kindergarten to primary school.

Research context and participants

A generic purposive sampling approach (strategic, not random) (Bryman, 2016) was employed to select the schools (cases) and teachers included in this study. The sample was chosen to reflect average schools with some variation, ensuring the cases would be recognisable and that the findings could offer insights applicable beyond these specific settings (Stake, 2005). The schools were also conveniently recruited from the eastern part of Norway based on the first author's close proximity to these schools. As a result, three primary schools (ages 5–12) and one combined primary and lower secondary school (ages 5–15) constituted the cases of the study (see Table 1). Two of the schools were located in rural areas (‘Nordlia’ and ‘Sørlia’, pseudonyms) and the other two in urban areas (‘Vestlia’ and ‘Østlia’, pseudonyms). At the time of the study, Vestlia was the largest primary school in the area, whereas Nordlia was a small school that struggled with declining student numbers. Østlia and Sørlia reflected average primary schools in the area; however, Sørlia self-reported being a school with lower socio-economic status. All schools are multicultural, but language training and integration of new immigrant arrivals (refugees, asylum seekers) were mentioned specifically in Vestlia and Østlia. Although two of the schools are located in the centre of the city, all four schools have close access to outdoor areas and nature. Additionally, the schools differed in terms of school structure, class organisation, indoor and outdoor facilities, focus areas, themed days and local resources. These differences enriched the understanding of each school's context. However, they shared similarities, including the same curriculum for PE and other subjects and similar requirements for teacher density and PE hours.

Table 1.

Research contexts and participants.

Schools	Location	Number of students	Grades	Participant-teachers
Nordlia	Rural	50–100	1st–10th grade	‘Eli’, ‘Fredrik’, ‘Thea’
Sørlia	Rural	200–250	1st–7th grade	‘Linda’, ‘Raymond’, ‘Marit’, ‘Frida’
Vestlia	Urban	500–550	1st–7th grade	‘Dina’, ‘Oda’, ‘Emilie’, ‘Lasse’
Østlia	Urban	350–400	1st–7th grade	‘Eva’, ‘Elisabeth’, ‘William’, ‘Thomas’, ‘Stig’

Teachers play a central role in facilitating students’ transitions by implementing practices that either support or hinder the process. Examining teachers’ perspectives allowed us to gain valuable insights into the challenges they face and the strategies they use to bridge the gap between kindergarten and primary school, particularly through PE. This focus enabled us to explore the practical application of theoretical concepts such as continuity and discontinuity, while also highlighting how teachers’ actions shape the students’ transition experience.

To maintain a present perspective, we limited the teacher sample in all four schools to those who were currently teaching PE to first to fourth graders at the time of data generation. We further used data saturation as a criterion to decide an adequate sample (Bryman, 2016), with a final sample consisting of 16 teachers. Prior to commencing the data collection, ethical approval for the study was granted by the Norwegian Centre for Research Data (NSD), now Norwegian Agency for Shared Services in Education and Research (SIKT) (Ref. No. 57111), and informed consent was obtained from all participants. Since the observations focused on the teachers’ PE teaching and took place during lessons involving students aged 5–10, parental consent for student participation was obtained via a SMS notification sent by the school. This SMS informed parents about the observations and the presence of their child, while assuring them of the researcher's duty of confidentiality. As no data was collected from the students themselves, informed consent from the students was not required. All names of schools and teachers referred to are pseudonyms. We used multiple methods to enhance the credibility of the findings, including sharing developing interpretations with each other and with critical friends to challenge and raise the trustworthiness of our data analysis.

Data collection

According to Stake (2005: 454), case study research involves collecting multiple sources of data (triangulation) ‘to identify different realities’ and reduce the risk of misinterpretation. Following this principle, our data collection for this paper included semi-structured interviews with teachers, non-participant observations of PE lessons in first to fourth grade, and field notes from school visits. All of these were conducted by the first author and took place over the course of one school semester (15 weeks). Prior to the main data collection, the first and second authors conducted a pilot study at another primary school, which helped refine the focus of the observations and follow-up interviews.

All teachers, except for one, who took part in the study were observed while teaching PE to first- to fourth-grade students. Eleven teachers were observed twice, and four were observed once. The observations were semi-structured, allowing for unplanned incidents, but also followed predefined focus areas to address the research questions and understand the context. The observations were guided by questions such as ‘what’, ‘how’ and ‘why’ in relation to what was observed. They focused on aspects like goals, content, methods, organisation and feedback and how these elements played out in lessons with the young students. Prompt questions guided the observations, including: What are the students supposed to do and learn in the lesson? Are the learning goals communicated to the students? How is the PE lesson organised? What methods do the teacher use? How is the time spent? In addition, the school context was observed before, during and after the PE lessons, and on the days when the first author visited the schools to interview the participants. These observations were less structured but focused on aspects such as the provision and use of indoor and outdoor facilities, roles and responsibilities of different school staff, organisation of the school day (e.g. timetables) and local arrangements (e.g. collaboration with external actors). Example prompt questions for the contextual observations included: What do the indoor and outdoor facilities look like? What opportunities do these facilities provide for exploration, play, physical activity and social interaction? How does the transition from school breaks to PE lessons and vice versa unfold? How does this process influence the PE lesson?

The teacher interviews were semi-structured, with topics and the main questions outlined in advance. These focused on various aspects such as the school environment, the teacher's role, everyday work, collaboration with colleagues, planning of teaching, how PE is justified and valued within the school context, working with the youngest students, teaching methods, learning, development and future directions. An interview guide with open-ended questions allowed for flexibility and adaptations during the interviews. Examples of questions included: Why do you think PE is a subject in school, and are there different reasons for PE for the youngest and oldest students in primary school? How is the planning work for PE carried out? What governs your choice of content? How would you describe working with the youngest students in school? Can you roughly describe what PE content students in grades 1–4 typically encounter over the course of a school year? How do you teach in PE, and why do you teach it in that way? Is there any difference in how you teach PE to the youngest versus the oldest students? How would you describe beginner training in PE for the youngest students? The interviews were conducted individually by the first author, face-to-face, at the schools, lasting an average of 70 minutes. Most interviews were carried out immediately after the last observation of the teacher, enabling the incorporation of questions that arose during the observations. This approach allowed for both clarifications and further discoveries.

Throughout the period of data collection, field notes were meticulously recorded by the first author during school visits. These notes included personal reflections on observed events, conversations and early-stage analytical thoughts. The field notes were instrumental in reducing the risk of forgetting details, making it crucial to write them as close to the observed events as possible. Both brief notes and detailed texts were included to capture the observations comprehensively.

Data analysis

In our data analysis, all collected data, including verbatim transcriptions of audio-recorded interviews and observational data, were meticulously organised and uploaded to a computer for systematic examination. Our approach drew on Alvesson and Sköldberg’s (2018) reflexive methodology and an abductive approach. This methodology involved an ongoing interplay between theory and empirical material, which allowed for an evolving understanding of both (Alvesson and Sköldberg, 2018). The analysis consisted of two interrelated steps:

Step 1 – interaction with empirical material: Since abduction has its starting point in the empirical material, we began by engaging deeply with the data, following grounded theory principles (Alvesson and Sköldberg, 2018). The first and second authors coded the data, generating initial categories such as ‘Interaction with others’ and ‘Play as an approach’. These categories were refined through constant comparison, leading to more defined categories like ‘Social learning’ and ‘Form of teaching’, which were then subordinated under broader themes such as ‘Characteristics of beginner training in PE’ and ‘Background for content selection in PE’. Colour coding facilitated both single-case and multiple-case interpretations. This phase culminated in the identification of core categories, central concepts around which others revolve (Alvesson and Sköldberg, 2018), which became central to understanding the themes and framing the analysis. One of these core categories, ‘PE as a transitional subject’, emerged as the focus of this article.

Step 2 – awareness of the interpretive act: The second step used a hermeneutic approach (Alvesson and Sköldberg, 2018), integrating previous research and theoretical concepts. The first author reviewed the literature on school transitions and PE and applied relevant theoretical concepts to interpret the findings. This iterative process allowed for both theory and data to be ‘successively reinterpreted in the light of each other’ (Alvesson and Sköldberg, 2018: 5). The theoretical concepts helped illuminate the empirical material, while the empirical findings, in turn, provided new insights into the theoretical concepts. The process involved continuous reflection, moving back and forth between theory and data in an abductive manner, allowing for deeper and more nuanced understandings to emerge. For instance, the concept of ‘boundary objects’ (Hogsnes, 2015) helped link features of PE from kindergarten to first grade to fourth grade, highlighting their role in students’ transition to primary school. Throughout the analysis, co-authors and colleagues provided critical feedback, further refining interpretations and strengthening the overall analysis (Alvesson and Sköldberg, 2018).

From our data analysis, we constructed two key themes that highlight teachers’ perceptions of school transitions and the role that PE plays in supporting students: ‘Socialising the students in and through PE’ and ‘Bridging kindergarten and school in PE’. These themes are explored in the following section.

Findings and discussion

Our findings reveal social, philosophical and physical discontinuities in the school transition process (Broström, 2009; Fabian, 2007; Hogsnes and Moser, 2014). While recognising these discontinuities is not new and confirms previous research (e.g. Einarsdottir, 2011; Nicholson, 2019), our study contributes by examining how teachers actively work to address these challenges. This brings to light the critical role of PE in supporting students through the transition, with a focus on how teachers’ strategies help bridge gaps between kindergarten and primary school. We now delve into the two key themes: ‘Socialising the students in and through PE’ and ‘Bridging kindergarten and school in PE’.

Socialising the students in and through PE

A significant part of the teachers’ efforts to help the youngest students adjust to school involves socialising them into the school context and their new role as students. This process includes and impacts PE from first grade to fourth grade, where both continuity and discontinuity shape students’ transition from kindergarten to primary school.

The transition from kindergarten to primary school introduces new expectations, routines and responsibilities that also shape how subjects such as PE are taught and experienced. As outlined earlier, this shift includes longer attention spans, structured lesson formats, increased independence and interactions with new teachers and peers. These changes align with broader educational transitions and do not necessarily represent a stark break. However, in PE, elements of discontinuity can emerge when expectations around structure, discipline and formal learning contrast with the play-based learning culture of kindergarten (Hogsnes and Moser, 2014).

The discrepancies between kindergarten and school expectations influenced the teachers’ approach to both general teaching and PE, particularly in focusing on self-management skills. These are skills children typically receive assistance with in kindergarten but are expected to manage independently once they start school. In PE, this work involved tasks such as helping students ‘tie their shoes and skates’ (William, third grade, Østlia), ‘get dressed’ (Frida, fourth grade, Sørlia) and ‘keep track of their belongings in the changing room’ (Marit, third grade, Sørlia). These activities go beyond practical skills; they reflect the broader socialisation process that helps students navigate the expectations of primary school life.

Teachers spoke of a progression in their PE teaching, where students initially learn fundamental routines such as to ‘line up, walk in nicely, put on your shoes, sit in a circle, listen to instructions’ in grades 1 and 2 (Elisabeth, second grade, Østlia), before gradually taking on more complex self-management tasks like changing clothes and showering in grades 3 and 4. This progression demonstrates a cumulative learning process that allows students to build upon earlier experiences and prepares them for future challenges (cf. Dewey, 1938). The emphasis on basic self-management skills aligns with findings from previous research (Serry et al., 2014), and we argue that this is an essential strategy for teachers. It strengthens students’ opportunities for success in the transition to school. Without such structured guidance, children risk encountering mis-educative experiences (Dewey, 1938), which can hinder their development of crucial skills needed for school life.

Rules and routines emerged as central to the socialisation process in PE. The ability and necessity to ‘follow rules and fit in’ (Eli, first grade, Østlia) was emphasised across all four schools. Lasse's (fourth grade, Vestlia) description of the start-up routine for his PE lessons exemplifies this emphasis:

[We start by] putting out the equipment. The children quickly arrive from the wardrobes, right. They have changed their clothes and simply just run around freely until I blow [the whistle]. And then we always gather at the yellow line at the centre of the floor. And lately, we have had a special focus on doing this quickly and not spending a lot of time on it. And to have the mouths closed so that I can give out messages in a straightforward way without having to scream.

Lasse's start-up routine was strict and well-organised, ensuring an efficient and structured beginning to the lesson. The observation of his PE lesson confirmed that the routine unfolded as he described:

I think they seem to have incorporated good routines here […] when the teacher blows the whistle, it quickly becomes quiet and the students sit ready. (Observation notes)

The children followed the established rules and routines, making the lesson structure familiar and predictable. This predictability helped students adopt their roles within PE, contributing to consistency and continuity in the transition to school life. However, the observer (first author) noted that there was an almost ‘militant’ feel to the lesson structure, where students were drilled into following precise guidelines. This suggests that Lasse and his colleagues socialised students into a specified role within PE, leaving little room for alternative ways of engaging with and being in these lessons.

Our findings indicate that many teachers deliberately encouraged calm behaviour during PE, aiming for students to remain composed throughout the lesson. In this context, it is important to consider Dewey's (1938) emphasis on the continuity of experience, where past experiences shape future learning. Teachers must be cautious about over-constraining the student role, as doing so may stifle curiosity, initiative and the desire for growth. If the socialisation process in PE reduces students’ natural ‘spark’, it could hinder their long-term development by limiting the essential prerequisites for further growth. At the same time, discontinuities are not inherently negative; they can serve as opportunities for learning and adaptation. In PE, while students must adjust to structured learning, teachers’ strategies, such as scaffolding routines, support the development of the skills needed to thrive within a more formal educational context.

The findings show that teachers actively work to facilitate students’ adaptation to primary school life by emphasising specific qualities in PE lessons. These qualities align with social continuity (cf. Hogsnes and Moser, 2014) and involve teaching students how to conform to expected behaviour, rules, routines, order and self-management skills. Some teachers explicitly referred to this work as ‘socialisation’ (e.g. Dina, first grade, Vestlia, and Eva, first grade, Østlia), describing their role in familiarising students with school expectations in and through PE. Frønes (2018: 48–49) describes socialisation as ‘how we are shaped in and by society's various arenas’ and the development of ‘competence for participation’ in these arenas. From this perspective, teachers’ expectations serve as ‘benchmarks’ for what is required of students in the school setting.

Socialisation was not just a component of PE; rather, it helped shape PE itself in the early school years. Elisabeth (second grade, Østlia) described this early-stage training in PE as a process of making ‘rules for how we want it in the gymnasium’ and ‘making sure that everyone has got the rule’. This emphasis on structure and learning routines was reflected in observations, such as Marit's PE lesson in third grade at Sørlia:

The teacher starts the PE lesson by talking to the students about the necessity of changing clothes and showering during PE, and about what constitutes good behavior in the changing room. This talk lasts for 20 minutes […] The teacher ends the lesson 25 minutes early to allow the students to practice changing clothes, showering and behaving well in the changing room. (Observation notes)

This lengthy focus on practicalities demonstrates that socialisation was prioritised in PE, even at the expense of other learning activities. The emphasis on preparing students for structured schooling aligns with the notion of philosophical discontinuity (Broström, 2009), where kindergarten's open-ended learning environment gives way to the structured routines of primary school.

The socialisation efforts also influenced teachers’ roles and pedagogical approaches in PE. Teachers expressed a strong need for control during PE lessons due to factors unique to the subject (such as space, student interaction, physical activity, safety considerations) and the young age of the students. Some of these factors, such as unfamiliar environments and equipment, highlight a physical discontinuity between kindergarten and school (cf. Hogsnes and Moser, 2014). To establish control, teachers typically facilitated highly organised and teacher-led PE lessons characterised by clear rules, routines and a strict teacher role, reminiscent of disciplinary practices. For instance, in one of William's PE lessons in third grade at Østlia, the following observation was made:

The lesson starts with the teacher explaining what they are going to do, and then he shows it to them. […] The students should freeze when the teacher blows the whistle. They have to do different tasks. […] The teacher keeps reminding them about discipline. ‘What does it mean when I whistle?’ he asks. (Observation notes)

This aligns with previous research, which indicates that direct instruction methods still dominate PE (see e.g. Moen et al., 2018; Pill et al., 2024). This highly structured approach contrasts with kindergarten pedagogy, where adults typically take a more hands-off approach and children have greater autonomy (Nicholson, 2019). This discontinuity can make the transition more demanding by placing children in an environment where they lack prior experiences to help them adjust to the new school context. Drawing again on Dewey's (1938) concept of continuity in experience, we find that one consequence of such discontinuity is that children may perceive school as a completely different world, rather than a natural extension of their familiar kindergarten experiences. Previous research links difficulties in transition to increased anxieties, fatigue and discomfort among students (Fabian, 2007), suggesting that the greater the differences between kindergarten and school, the more challenging the transition can be.

However, discontinuity also presents opportunities for progression and growth (Dewey, 1938). It enables children to move beyond non-educative experiences, as overcoming the challenges posed by discontinuity can lead to meaningful development. This perspective broadens our understanding of discontinuity in the context of school transitions. It suggests that all subjects, including PE, provide opportunities for growth, as long as the challenges of discontinuity are carefully managed (Niesel and Griebel, 2007). Specifically, PE, with its distinctive qualities (e.g. indoor and outdoor arenas, social settings, safety precautions, physical activity), offers unique learning opportunities. While students in the early school years are still developing an understanding of the student role, this learning should be cumulative. This approach ensures that the discontinuity between school expectations and students’ capabilities does not become overwhelming.

Bridging kindergarten and school in PE

Another significant part of the teachers’ efforts to facilitate the school transition involved adapting PE to suit the youngest students. This approach included creating connections between school, PE and kindergarten, incorporating play activities into PE lessons, extending playtime and physical activities and using outdoor education. While these interventions predominantly occurred outdoors, more structured forms of play also took place in the sports hall.

The interviews and observations revealed that play activities were prevalent in most PE lessons for first to fourth graders. Teachers emphasised this with statements such as ‘I have a great focus on it being a bit playful’ (Thomas, fourth grade, Østlia) and ‘we play a lot’ (Oda, second grade, Vestlia). Observations confirmed these statements, with play elements being identified in 23 out of the 26 lessons observed. One rationale for incorporating play into PE was that students at this age ‘develop through play’ (Dina, first grade, Vestlia), making it developmentally appropriate and beneficial. Moreover, teachers noted that play aligned with the students’ interests. Frida (fourth grade, Nordlia) observed, ‘the youngest [students] are very interested in playing’. This suggests that play was not only age-appropriate but also preferred by the students themselves at this stage. Furthermore, some teachers explicitly linked play to students’ previous experiences in kindergarten, using it as a pedagogical tool. Dina explained, ‘we take into account what they have done in kindergarten’. This focus on building on students’ previous play experiences reflects Dewey's (1938) concept of continuity of experience. By incorporating play in PE lessons, students engage in activities that mirror their kindergarten experiences, which, according to Dewey (1938), allows their prior learning from play to be transferred and successfully used to navigate new play activities in PE.

Both observations and teacher interviews also indicated that all four schools allocated additional time for play activities in first grade, and partially in second grade, using PE time and resources. The methods varied between schools. At Vestlia and Sørlia, for instance, first graders participated in outdoor education every Friday, with a portion of the day dedicated to free play. Nordlia offered outdoor education in both first and second grades, alongside extending some school breaks to provide extra opportunities for play and physical activity. In contrast, Østlia did not have formal outdoor education but reserved the last hour every Friday for outdoor play. PE time and resources were used for all these arrangements. These initiatives aimed to counterbalance the ‘sedentary’ and ‘controlled’ (Marit, third grade, Sørlia) nature of the school day for the youngest students. Teachers like William (third grade, Østlia) expressed concerns about the lack of ‘creativity’ in structured schooling, questioning whether young students should be expected to sit still and receive instruction all day. The additional playtime and outdoor learning provided continuity between kindergarten and school, allowing students to apply prior play experiences to new school contexts. This approach mirrored daily life in kindergarten, making the school experience less abrupt. Introducing more play into school helped counteract the discontinuity caused by the shift from play-based learning to structured schooling (Broström, 2009).

Outdoor education was another key initiative used to support students’ transition. Jordet (2010) describes outdoor education as teaching and learning activities conducted outside the classroom, integrating various school subjects while fostering problem-solving, exploration, practical experience, imagination, play and social interaction. Three of the schools in our study implemented outdoor education, placing a strong emphasis on PE. While play was a central component, teachers saw outdoor education as more than just recreation. Many described it as a valuable alternative to classroom-based learning, providing opportunities for physical activity, creativity and hands-on experiences that suited young students’ needs. Dina (first grade, Vestlia) highlighted how outdoor education helped maintain continuity between kindergarten and school:

In kindergarten, there is a lot of outdoor education and outdoor play, and I notice a sense of joy as soon as we go outdoors, because they experience a bit of the same security as they did in kindergarten […] They are given the opportunity to engage in something they already know and seemingly enjoy.

This quote illustrates how outdoor education was connected with play, based on students’ familiarity from kindergarten, thereby providing continuity and reducing the novelty of the school environment for first graders. This approach aimed to make the school experience more akin to kindergarten, aligning with the original intentions of R97 (cf. Haug, 2019) to create smoother transitions for students.

The findings in this section highlight several PE initiatives that aimed to support students’ school transition by fostering continuity and bridging elements of school, PE and kindergarten. These initiatives primarily focused on self-directed play and physical activity, with minimal teacher intervention, allowing students to engage in activities aligned with their own interests and preferences. Teachers provided multiple rationales for implementing these PE initiatives. One key explanation focused on breaking up sedentary school days. Previous research has often portrayed PE as a ‘break’ from more academic subjects (see e.g. Morgan and Hansen, 2008), and this perspective resonated in our study as well. By integrating play, physical activity and outdoor education, teachers sought to make the structured school day more manageable for young students. These activities provided students with greater freedom and reduced sedentary time, aspects teachers deemed crucial for children's wellbeing and engagement at this age.

This approach can be understood to promote social, philosophical and physical continuity by echoing aspects of kindergarten, such as emphasising play, minimising rigid rules, incorporating outdoor activities and allowing for less structured routines. Free play, physical activity and outdoor education closely resemble children's kindergarten experiences, whereas regulated and curriculum-oriented activities become more prevalent in school. Traditionally, kindergarten emphasises play-based learning, whereas school tends to prioritise structured academic instruction (Nicholson and Hendry, 2020). This does not imply that learning does not occur in kindergarten or that play has no place in school. However, previous research has highlighted this shift from play to structured learning as a key source of discontinuity in the transition to school (e.g. Nicholson, 2019).

Through our study, we identified several elementsof PE that connect to kindergarten experiences, including play, physical activity and outdoor education. Hogsnes (2015) would call these ‘boundary objects’, which are recognisable and familiar elements that help children connect prior experiences in kindergarten to new experiences in school. These elements help create cohesive and familiar learning experiences for young students. Drawing on Dewey's ideas (1938), we can view this process as one in which the child's experiences remain within the same ‘world’ despite transitioning from kindergarten to school. Rather than entering an entirely new and unfamiliar educational setting, the child's existing world expands, enabling them to navigate new situations through previously developed experiences. This cumulative nature of experience highlights progression as a vital element in continuity, complementing the links and boundary objects already identified. However, if a play activity in PE lacks structured progression, it risks leading to mis-educative or non-educative experiences, which could impede further growth (Dewey, 1938). In such cases, stagnation in learning could hinder students’ development, making it difficult to sustain experiences of continuity in PE.

Conclusions

This study has explored how PE supports students’ transition into primary school, demonstrating that while transitioning to school is not explicitly addressed as a learning objective in PE in Norway, the subject plays an important role in helping students adjust to new school routines and expectations. According to the teachers, PE facilitates continuity through socialisation, play and outdoor education, helping students navigate the shift from kindergarten to primary school. This emphasis was described as providing a unique space for students to connect past experiences with new learning environments, reinforcing familiar practices while gradually introducing school-based structures (Dewey, 1938). However, as Hogsnes (2015) highlights, discontinuity is also an essential component of learning, and our findings suggest that PE serves as a space where students experience both continuity and productive discontinuity, with, for example, continuity reflected in play and familiar routines and discontinuity emerging through new expectations, structured learning and greater independence. Despite its potential, the role of PE in supporting transitions remains underexplored in research (Rainer, 2018) and is often overlooked in discussions of school readiness and transition planning. Based on these findings, we argue that primary PE's emphasis on socialisation, play and outdoor education offers valuable opportunities to support young students during this transition. To conclude, we suggest that PE can contribute meaningfully to students’ adjustment to school by balancing both stability and adaptation in the shift to formal schooling (Hogsnes, 2015).