This paper examines the consequences of the far-right in shaping foreign-born immigrants’ satisfaction with the way democracy works in their host country. It posits that while electorally successful far-right parties undermine democracy satisfaction, the magnitude of this effect is not uniform across all first-generation immigrants. Instead, it depends on newcomers’ citizenship status in their adopted homeland. The analyses using individual-level data collected as part of the five-round European Social Survey (ESS) 2002–2012 in 16 West European democracies reveal that the electoral strength of far-right parties in a form of vote and seat shares won in national elections is indeed powerfully linked to democracy satisfaction among foreign-born individuals. However, this relationship is limited to foreign-born non-citizens, as we have no evidence that far-right parties influence democracy attitudes among foreign-born individuals who have acquired citizenship in their adopted homeland.
AkkermanT (2012) Comparing radical right parties in government: Immigration and integration policies in nine countries (1996–2010). West European Politics35(3): 511–529.
2.
AlmondGAVerbaS (1963) The Civic Culture. Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company.
3.
AlonsoSClaro da FonsecaS (2012) Immigration, left and right. Party Politics18(6): 865–884.
4.
AndersonCJGuilloryCA (1997) Political institutions and satisfaction with democracy: A cross-national analysis of consensus and majoritarian systems. American Political Science Review91(1): 66–82.
5.
AndersonCJSingerMM (2008) The sensitive left and the impervious right. Comparative Political Studies41(4–5): 564–599.
6.
AndersonCJBlaisABowlerS. (2005) Losers’ Consent: Elections and Democratic Legitimacy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
7.
ArzheimerK (2009) Contextual factors and the extreme right vote in Western Europe, 1980–2002. American Journal of Political Science53(2): 259–275.
8.
BaleT (2003) Cinderella and her ugly sisters: The mainstream and extreme right in Europe's bipolarising party systems. West European Politics26(3): 67–90.
9.
BaleT (2008) Politics matters: A conclusion. Journal of European Public Policy15(3): 453–464.
10.
BaleTGreen-PedersenCKrouwelA. (2010) If you can’t beat them, join them? Explaining social democratic responses to the challenge from the populist radical right in Western Europe. Political Studies58(3): 410–426.
11.
BantingKKymlickaW (eds) (2006) Multiculturalism and the Welfare State: Recognition and Redistribution in Contemporary Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
12.
BarretoMAPedrazaFI (2009) The renewal and persistence of group identification in American politics. Electoral Studies28(4): 595–605.
13.
BauböckR (2007) Migration and Citizenship: Legal Status, Rights and Political Participation. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.
14.
BenoitKLaverM (2006) Party Policy in Modern Democracies. London: Routledge.
15.
BetzH-G (1993) The new politics of resentment: Radical right-wing populist parties in Western Europe. Comparative Politics25(4): 413–427.
16.
BloemraadIKortewegAYurdakulG (2008) Citizenship and immigration: Multiculturalism, assimilation, and challenges to the nation-state. Annual Review of Sociology34: 153–179.
17.
CarterE (2005) The Extreme Right in Western Europe: Success or Failure?Manchester: Manchester University Press.
18.
ChoWKTGimpelJGWuT (2006) Clarifying the role of SES in political participation: Policy threat and Arab American mobilization. Journal of Politics68(4): 977–991.
19.
ClarkeHDDuttNKornbergA (1993) The political economy of attitudes toward policy and society in Western European democracies. Journal of Politics55(4): 998–1021.
20.
CooleyCH (1956) Human Nature and the Social Order. New York, NY: Scribner.
21.
DaltonRJ (2004) Democratic Challenges, Democratic Choices: The Erosion of Political Support in Advanced Industrial Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
22.
de HaasH (2007) Turning the tide? Why development will not stop migration. Development and Change38(5): 819–841.
23.
DownsWM (2012) Political Extremism in Democracies: Combating Intolerance. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
24.
DunnKPSinghSP (2011) The surprising non-impact of radical right-wing populist party representation on public tolerance of minorities. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties21(3): 313–331.
25.
FrableDES (1997) Gender, racial, ethnic, sexual, and class identities. Annual Review of Psychology48(1): 139–162.
26.
FuchsDGuidorossiGSvensonP (1995) Support for the democratic system. In: KlingemannHDFuchsD (eds) Citizens and the State. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 323–353.
27.
GibsonRK (2002) The Growth of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press.
28.
GinsbergBWeissbergR (1978) Elections and the mobilization of popular support. American Journal of Political Science22(1): 31–55.
29.
GivensTE (2005) Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
30.
GivensTLuedtkeA (2004) The politics of European union immigration policy: Institutions, salience and harmonization. Policy Studies Journal32(1): 145–165.
31.
GolderM (2003) Explaining variation in the success of extreme right parties in Western Europe. Comparative Political Studies36(4): 432–466.
32.
HainmuellerJHiscoxMJ (2007) Educated preferences: Explaining attitudes toward immigration in Europe. International Organization61(2): 399–442.
33.
HallJABritonNJ (1993) Gender, nonverbal behavior, and expectations. In: BlanckPD (ed.) Interpersonal Expectations: Theory, Research, and Applications. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
34.
HetheringtonMJ (1998) The political relevance of political trust. American Political Science Review92(4): 791–808.
35.
HochschildJLMollenkopfJH (eds) (2009) Bringing Outsiders In: Transatlantic Perspectives on Immigrant Political Incorporation. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
36.
HollifieldJF (1992) Immigrants, Markets, and States: The Political Economy of Postwar Europe. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
37.
HowardMM (2009) The Politics of Citizenship in Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
38.
IgnaziP (1992) The silent counter-revolution: Hypotheses on the emergence of right-wing parties in Europe. European Journal of Political Research22(1): 3–34.
39.
IgnaziP (2003) Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
40.
IvarsflatenE (2005) The vulnerable populist right parties: No economic realignment fueling their electoral success. European Journal of Political Research44(3): 465–492.
41.
IvarsflatenE (2008) What unites right-wing populists in Western Europe? Re-examining grievance mobilization models in seven successful cases. Comparative Political Studies41(1): 3–23.
42.
JacobsD (1999) The debate over enfranchisement of foreign residents in Belgium. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies25(4): 649–663.
43.
JacobsonD (1996) Rights across Borders: Immigration and the Decline of Citizenship. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
44.
JoppkeC (2007a) Transformation of immigrant integration: Civic integration and antidiscrimination in the Netherlands, France, and Germany. World Politics59(2): 243–273.
45.
JoppkeC (2007b) Beyond national models: Civic integration policies for immigrants in Western Europe. West European Politics30(1): 1–22.
46.
JustAAndersonCJ (2012) Immigrants, citizenship and political action in Europe. British Journal of Political Science42(3): 481–509.
47.
JustAAndersonCJ (2014) Opinion climates and immigrant political action. Comparative Political Studies47(7): 935–965.
48.
JustAAndersonCJ (2015) Dual allegiances? Immigrants’ attitudes towards immigration. The Journal of Politics77(1): 188–201.
49.
KitscheltH (2013) Democratic Accountability and Linkages Project. Durham, NC: Duke University.
50.
KitscheltHMcGannA (1995) The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan.
51.
KittilsonMC (2009) Research resources in comparative political behavior. In: DaltonRJKlingemannH-D (eds) The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 865–895.
52.
KlingemannH-D (1999) Mapping political support in the 1990s: A global analysis. In: NorrisP (ed.) Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Governance. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 31–56.
53.
KlingemannH-DVolkensABudgeI. (2006) Mapping Policy Preferences II: Estimates for Parties, Electors, and Governments in Eastern Europe, European Union, and OECD 1990–2003. New York: Oxford University Press.
54.
KoopmansRMichalowskiIWaibelS (2012) Citizenship rights for immigrants: National political processes and cross-national convergence in Western Europe. American Journal of Sociology117(4): 1202–1245.
55.
KoopmansRStathamPGiugniM. (2005) Contested Citizenship: Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe. Minneapolis, MN: Minnesota University Press.
56.
KriesiHGrandeELachatR. (2008) West European Politics in the Age of Globalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
57.
LindeJEkmanJ (2003) Satisfaction with democracy: A note on frequently used indicator in comparative politics. European Journal of Political Research42(3): 391–408.
58.
LipsetSM (1959) Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.
59.
McLarenLM (2012) The cultural divide in Europe: Migration, multiculturalism, and political trust. World Politics64(2): 199–241.
60.
MaxwellR (2010) Evaluating migrant integration: Political attitudes across generations in Europe. International Migration Review44(1): 25–52.
61.
MaxwellR (2013) The geographic context of political attitudes among migrant-origin individuals in Europe. World Politics65(1): 116–155.
62.
MaxwellRBleichE (2014) What makes Muslims feel French?Social Forces93(1): 155–179.
63.
MessinaAM (2007) The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
64.
MichelsonMR (2001) Political trust among Chicago Latinos. Journal of Urban Affairs23(3–4): 323–334.
65.
MichelsonMR (2003) The corrosive effects of acculturation: How Mexican Americans lose political trust. Social Science Quarterly84(4): 918–933.
66.
MinkenbergM (2001) The radical right in public office: Agenda-setting and policy effects. West European Politics24(4): 1–21.
67.
MuddeC (2000) The Ideology of the Extreme Right. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
68.
MuddeC (2007) Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
69.
MuddeC (2013) Three decades of populist radical right parties in Western Europe: So what?European Journal of Political Research52(1): 1–19.
70.
MutzDC (1998) Impersonal Influence: How Perceptions of Mass Collectives Affect Political Attitudes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
71.
NadeauRBlaisA (1993) Accepting the election outcome: The effect of participation on loser's consent. British Journal of Political Science23(4): 553–563
72.
NiessenJHuddlestonTCitronL (2007) Migrant Integration Policy Index. Brussels: British Council and Migration Policy Group.
73.
Noelle-NeumannE (1974) The spiral of silence: A theory of public opinion. Journal of Communication24(2): 43–51.
74.
Noelle-NeumannE (1993) The Spiral of Silence: Public Opinion, Our Social Skin. 2nd ed. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
75.
NorrisP (ed.) (1999) Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
76.
NorrisP (2005) Radical Right: Voters and Parties in the Electoral Market. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
OysermanDSwimJK (2001) Stigma: An insider's view. Journal of Social Issues57(1): 1–14.
79.
PantojaADRamirezRSeguraGM (2001) Citizens by choice, voters by necessity: Patterns in political mobilization by naturalized Latinos. Political Research Quarterly54(4): 729–750.
80.
PérezEO (2014) Xenophobic rhetoric and its political effects on immigrants and their co-ethnics. American Journal of Political Science59(3): 549–564.
81.
PerlmutterT (2002) The politics of restriction. The effect of xenophobic parties on Italian immigration policy and German asylum policy. In: SchainMZolbergAHossayP (eds) Shadows over Europe: The Development and Impact of the Extreme Right in Western Europe. New York, NY: Palgrave, 269–298.
82.
PharrSJPutnamRD (2000) Disaffected Democracies: What's Troubling the Trilateral Countries? Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
83.
PowellGBJr (1982) Contemporary Democracies: Participation, Stability and Violence. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
84.
PowellGBJr (1986) Extremist parties and political turmoil: Two puzzles. American Journal of Political Science30(2): 357–378.
85.
RamakrishnanKS (2005) Democracy in Immigrant America: Changing Demographics and Political Participation. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
86.
RamakrishnanKSEspenshadeTJ (2001) Immigrant incorporation and political participation in the United States. International Migration Review35(3): 870–909.
87.
ReeskensTWrightM (2014) Host-country patriotism among European immigrants: A comparative study of its individual and societal roots. Ethnic and Racial Studies37(14): 2493–2511.
88.
RikerWH (1982) Liberalism against Populism: A Confrontation between the Theory of Democracy and the Theory of Social Choice. San Francisco, CA: W. H. Freeman.
89.
RöderAMühlauP (2011) Discrimination, exclusion and immigrants’ confidence in public institutions in Europe. European Societies13(4): 535–557.
90.
RöderAMühlauP (2012) Low expectations or different evaluations: What Explains immigrants’ high levels of trust in host-country institutions?Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies38(5): 777–792.
91.
SanchezGRMasuokaN (2010) Brown-utility heuristic? The presence and contributing factors of Latino linked fate. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences32(4): 519–531.
92.
SchainMA (2006) The extreme-right and immigration policy making: Measuring direct and indirect effects. West European Politics29(2): 270–289.
93.
SchainMA (2009) The state strikes back: Immigration policy in the European Union. European Journal of International Law20(1): 93–109.
94.
ScheufeleDAMoyP (2000) Twenty-five years of the spiral of silence: A conceptual review and empirical outlook. International Journal of Public Opinion Research12(1): 3–28.
95.
SimonBReichertFChristophDS. (2015) Dual identification and the (de-)politicization of migrants: Longitudinal and comparative evidence. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology25(3): 193–203.
96.
SnijdersTABBoskerR (1999) Multilevel Analysis: An Introduction to Basic and Advanced Multilevel Modeling. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
97.
SoysalYN (1994) Limits of Citizenship. Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe. Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press.
98.
Sprague-JonesJ (2011) Extreme Right-wing vote and support for multiculturalism in Europe. Racial and Ethnic Studies34(4): 535–555.
99.
SteenbergenMRJonesBS (2002) Modeling multilevel data structures. American Journal of Political Science46(1): 218–237.
100.
TylerTR (1990) Why People Obey the Law. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
101.
van der BrugWFennemaMTillieJ (2005) Why some anti-immigrant parties fail and others succeed: A two-step model of aggregate electoral support. Comparative Political Studies38(5): 537–573.
102.
van SpanjeJ (2010) Contagious parties: Anti-immigration parties and their impact on other parties’ stances on immigration in contemporary Western Europe. Party Politics16(5): 563–586.
103.
WhiteSNevitteNBlaisA. (2008) The political resocialization of immigrants. Political Research Quarterly61(2): 268–281.
104.
WilkesRGuppyNFarrisL (2007) Right-wing parties and anti-foreigner sentiment in Europe. American Sociological Review72(5): 831–840.
105.
WrightMBloemraadI (2012) Is there a trade-off between multiculturalism and socio-political integration? Policy regimes and immigrant incorporation in comparative perspective. Perspectives on Politics10(1): 77–95.
106.
ZasloveA (2004) Closing the door? The ideology and impact of radical right populism on immigration policy in Austria and Italy. Journal of Political Ideologies9(1): 99–118.
