Abstract
Despite growing recognition of the importance of understanding trust in news, few studies have focused specifically on local news. To address this gap, we investigated the reasons underlying trust in local news from an audience perspective. We analysed 5395 open-text responses from an online survey of Australian adults. Using content analysis, we identified eight factors influencing trust in local news. In line with existing news media trust research, factors of journalistic standards and quality, less bias, less agenda-driven, reputation of the news organisation, and relevance at a personal level were considered important. We uncovered factors unique to local news, including local relevance and accountability, local verifiability, and benevolence for the community. These factors were especially important to older audiences and those living in regional areas. Findings highlight the importance of relational trust – trust built on emotional and social bonds between news providers and audiences – in the local news context.
Introduction
Trust is fundamental to effective communication, shaping how people engage with information and form judgements. It is a relational concept, occurring between a trustee (the person receiving trust) and a trustor (the person giving trust) (Rotter, 1967). By reducing uncertainty, trust facilitates decision-making and reduces the cognitive and emotional costs associated with information processing (Rousseau et al., 1998).
In the context of journalism, trust takes on paramount importance (Brants, 2013). It encompasses audiences’ expectations that news providers will act competently, benevolently and with integrity in their role as information gatekeepers (Fletcher and Park, 2017). Trust plays a significant role in determining whether audiences perceive information as credible, reliable and worthy of attention (Tsfati and Cappella, 2003).
As media landscapes rapidly evolve, understanding what drives trust in news has become increasingly critical (Strömbäck et al., 2020). Scholars have emphasised the need to examine both how individuals construct their concept of trust (Coleman et al., 2012; Newman and Fletcher, 2017) and the contextual factors that shape audiences’ perceptions (Sterrett et al., 2019; Swart and Broersma, 2022). While prior research has identified factors influencing trust in national and international news, much less is known about the determinants of trust in local news.
Local news often serves as the primary source of information about the community, making it an essential platform for civic participation and community engagement. However, in Australia, the local news industry has been suffering financial pressures due to the decline in revenues. Since 2019, there are 184 fewer news outlets across Australia, and about 5% of local government areas do not have access to any local news media (PIJI, 2024). Where there is a gap in provision, audiences often turn to social media to get information about the community. However, people have a very low trust in the news they find on social media (Park et al., 2021).
In this context, this study investigated the underlying reasons for trust in local news through an audience-centric approach. We used content analysis to explore over 5000 open-text survey responses from a large and diverse sample of Australian adults. Alongside established factors associated with trust in news more broadly, we identified several factors unique to local news contexts: local relevance and accountability, local verifiability and benevolence for local community. We also examined how these trust factors vary by demographic characteristics and context, including age, location and primary source of local news.
Literature review
General trust in news
Trust has long been considered a crucial factor influencing audiences’ relationship with news. In the context of news media, trust can be defined as the willingness of audiences to rely on news journalists and organisations as sources of accurate and truthful information about current affairs. Rosunvallon (2012) describes trust in news and journalists as an ‘institutional economiser’, allowing individuals to consume news without needing to verify every piece of information independently.
Trust in news is shaped by various factors related to source (past history, reputation, openness and transparency), content (competence, benevolence and integrity), medium (presentation, language and context) and audience (relevance, interest, familiarity, political orientation, education and news literacy) (Fisher et al., 2020; Toff et al., 2021). Kohring and Matthes (2007) identified four key dimensions of media trust, corresponding to audiences’ confidence that journalists will cover the important topics, focus on the appropriate facts, present those facts accurately and provide well-founded commentary, critique or guidance. This framework underscores the central role journalists play in shaping public trust in media. However, it may oversimplify the complexities of media trust in the contemporary media landscape.
Dramatic changes in the media environment present significant challenges to trust in news. The growing influence of commercial and political interests can distort coverage and blur the lines between reporting and advocacy. This has led to a shift away from the traditional trustee model of journalism, where journalists and news organisations were seen as impartial gatekeepers of information. Habermas (1974) observed this shift more than half a century ago, noting that the public sphere was becoming ‘a field for the competition of interests’, highlighting the tension between the ideals of objective journalism and the realities of a profit-driven media industry (p. 54).
The rise of digital platforms has led to a proliferation of news sources and an unprecedented volume of information, making it difficult for consumers to navigate and assess the quality of news (Swart and Broersma, 2022). Social media has blurred the boundaries between professional journalism and user-generated content, contributing to the spread of misinformation and polarising content (Miller and Vaccari, 2020). These factors may lead to increased skepticism towards all news and information sources (Swart and Broersma, 2022) and may be contributing to the observed decline in media trust in many Western countries (Newman et al., 2020). Social media platforms have also reshaped the dynamics of audience engagement. Content creators on platforms like TikTok and Instagram maintain frequent, often direct, interactions with their followers, cultivating a sense of intimacy and connection that can be difficult for traditional news sources to replicate. This has undermined the newspaper business model with a resultant reduction in resources to produce and verify original news content.
Historically, research on audience trust in news focused primarily on cognitive evaluations of trust, such as accuracy, objectivity and reliability of content. This approach assumed that audiences critically evaluate news by comparing and checking sources. However, subsequent approaches have broadened this understanding. Coleman et al. (2012) adopted a constructivist approach, arguing that trust emerges through ongoing interactions between news producers and consumers, rather than being solely determined by individual assessments of content quality. More recently, Swart and Broersma (2022) found that young people often rely on ‘gut feelings’ and experience-based perceptions to assess the trustworthiness of news. They argued that incorporating users’ affective and intuitive shortcuts will enhance understanding of media trust. These perspectives recognise trust as a dynamic, relational process shaped by both journalistic practices and audience expectations.
Trust in local news
Research shows that audiences tend to have higher levels of trust in local news compared to national or international news (Fioroni, 2022). This suggests that trust in local news may be shaped by factors that differ from those influencing trust in general news media. However, few studies have directly investigated the reasons underlying trust in local news. Wenzel and Crittenden (2021) explored the narratives constructed by audiences about their trust in local journalism. Adapting Mayer et al.'s (1995) model of trustworthiness – the ability, benevolence and integrity of the trustee – they identified three dimensions of trust in local journalism: (1) perceived accuracy and credibility, (2) respectful and equitable representations and (3) benevolence of motives. Their ethnographic study highlighted the importance of local journalists’ efforts to connect with community members and the role of local organisations in strengthening these relationships. They found that trust in local news develops through ongoing relationship-building and a focus on serving the community.
Firmstone et al. (2022) explored trust in local news from the perspective of local news journalists across Europe. They found that local journalists perceive trust as derived from their geographic proximity, shared sense of place and visible presence within the community. Local journalists described a heightened sense of accountability and co-dependence on the community that drives them to maintain high ethical standards. In this view, trust depends not only on delivering high-quality journalism but also on maintaining close connections with the communities they serve.
Relational trust, built on personal connections, shared community identity and mutual understanding, is central to understanding trust in local news. Unlike national or global news sources, which may feel distant and impersonal, local journalists often belong to the same community and cover issues that directly impact their readers’ daily lives, reinforcing a sense of shared identity. As such, there may be greater opportunities for building relational trust through direct interaction and mutual understanding (Usher, 2018). Koliska et al. (2023) describe these opportunities as ‘access points’, where community members can engage with news producers through face-to-face or online interactions. A stronger sense of relational trust may help explain why audiences tend to express higher levels of trust in local news compared to national news. Relational trust emerges from ongoing interactions between journalists and their audiences. Unlike cognitive trust, which is based on objective criteria, relational trust is based on social and emotional bonds and a shared identity. Hepp and Loosen's (2019) experiential study on a relational platform for local journalism identified that if news organisations do not maintain strong and ongoing relations with their audiences, people may feel disconnected from the content, and as a result be less inclined to engage with and trust the content. Trust between journalists and their audience is vital for fostering participation in local news settings.
The unique role of local news
Differences in how audiences trust local and national news may stem from the distinctive characteristics of local journalism. Local journalism holds functional, symbolic, emotional and economic value for its audiences (Heiselberg and Hopmann, 2024). Functionally, it provides practical information that assists community members in their everyday lives (e.g. weather, advertising, sporting schedule and births and deaths). It also disseminates critical public information and provides a check on local authority (Stroud and Van Duyn, 2023). Symbolically, local journalism shapes audiences’ sense of belonging and reinforces community standards and norms through storytelling. It also has emotional value by evoking feelings such as pride and social connection. Economically, local journalism helps sustain local businesses and services, supporting the broader social and economic ecosystem of the community. Together, these characteristics of local news underpin the relational aspects of local news, fostering a sense of connection, trust and mutual reliance with their audiences.
Importantly, however, public journalism 1 research has identified a gap between journalists’ perceptions of their roles and audiences’ expectations of local journalism (Abdenour et al., 2021; Gottfried et al., 2022). While journalists often emphasise neutral watchdog and rapid reporting roles, audiences increasingly value what Poindexter et al. (2006) described as the ‘good neighbour’ role. This role reflects audiences’ expectations that journalists act as community advocates, even when this conflicts with traditional journalistic values of impartiality and independence (Ali et al., 2020). Research has shown that audiences value local journalists who not only disseminate information but also reflect shared values and demonstrate care for the local community (Hess and Waller, 2016; Moon and Lawrence, 2021). This stands in contrast to the more detached and neutral role associated with mainstream media, further highlighting the unique role of local news in people's lives.
Defining local
Understanding local audiences’ different ways of conceptualising ‘local’ can help understand the varying levels of trust in local news. Weber and Mathews (2024) created a typology of local news based on four dimensions: (1) local as distance, (2) local as boundary, (3) local as proximity and (4) local as sense of community. This typology highlights the diverse ways that audiences perceive local news, which is influenced by factors such as age, geography and cultural background. Weber and Mathews’ findings suggest that urban populations and younger audiences tend to view local more objectively, using measures of distance, time and established boundaries. Conversely, non-urban and non-white audiences conceptualise local in more subjective terms, focusing on a sense of belonging and shared culture. These variations underscore the importance of considering the context and characteristics of the audience when exploring trust in local news (Hmielowski et al., 2021).
Research questions
This study examines the importance of relational trust in fostering trust in local news, using an audience-centred approach (Knudsen et al., 2022; Swart et al., 2017). It is guided by the following research questions: RQ1: What are the main factors contributing to trust in local newspapers? RQ2: To what extent do relational trust factors foster trust in local newspapers? RQ3: How does the importance of these trust factors vary across different age groups, community contexts (urban vs. regional), and users of different sources of local news (key determinants of news consumption and trust identified in previous research)?
Method
Data collection
The data for the current study were collected from an online survey. Participants (n = 8655) were recruited through several methods: a paid panel sample (n = 2003), convenience sampling via eDM invitations to digital news subscribers (78 mastheads; n = 5937), news articles published in the partner media organisation's newspapers (print and digital; n = 457), email invitations to the partner's research panel members (n = 251) and an advertisement on the research project website (n = 7). The study employed multiple sampling methods to improve representation. However, we acknowledge that convenience sampling method has its limits in the generalisability of findings. These limits will be discussed in the Conclusion section.
Participants were eligible to participate if they were adults (18 years or older) living in Australia. Participants were offered the chance to win one of five AU$500 e-gift cards for completing the survey. The online survey was administered via Qualtrics between 27 March and 20 May 2024.
Variables
Trust in local news: Participants were asked to indicate how much they trust news found in local newspapers (print/online) on a 5-point Likert-type scale from 1 don’t trust at all to 5 trust a lot (a ‘don’t know’ option was also provided). Those who indicated trust in local news (answered either 4 or 5) were asked to explain why in an open-text box. This comprised 62.3% of the full sample (n = 5395 out of n = 8655). The remaining respondents (answered 1–3 or don’t know) were not included in the current analyses.
Age: Respondents reported their age, and were categorised into 18–34, 35–44, 45–54, 55–64, 65–74 and 75 + age groups.
Region: Respondents provided their current postcode, which was classified using the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ Remoteness Areas classification system. This system categorises locations into five levels of remoteness based on relative geographic access to services. For analysis, a binary variable was created denoting major city (e.g. Sydney, Melbourne) versus regional area (encompassing inner regional, outer regional, remote and very remote area classifications).
Main source of news: We asked respondents the question ‘What is your main source of local/regional news?’ with the option to choose from newspapers (print), news online (digital/PDF newspapers or websites), TV, radio, podcasts, social media or mobile apps.
Open text question analysis
We used a multi-stage coding process to analyse the open-ended responses to the question ‘why do you trust news found in local newspapers?’
Initial codebook development: Three members of the research team independently coded a random selection of 100 responses. This process allowed for the identification of initial themes and categories. The team then met to discuss their individual codes and collaboratively developed an initial codebook.
Pilot coding and codebook refinement: Using the initial codebook, the same three members independently coded another random selection of 100 responses. They then met again to discuss discrepancies and refine the codebook.
Coder training: Two additional experienced coders were trained on the refined codebook by the lead investigator. The training involved a detailed explanation of each code and discussions to ensure a shared understanding of the coding scheme.
Main coding phase: The two trained coders independently coded the responses. Multiple codes were applied as needed to capture all trust factors mentioned in each response (range zero to five). Coders were encouraged to contact the main research team for further guidance and, where necessary, the codebook was further refined to ensure consistency and capture the full range of trust factors mentioned in the responses.
Reliability check: A member of the research team independently coded a random 5% sample of the responses. We used weighted average Cohen's kappa as our primary measure of reliability, given that multiple codes could be applied to each response. This approach accounts for the possibility of partial agreement between coders. The weighted average Cohen's kappa was 0.76, which is within the higher end of substantial agreement (0.61–0.80). Individual Cohen's kappa scores for each code are presented in Table 3.
Following the coding process, we conducted both quantitative and qualitative analyses:
Frequency analysis to identify the most common trust factors identified by respondents. Chi-squared analyses to examine differences in the endorsement of trust factors across groups based on age, geographic location and primary source of local news.
A total of 5395 responses were collected and after excluding ‘not meaningful/missing’ responses (n = 340), we analysed a total of 5056 responses. Fifty eight percent of participants were female, 54% lived in a major city and 66% were aged 55 or above (see Table 1).
Characteristics of subsample (n = 5056).
Findings
Factors of local news trust
From an analysis of the open text responses, we were able to identify eight key factors of trust in local news (see Table 2). Responses that did not fit into these topic areas were coded as ‘other’. The majority of the reasons for trusting local news related to expectations of news being up to a certain level of professionalism (journalistic standards and quality, less agenda driven and less bias), having relevance to the local area (local relevance and accountability, local verifiability and benevolence for local community), reputation of the news organisation and having relevance at a personal level.
Reasons for trust in local news.
Having local relevance was a distinct category compared to previous research on general news trust. Respondents emphasised that they trusted local news because local news outlets or journalists have the local knowledge to deliver quality news related to local events. The credibility often rose from journalists having strong ties to the local community. This was reinforced by the fact that audiences could easily verify the information in news reporting due to the proximity of events. Knowing this, participants felt that journalists would be less inclined to lie. Many respondents also acknowledged that local journalists have a duty of care, and they had the community's best interest at heart.
Table 3 shows the frequency and proportion of participants who endorsed each code. Over one third of participants endorsed journalistic standards and quality (35%) and local relevance and accountability (34%). Other commonly endorsed codes were reputation of the news organisation (12%) and local verifiability (11%). The percentage of local related reasons add up to 46.9% (local relevance and accountability, local verifiability and benevolence for the local community), which confirms the uniqueness of factors that contribute to people's trust in local news compared to national and other types of news.
Code distribution.
Percent respondents who endorsed each category (>100% as could endorse multiple categories).
Cohen's kappa not provided for categories with frequency <100 due to insufficient data for robust statistical estimation.
Table 4 shows the proportion of respondents living in major cities versus regional areas who endorsed each reason for trusting local news. Notably, journalistic standards and quality were the most common reasons among city-dwellers (39.4%), while local relevance and accountability were the most common reasons among those in regional areas (41.4%). City-dwellers were significantly more likely to endorse journalistic standards and quality (39.4% vs. 30.3% of regional audiences), local verifiability (14.1% vs. 8.9%), less agenda-driven (7% vs. 4.3%) and less bias (5.8% vs. 3.5%). On the other hand, regional audiences were significantly more likely to endorse local relevance and accountability (41.4% vs. 27.5% of city-dwellers) and the reputation of the news organisation (12.6% vs. 9.8%).
Trust reasons by region (%).
* p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01.
Table 5 shows the proportion of respondents in each age group who endorsed each reason for trusting local news. Journalistic standards and quality were the most endorsed reasons among those under 55 years of age, while local relevance and accountability were the most endorsed reasons among those 55 years and above. Chi-squared analyses revealed significant differences across age groups. The largest difference (based on effect sizes) was found in journalistic standards and quality, which was more likely to be endorsed by younger age groups (<45 years), and local verifiability and local relevance and accountability, which were more likely to be endorsed by older age groups (>45 years).
Trust reasons by age group (%).
* p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01.
Table 6 shows the proportion of respondents who endorsed each reason for trusting local news, based on their main source of local news. Local relevance and accountability were the most endorsed reasons among those who use local newspapers (print 35.1% and online 34.5%) or radio (38.3%) as their primary source of local news, while journalistic standards and quality were the most endorsed reasons among users of other primary sources. Interestingly, those who use social media as their main source of local news were significantly more likely to say they trust local news because of journalistic standards and quality (39.4%), compared to those using other main sources of local news. On the other hand, they were significantly less likely to say they trust local news because of the reputation of the news organisation (8.5%) compared to other respondents. This possibly reflects age differences in the audiences.
Trust reasons by the main source of local news (%).
* p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01.
Discussion
This study investigated the factors underlying trust in local newspapers, using an audience-centred approach. Analysis of open text responses identified key aspects of trust in local news, including ‘journalistic standards and quality’, ‘local relevance and accountability’, ‘reputation of the news organisation, ‘local verifiability’, ‘less agenda-driven’, ‘less bias’, ‘benevolence for local community’ and ‘personal relevance’. By shedding light on the unique drivers of trust in local news, this study provides valuable insights for local news providers seeking to maintain and strengthen their relationships with their audiences in an increasingly complex media environment.
While traditional drivers of trust in news tend to reflect cognitive evaluations of journalistic quality, such as accuracy and bias, our findings suggest that trust in local news is also shaped by relational factors. These factors stem from the geographic, social and emotional proximity between local news providers and their audiences and may be especially important to regional and older audiences. Although not an example of relational trust, journalistic standards and quality was the most common driver of trust in local news. This category included perceptions of truthfulness, accuracy and reliability, as well as appreciation for thorough research, fact-checking and adherence to established journalistic standards. It also captured the absence of sensationalism and misinformation, and the presence of in-depth, investigative reporting, in line with previous research on general media trust (e.g. Kohring and Matthes, 2007). Other categories identified in this study, consistent with established general media trust factors, include less bias and less agenda-driven reporting (Banerjee et al., 2023; Fisher et al., 2020).
The second most important factor identified in this study was local relevance and accountability. This factor encompassed reasons related to local knowledge, proximity to reported events and the heightened accountability associated with local newspaper journalism. It also captured the accessibility of local media and their responsiveness to community feedback. These reasons align with emerging research emphasising the importance of local newspapers being embedded and physically present in place (e.g. McAdam et al., 2024; O’Hara, 2020), as well as the perceived accessibility of journalists due to proximity and shared identity (Koliska et al., 2023). Responses in this category supported the ‘good neighbour’ model of local journalism, highlighting the deep connection between local newspapers, their journalists, and the communities they serve. People feel they ‘know’ the journalists; they see them as approachable and relatable, in contrast to national journalists who are often seen as distant, formal and independent disseminators of information.
Two additional factors were identified that are unique to local news: local verifiability and benevolence for the local community. Local verifiability reflects readers’ ability to confirm the accuracy of local news due to their proximity and familiarity with the local context. This highlights a distinct advantage of local newspapers; they can maintain credibility through readers’ direct experience and knowledge of their community. Benevolence, while an important factor in all journalism, seemed to take on heightened significance in the local context. Many respondents grounded their trust in local news in a belief that local journalists genuinely care for the community, and that this care is what drives their reporting. This factor embodies a form of care ethics, where local journalists are seen as local experts who understand and prioritise the community's best interests (Firmstone et al., 2022). Local journalists have a more intimate relationship with audiences due to their proximal witnessing (McCallum et al., 2023). Together, these local news trust factors emphasise the role of community embeddedness and relationship-building in sustaining trust in local news.
While quality and relevance were the most significant factors overall, our exploratory analysis found demographic variation. Notably, older audiences were more likely to endorse relational trust factors, while younger readers placed greater emphasis on journalistic quality and integrity. This pattern aligns with recent research conducted in the UK (Weber and Mathews, 2024). It may be that younger audiences, raised in the Web 2.0 environment, are more accustomed to critically evaluating information, fostering a greater focus on cognitive aspects of trust. It is also plausible that older people have deeper ties with their communities and local news sources, leading to a greater reliance on relational trust aspects. Longitudinal research is needed to determine whether this is an age or generational effect, and qualitative work could provide richer insights into how age influences trust in different news sources.
Conclusion
Overall, our findings suggest relational trust is crucial to building and sustaining trust in local newspapers, especially in regional areas and among older audiences. This conclusion resonates with Firmstone et al.'s (2022) study of local journalists, which identified geographic proximity, a shared sense of place and visible community presence as key elements in generating trust. Finding ways to connect with both online and offline audience communities should be a priority for local news providers (Malmelin and Villi, 2016).
This study contributes to the growing body of literature on media trust in several ways. First, it provides a more nuanced understanding of trust in local news sources (from an audience perspective), an area that has received comparatively less attention than trust in national or international media. Second, it supports the importance of relational trust in local journalism, showing that local news consumers want personal connections, mutual understanding, a shared community identity and ongoing interactions with local media. Finally, by analysing trust factors across different age groups and contexts, this study offers insights into how both individual and community characteristics influence local news trust, which may inform more targeted approaches to building trust.
Our findings have significant implications for both the viability of local news outlets and the wellbeing of the communities and individuals they serve. In the face of changing media landscapes, finding ways to build and sustain trust in local news is increasingly important. Furthermore, higher trust in local news has been linked to higher personal and community wellbeing (Park et al., 2024). While relational trust appears especially important for older audiences, upholding journalistic standards and quality also remains critical – particularly for building trust among younger audiences.
This article makes an original contribution to scholarship on audiences and local news, but it does have limitations. First, while multiple sampling approaches were used to enhance representativeness and reduce bias, the final sample contained disproportionately high numbers of females, regional-dwellers and older adults compared to the Australian population, which may limit generalisability. Hence, the local trust factors identified in this study require validation through further research to confirm their applicability across diverse populations and contexts. Second, while open-ended written responses were appropriate for this large-scale survey study, they may yield brief or superficial explanations that do not fully capture the complexity of trust in local news. Future research may benefit from conducting in-depth interviews with audience members within a qualitative framework to gain a deeper understanding of how audiences experience and develop trust in local news. Despite these limitations, this study provides valuable empirical evidence about an understudied aspect of media trust and offers a framework for future research on trust in local news.
Footnotes
Ethical consideration
The present study was approved by the Human Ethics Committee at the University of Canberra (13473).
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The research is funded by the Australian Research Council Linkage Project LP220100121 Heartbeat of Australia: Tracking, Understanding and Engaging News Audiences.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.