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Abstract

Youth/parent relations can be an important influence on young peoples’ transition to adulthood. For youths and their parents from migrant and refugee backgrounds, this transition can also be influenced by a series of unique challenges linked to processes of acculturation in a new cultural setting. The purpose of this qualitative study was to better understand the influence of youth/parent relationships throughout Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese youths’ transitions to adulthood. Using a voice-centred relational methodology (VCRM) approach and Bourdieu’s theory of practice, the voices of participants are placed at the centre of the research. Findings suggest that youth/parent relationships within these communities have a considerable influence on Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese youths’ perspectives on the transition to adulthood. This was found to be particularly influenced by navigations of Australian and Sudanese/South Sudanese cultural norms and expectations and how these are balanced throughout the transition to adulthood.

Keywords

Youth/parent relationships acculturation refugee and migrant communities the transition to adulthood parenting Australia Sudanese and South Sudanese

Introduction

While the youth/parent relationship strongly influences the transition to adulthood, this relationship can be influenced by the context in which the transition occurs (Arnett, 2003; Deng, 2015, 2016b). This paper explores the perspectives of Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese youths regarding the influence of relationships with their parents throughout the transition to adulthood in Melbourne, Australia. It is widely argued that increasingly young people are conceptualizing the transition to adulthood based on self-ascribed character traits and values, which is in contrast with traditional conceptualizations that are often framed through the achievement of external markers and milestones (Arnett, 1998, 2003). There is evidence to suggest that youth conceptualizations of the transition to adulthood based on self-ascribed traits and values are relatively consistent across a variety of contexts (Mahama, Tackie-Ofosu, & Nyarko, 2018; Nelson, 2009). However, if criteria linked to this conceptualization of becoming an adult are incongruent between young people and their parents, this may create challenges for young people throughout this time (Arnett, 1998; Worth, 2009). For refugee and migrant communities this can be influenced by processes of acculturation experienced by youths and their parents in a new cultural setting (Deng, 2016b; Lazarevic et al., 2012; Poppitt & Frey, 2007). Acculturation can be defined as a process where ‘individuals or groups from different cultures engage in and experience alterations to their original culture as well as behavioural and psychological changes that occur when different cultures meet’ (Deng, 2016b, p. 200). This process can alter individuals’ sense of identity throughout these alteration periods.

Previous research across a variety of global contexts has shown that the acculturation process of young people from refugee backgrounds is significantly faster than their parents (Lazarevic et al., 2012; Poppitt & Frey, 2007). Differences in processes of acculturation between parents and their children can be attributed to a variety of factors. For example, young people are exposed to greater varieties of social and cultural interactions than their parents (e.g., at school), they often possess higher levels of psychological adaptability due to their age, and as a youth, they may be more enthusiastic to immerse themselves in a new culture (Deng, 2016b; Lazarevic et al., 2012; Poppitt & Frey, 2007). These differences can put the youth/parent relationship under strain as young people move through adolescence and into adulthood. As stated by Arnett (2003, p. 73), ‘the transition from adolescence to adulthood is not simply biological but also social and cultural’. If the transition to adulthood occurs in a social and cultural space where parents and their children conceptualize socio-cultural norms differently, they may also have different expectations as to what criteria are ‘most important in marking the transition to adulthood’ (Arnett 2003, p. 73).

A useful theoretical lens to understand the influence of youth/parent relationships throughout the transition to adulthood and processes of acculturation relative to cultural expectations is Bourdieu’s theory of practice (Bourdieu 1977, 1990; Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). Of interest is the relationship between habitus and cultural capital across social fields and how these are shaped and negotiated by young people in relation to their parents. Bourdieu (1977) describes habitus as ‘systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to function as structuring structures’ (p. 72). Put simply, habitus is both influenced by the social world and influences the social world along a continuum of internalization and externalization. For many young people, the primary site of influence regarding the formation of habitus is family (Naidoo, 2009). Wilkinson et al. (2017) highlight that ‘cultural capital refers to the values, beliefs, tastes and preferences learned in families … Through cultural capital, one tends to think and act in certain ways that may or may not have value in different fields’ (p. 212). Fields represent the social arenas where social agents exist and strive for success. The value of cultural capital is contextual to the field in which social practice occurs (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). As such, for refugee and migrant communities experiencing varying processes of acculturation within new cultural, socio-political, and institutional fields, their understandings of the value of cultural capital may be shifting.

Due to differences in experiences of processes of acculturation between youths and parents from refugee and migrant backgrounds, their acquisition and valuing of cultural capital relative to fields may differ. Bourdieu’s (1999) concept of habitus clivé serves as a useful tool to understand some of the tensions that may occur in these relationships as a result. Soong, Stahl, and Shan (2017) emphasize that for migrant and refugee communities, ‘even though individuals start to make sense of the doxa in the new fields, their established habitus continue to inform them how they navigate the new fields of practice’ (p. 2). However, due to differences in processes of acculturation between youths and their parents, the operations of habitus clivé may be less pronounced for youths than is the case for their parents. Therefore, tensions may occur regarding how young people and their parents utilize and understand cultural capital across fields. Consequently, these young people must balance both intergenerational and intercultural differences between themselves and their parents as they become adults (Deng, 2016b).

This article reports findings from one aspect of a larger qualitative study designed to better understand the experiences and perspectives of Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese youths in Melbourne, Australia, regarding the transition to adulthood. While many Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese youths are experiencing social and educational success throughout the transition to adulthood (Santoro & Wilkinson, 2016; Wilkinson et al., 2017), many young people from these communities have been identified to be experiencing a variety of challenges (Abur & Spaaij, 2016; Deng, 2015). A small number of Australian and New Zealand studies which focus on parenting practices within South Sudanese communities (Deng, 2015, 2016; Deng & Marlowe, 2013) have identified tensions between parents and youth. Whilst the focus of these previous studies has not explicitly been on the transition to adulthood, some of the implications of tense youth/parent relationships (e.g., diminished mental health and educational disengagement) may impede a smooth transition to adulthood (Deng, 2015, 2016b).

This research is contextualized in a time when young people from these communities had been receiving a substantial amount of negative public and political attention, primarily in the media, which therein questioned their overall belonging in Australia (Benier et al., 2018; Majavu, 2018). Much of this attention was heavily racialized, positioned these youths through the lens of criminality, and has been argued to create barriers to the transition to adulthood (Macaulay & Deppeler, 2020). Additionally, these representations can create tensions in the youth/parent relationship; for example, increased parental anxiety over their children’s behaviour outside the family home resulting in diminished trust and stricter parenting practices (Benier et al., 2018). This paper aims to add to the growing body of qualitative research regarding Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese communities’ youth/parent relationships and how these relationships may influence their conceptualizations of the transition to adulthood in Australia. Subsequently, the findings of this study contribute to influencing the framing of policies and practices designed to support Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese youths throughout their transition to adulthood to be more culturally and contextually responsive to the needs of these communities.

Methods

Participants

Using a multi-site case design (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007), all participants were recruited from two non-for-profit community organizations (NPO) based in Melbourne, Australia that offer youth programs. In the youth program offered by NPO.1, they work with Australian Sudanese youths from Darfur and the Nuba Mountains who are in the final years of their secondary schooling. Within this youth program, NPO.1 offers educational support to these young people completing their final years of schooling (e.g., tutoring). In the youth program offered by NPO.2, they work with Australian South Sudanese youths from Greater Upper Nile States communities. The youth that NPO.2 work with are all in their post-school years. The focus of the work that NPO.2 do in their youth program is to support youth in establishing themselves socially and economically in their immediate post-school years (e.g., employment and further education mentoring). NPO.1 and NPO.2 differ regarding their leadership. NPO.1 is run by individuals who primarily come from Jewish-Australian backgrounds, whereas NPO.2 is led by individuals from South Sudanese backgrounds.

The inclusion criteria for participants were that they currently or previously participated in a youth program offered by NPO.1 or NPO.2. All youths who were current or recent participants in these youth programs were invited to participate in the research through these organizations’ regular communication channels (e.g., regular email newsletters). All participants in this study represent those who voluntarily chose to be involved; participants’ motivations for inclusion were not explored. Participants’ ages were not a consideration for inclusion. As advised by community leaders, potential participants were not asked to declare their age. This is because for some potential participants their ages were assigned in refugee camps prior to coming to Australia. In some instances, these ages are contestable and often linked to traumatic life experiences. As such, the designator of ‘youth’ was tacitly self-assigned by participants themselves via their self-referral into the study from youth programs. From NPO.1, seven females and one male were recruited, and from NPO.2, four males were recruited.

Data Collection and Analysis

All participants took part in an individual interview. Participants were given the option of participating in a focus group interview prior to engaging in an individual interview. All participants recruited from NPO.1 opted to participate in a focus group interview, whereas no participants from NPO.2 took this option. When presenting examples of findings arising from the focus group interview, this will be differentiated from other data by the inclusion of the letters FG after participants’ pseudonyms. All interviews were semi-structured and were designed to gain a better understanding of participants’ perspectives and experiences of the transition to adulthood. Examples of questions asked included: Who is an adult? Are there people that support you throughout the process of becoming an adult or can make this process challenging? Who/how? Interview audio was transcribed and all transcripts were analysed using voice-centred relational methodology (VCRM) strategies (Brown & Gilligan, 1991). The focus was on the relational qualities of participants’ voices and how these relate and intersect with the self, with others, and with society more broadly (Brown & Gilligan, 1991; Gilligan et al., 2003). The rationale for this analysis approach was two-fold. First, VCRM approaches to qualitative research place the voices of participants at the centre of the research (Brown & Gilligan, 1991), which was an important component of the aim of this research. Second, previous research has demonstrated that VCRM approaches are highly useful when working with individuals whose voices may be relatively silent within the societies in which they live (Gilligan et al., 2003). Taking the socio-political histories of participants in this study into consideration, a VCRM approach was deemed appropriate.

All interview transcripts were analysed using the four VCRM perspectives identified by Brown and Gilligan (1991):

The story of who is speaking? The purpose of this perspective was to gain an overall insight of the participants’ narratives. Throughout this analysis, researcher notes/interpretive summaries were made and initial themes and concepts were identified.

In what body? The focus of this perspective was on how participants used their voices relative to how they spoke of themselves. All instances of when participants spoke of themselves were underscored and researcher notes/interpretive summaries were made regarding how these instances were framed.

Telling what story about relationships? Expanding on the previous perspective, when analyzing transcripts from this perspective, the focus was on how participants spoke of others. All instances of when participants spoke of others were underscored, and as with the previous perspective, researcher notes/interpretive summaries were made regarding how these instances were framed.

In which societal and cultural framework? Considering the aim of the research and referring to the previous perspectives of analysis, the focus of this perspective was to identify any overarching societal/cultural framework in which participants framed their narratives.

For examples of how these perspectives were applied using an excerpt from a participant’s interview transcript, see Appendix A. All researcher notes/interpretative summaries made throughout analysis were regularly discussed with colleagues from a variety of social, cultural, and linguistic backgrounds.¹ This included individuals from similar backgrounds as participants in the study.

As with previous VCRM research (Gilligan et al., 2003), an underpinning assumption was that the voices of participants would be multi-layered. To better understand these components of participants’ voices, expanding on the previous four perspectives of data analysis, pronoun poems were constructed from interview transcripts. Relational aspects of the voice can at times be in harmony and/or dissonance (Gilligan et al., 2003). Therefore, by explicitly focusing on how participants situated their voices using pronouns, relational components of their voices, relative to others, could be examined. When constructing these pronoun poems three different uses of pronouns were the focus:

Accounting for personal experiences speaking in a first-person voice (e.g., ‘I am happy when x’).

Accounting for personal experiences speaking in a collective second-person voice (‘you are happy when x’).

Using quotes and/or mimicry to account for a personal experience (e.g., ‘my mum always tells me … you are always so happy when x’).

In consideration of the socio-cultural and linguistic backgrounds of participants, attention was paid to relational ontologies and epistemologies which are underpinned by certain African socio-cultural philosophies (e.g., Ubuntu and cieng). It has previously been argued that philosophies such as these can, relative to relational ontologies and epistemologies, influence individual’s use of first, second, and third-person voices when speaking (Baak, 2016; Krog, 2011). Therefore, attention was given to the influence this may have on how participants constructed their narratives. Pronoun poems were constructed by highlighting instances of pronouns and placing these on their individual line along with other important verbs and/or surrounding words. All pronoun poems were constructed from single passages of text in interview transcripts. That is, the poems do not represent a researcher created amalgamation of different sections of participants’ transcripts, but rather the streamlining of a single passage. For an example of how pronoun poems were constructed using an excerpt a from a participant’s interview transcript see Appendix A. All participants were given the option to read their pronoun poems, to suggest any changes, and to give permission for their words to be used in this way. In addition, a selection of de-identified pronoun poems was reviewed by community leaders to ensure the cultural accuracy of the interpretation of findings relative to the themes presented in this paper. All participants permitted their words to be used in this way and no changes were requested or recommended from participants or community leaders.

All findings in this paper are presented thematically. All themes were identified via a thematic analysis of pronoun poems (Bazeley, 2013). These poems serve as the primary examples presented to illustrate themes. The justification for conducting a thematic analysis of pronoun poems was that these poems streamline the voices of participants within the centre of their narratives relative to the self and others and was useful in better understanding relational processes of acculturation and social practice. Therefore, these poems were an integral component of interpreting findings. All poems were analysed using open coding and in consideration of previous perspectives of analysis and the aim of the study, clusters of codes were categorized into identified themes. A key overarching theme was identified which therein contained two sub-themes. When presenting examples of findings from participants, pseudonyms chosen by the participants are used.

Findings

A key overarching theme was identified in this study regarding participants’ perspectives on the influence of their relationships with parents throughout the transition to adulthood, which was a balancing act. This theme highlights the negotiations participants make throughout the transition to adulthood regarding their voices and their parents’ voices relative to processes of acculturation and social practice. Two sub-themes were identified which were balancing expectations and identity and discipline, freedom, and responsibility.

Balancing Act–Balancing Expectations and Identity

Balancing the expectations of parents, society, and culture with individual expectations was identified by participants as crucial to their conceptualizations of the transition to adulthood. For parents and youths experiencing processes of acculturation, these points of difference are complex, as youths and their parents are balancing intercultural differences regarding expectations which can influence the youth/parent relationship (Deng, 2016b). Therefore, young people are balancing a variety of social norms related to becoming an adult. This is highlighted by Ruby in the following pronoun poem:

Ruby

Judged:

‘You don’t know what your child is doing, you know?’

She’s scared what other people are going to say

I get judged a lot

It affects us young people

We can’t really do what normal Australian kids do

Because of our community judging

In this poem, Ruby expresses the burden she feels as she becomes an adult in terms of cultural pressures and how this influences her relationship with her mother throughout this time. There appears to be a tension between balancing individual wants and needs with the social collective underpinnings of Ruby’s Sudanese community. As Ruby highlights, she interprets these collective expectations as restricting her relative to ‘normal Australian kids’. Implicit in this statement is that Ruby sees herself as being relationally different to ‘normal Australian kids’, implying that she perceives her contextual experiences as something other than normal. Within this poem, Ruby employs both a first-person and collective second-person voice, which places her in the centre of her poem in relation to her mother and her wider Sudanese community. The use of these voices implies that Ruby is commenting on her own personal experiences and additionally generalizing these experiences to also apply more broadly to others. The tension and pressure she expresses in her poem concerning expectations are presented as belonging to both her and her mother, with the opening line of the poem being interpreted as mimicry of the voice of her wider Sudanese community. This collective community pressure regarding expectations may influence the conceptualizations of her transition to adulthood in terms of balancing and fulfilling the formation of her collective identity with her individual identity.

In addition to reporting expectation pressures from their wider communities, participants also reported experiencing cultural expectation pressures within the household. Culturally, within Sudanese and South Sudanese households, adolescents and young adults are expected to contribute to the family home in robust ways (Deng, 2015; Nunn, McMichael, Gifford, & Correa-Velez, 2014). This may include undertaking domestic roles in the household and contributing to the family income (Deng, 2015; Nunn et al., 2014). These expectations are highlighted by Nargis regarding the pace of becoming an adult:

Nargis

I’m Pushed:

Sudanese parents push you

Become an adult earlier than you should be

I’m pushed

Before I really am an actual adult

My mother

She expects me to become mature earlier

She did

Then again, we live in different time periods

As with Ruby in the poem presented earlier, Nargis’s voice is in the centre of her poem in relation to her mother. Nargis reports a dissonance between herself and her mother regarding the expectation of the pace of her transition to adulthood. Nargis reports that she feels pushed to behave like an adult earlier than when she sees herself as an adult. For Nargis and other participants, this hastening into adulthood expected by parents was directly linked to contributions in the family home. However, it was reported by participants that their parents’ perception of adulthood did not extend outside the family home. For example, Nicki states, ‘they think that I’m old enough to clean the house … but I’m not old enough to do outside things’. Participants reported that levels of expectations regarding domestic household responsibilities were extremely dissimilar to their non-African friends’ experiences. As such, whilst Nargis’s voice is in the centre of her poem, there are key aspects of her narrative which can be interpreted more generally beyond occurring in just her household. Nargis extends her parents’ expectations as being representative of a wider cultural context, which was identified by Nargis and other participants to be linked to processes of acculturation. For example, in another section of her interview Nargis states, ‘the expectations of Sudan, they brought it over here’. Additionally, Tracey supports this sentiment when asked what the challenges of balancing her cultural expectations with her parents, she answers: ‘I think it’d be the mentality of the parents thinking that we’re still in Africa’.

In the context of balancing these expectations, balancing the development of identity relative to youth/parent relationships was identified by participants as a key skill within their conceptualizations of becoming an adult. For many participants, this means they are balancing their Australian identity with their Sudanese/South Sudanese identity and navigating their relational roles with their parents within these identities. However, regarding the influence of habitus clivé on their parents’ understandings of social fields, for these young people, the formation and operation of habitus, as well as the acquisition and valuing of cultural capital regarding their identity, may occur differently within and outside the field of family. Consequently, youth participants in this study reported that their identities are required to be contextually fluid. However, such fluidity is not without tension and/or contradiction. This is outlined by Tracey in the following pronoun poem:

Tracey

To Be Like That:

My mum sees some of my Australian friends

They have a more chilled life at home

‘You don’t have to be like that’

She sees them doing some school programs

‘You have to be like that’

It appears from Tracey’s perspective that her mother is active in promoting the fluidity of the formation of cultural identity for Tracey, as highlighted by the matter of fact mimicry Tracey employs to highlight her mother’s views. However, Tracey’s mother appears to place conditions on how this identity is formed, reducing Tracey’s autonomy. Experiences like these were reported to challenge participants as they are developing the identity of becoming adults, as meeting and fulfilling the expectations and norms within and across multiple fields were reported, at times, to be extremely difficult.

Processes of acculturation relative to forming the identity of an adult can be strongly linked with age (Lazarevic et al., 2012; Poppitt & Frey, 2007). Parent and youth experiences of identity formation in a new cultural setting can occur in different ways, which is also true across groups of Sudanese and South Sudanese youths depending on the age they arrived in Australia. These points are highlighted by Titirum in the following pronoun poems: Titirum Titirum Big Difference: Shocked: You’ve got to respect the elders They are shocked trying to integrate to Even here, we respect the elders Australian way of life There’s a big difference between There are certain ways you can raise your people that we came from Africa family if you are in Africa already like 16, 17 They are trying to adjust to Australian way They’re a lot different than a kid of life that grow up here at the age of 4, 5 They’re trying to maintain their culture

In his poem entitled Big Difference, Titirum highlights differences across Sudanese and South Sudanese youths relative to the age they came to Australia. Within this poem, Titirum primarily uses a collective second-person voice to demonstrate the breadth of what he is discussing. Titirum alludes to there being stronger relationships with elders (e.g., parents) for those who came to Australia in their late teens because of these relationships being underpinned by respect, which is presented as being a cultural norm. For Sudanese and South Sudanese youths who came to Australia in their late teens as opposed to early childhood, their processes of acculturation will most likely be more closely aligned with their parents (Deng, 2016b), as supported by Titirum’s contention. This point was also supported by Tracey, who believes that her older siblings have more in common with her parents than she does. Tracey states, ‘they’ve grown up more in Africa … they still have a little bit of that [traditional] mindset’. As highlighted in Titirum’s poem entitled Shocked, the desire to maintain that traditional mindset can be extremely challenging for parents as they raise their children. Titirum outlines that for parents, processes of acculturation and identity formation in Australia are difficult as they want to ‘maintain their [traditional] culture’ whilst also ‘trying to adjust to the Australian way of life’. Consequently, parents can face multiple challenges when raising their children in a new cultural setting as their traditional parenting practices may not be culturally compatible within that setting.

Balancing Act—Discipline, Freedom, and Responsibility

Throughout the transition to adulthood, participants reported balancing certain parenting practices in the youth/parent relationship, with an emphasis on discipline, freedom, and responsibility. These were often reported as being linked to certain cultural norms. For example, the role of gender was identified by participants as a key component of youth/parent relationships which can influence experiences of the transition to adulthood. As highlighted by Poppitt and Frey (2007, p. 164), ‘gender is an important variable in acculturation research’, as culture is a key determiner of gender norms and roles which can be challenged throughout processes of acculturation (Deng, 2015; Poppitt & Frey, 2007). Previous research across a variety of global contexts indicates that for parents and youths from refugee and migrant communities who are experiencing the process of acculturation in a new cultural context, challenges within the youth/parent relationship relating to traditional and new contextual gender norms can be common (see e.g., Lee, 2001; Suárez-Orozco & Qin, 2006). Sudanese and South Sudanese cultures can assume relatively traditional gender norms (Hatoss & Huijser, 2010), therefore, these norms may influence parenting practices. Within their pronoun poems, both Ruby and Nicki highlight some of the gender-based differences they experience within their relationships with their parents when compared with their brothers: Ruby (FG) Nicki (FG) The oldest girl in the family: Freedom: My older brother has a girlfriend My brothers, they got the freedom She’s Asian They get to do whatever they want My mum is fine with that They stay the night out She’s happy If I stay out until eight they start calling my phone She’s good They’re so worried about me She accepts I’m a girl For me I can’t defend myself apparently The oldest girl in the family ‘Mum, I have a boyfriend’ That would affect my family so much

These examples come from the focus group interview data. In both poems, Ruby and Nicki express the restrictions they feel are placed on them by their parents because they are young women. This is highlighted by the detail that their brothers did and do not experience such restrictions. For Ruby, Nicki, and the other young women in this focus group interview, restrictions of this kind were reported as hindering their transition to adulthood as these young women viewed romantic relationships and freedom away from the family home as natural components of becoming adults. Within these poems both Ruby and Nicki use first-person voices in relation with their parents relative to their brothers, and express what can be interpreted as unfair scenarios based explicitly on gender. Of note is how Ruby uses her voice more broadly in terms of the pressure she experiences from her family because of her gender, which is something her brother does not experience in the same way. Ruby indicates that being ‘the oldest girl in the family’ if she were to have a boyfriend, it would sizeably ‘affect’ her family. In addition, Ruby’s explicit mention of her brother’s girlfriend being Asian and the context in which this is done may be interpreted as describing an additional pressure on her when she does date for her to date from within her family’s ethnic community. These kinds of pressures were also expressed by Nicki, who notes that whilst her parents state that her lack of freedom outside the family home in the evening is due to her safety, Nicki elaborated on this and emphasized this is also in part influenced by how it will be perceived by her community for her to not be home after sundown. Therefore, for both Ruby and Nicki and the other women in this focus group interview, it is apparent that their parents have certain cultural views as to what is expected of young women, something which is highlighted to negatively influence their overall teenage experience in Australia.

Within the focus group interview, there were seven female participants and a single male participant. While this single male participant (Mohamed) was relatively quiet at the beginning of the discussion on gender, he became more engaged as the discussion went on and supported the points that the young women were making. Mohamed explicitly linked parents’ perspectives on gender roles to levels of acculturation, which he framed through the notion of ‘traditional views’. See for example, the following pronoun poem:

Mohamed (FG)

Some Parents:

Some parents

They can see that their daughter is the same as their sons

Some parents

They have this old view

They have refused to let go of their old views and traditions

Mohamed highlights that ‘some parents’ treat their sons and daughters differently because ‘they have refused to let go of their old views and traditions’. It is important to note that Mohamed emphasizes that this is not true of all parents, with ‘some parents’ treating sons and daughters equally. Therefore, it is essential to emphasize, that while some parents hold ‘traditional’ views which may assume certain cultural values, it is important to not generalize these views to all parents.

Regarding the balancing of cultural norms and parenting practices, participants reported that issues regarding freedom and control often caused conflicts between young people and their parents as young people moved into adulthood. This finding is supported by previous research which highlights that Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese parents often feel that the freedoms young people experience in Australia can undermine parenting approaches and philosophies (Deng, 2015). Therefore, some parents may find it stressful as their children move into late adolescence and early adulthood as their confidence in their own parenting approaches is diminished within an Australian context, which is highlighted in Mohamed’s pronoun poem:

Mohamed

Kids Forever:

Our parents are afraid of us growing up

Their ideal situation is for us to stay kids forever

They would rather have iron grip than us making our own decisions

Within this poem, Mohamed positions his voice as us and them relationality, with us being Australian Sudanese youths generally and the them being Australian Sudanese parents generally. The ‘ideal situation’ Mohamed speaks of is that parents wish for the us and them distinction to remain, because within this distinction parents traditionally possess higher levels of power (i.e., ‘the iron grip’) than young people, which is something they are ‘afraid’ of losing. For Mohamed and other participants, parents’ desire for the youth/parent power dynamic to remain static can create barriers to their transition to adulthood and is perceived as being unrealistic. For example, as Yasmin highlights, ‘it’s not a choice that we are going to grow up. They’re babying us too much’. Consequently, some youth may not be receiving age-appropriate support from their parents as they become adults. Therefore, as young people grow older and are seen by their parents as still being children, the intergenerational and intercultural divide between youths and parents may increase.

It was acknowledged by participants in this study that Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese parents experience difficulties when parenting in Australia as some of their traditional parenting practices are not congruent with Australian society. This was often discussed in terms of physical discipline. Research across a variety of contexts has identified that for some refugee and migrant communities, the persistence of certain traditional parenting practices that are inappropriate in their new cultural setting (e.g., physical punishment) can be linked to processes of acculturation and acculturative support (see e.g., Tajima & Harachi, 2010). Therefore, education for parents regarding viable alternative strategies is important. For example, as highlighted by Deng and Marlowe (2013) referring to South Sudanese communities in Australian and New Zealand contexts, ‘whilst agencies often communicate that physical discipline is not tolerated in countries of resettlement, there is a need to discuss alternate strategies’ (p. 427). Such tensions around physical discipline and possible alternatives were discussed by Joseph in the following pronoun poems: Joseph Joseph Our Parents: Invest: Our parents We have a lot of issues We have our own way of bringing up kids We need approaches Our parents Invest in this kid’s family and this kid as well I’m here and well Teach parents to be comparable with the If I do wrong things you have the Australian way of parenting responsibility of smacking me A cultural responsibility of everyone If you see a kid doing something wrong, you can smack them

In these poems, Joseph expresses his thoughts around physical discipline as being something he supports, yet, he also highlights that these practices are not as socially acceptable in the Australian context and as such alternatives need to be made available to parents. Within these poems, Joseph uses both a first-person and collective second-person voice and speaks in a general manner based on his own experiences. Joseph spent most of his childhood in various parts of Africa, and within these contexts experienced physical discipline without reported negative consequence. Joseph states, ‘I am here and well’. This sentiment was expressed by several participants with similar experiences to Joseph, who wished to make explicit the purpose and intention of physical discipline. For example, Johnny states, ‘beating the child in our culture is not to torture them, it is to educate them’. Similarly, Titirum states in reference to South Sudanese parents, ‘they don’t discipline you to kill you or to break your bones … They discipline you because they want you to know what’s right and what’s wrong’. In addition, Joseph highlights that physical discipline is a collective cultural responsibility within his community, which is challenged in Australian society. Therefore, from the perspective of acculturation and relationships with their children, physical discipline is something that parents may need to shift their cultural attitudes about in Australia. However, in doing so, viable alternatives and supports need to be made available to parents throughout these processes in terms of parental discipline and punishment.

Discussion and Conclusion

Bourdieu’s theory of practice was a useful theoretical lens to understand the relationships between Australian Sudanese/South Sudanese youths and their parents. Specifically, how young people and their parents negotiate social practice within and across fields, relative to differing operations and formations of habitus linked to perspectives on the value of cultural capital throughout the transition to adulthood in Australia. Further, by adopting a VCRM approach to this study the relational voices of participants could be placed at the centre of the research relative to their perspectives on their relationships with parents. A key challenge identified by participants in the youth/parent relationship throughout the transition to adulthood was negotiating social practice within the field of family and within a variety of fields outside of the family home. Bourdieu (1976) uses the analogy of a game to describe the interplay between habitus and capital within and across social fields. Crucial to vying for success when participating in these metaphorical games is an understanding and acceptance of the rules of these games (Macaulay et al., 2016). However, for participants in this study, how they understand and accept the rules of the game of success across fields, relative to habitus and cultural capital was presented for the most part as different to their parents.

Hage (2013) has likened habitus as being representative of the efficiency for success relative to understandings of fields and how capital is contextually utilized within these fields. However, as young people and their parents from refugee and migrant backgrounds experience differing processes of acculturation in new fields of practice, this can influence the shaping of habitus within those fields. One way of understanding this process is through the concept of habitus clivé (Bourdieu, 1999; Soong et al., 2017), where influenced by processes of acculturation, parents may be argued to utilize a pre-established habitus within the youth/parent relationship in new cultural settings. Yet, the influence of this appears to be less pronounced for youths, which can create intercultural challenges in these relationships. As such, participants in this study presented as needing to balance a variety of social and cultural expectations relative to the formation of their identity of ‘adult’, and in some instances, develop the identity of ‘adult’ at the intersections of these. Subsequently, this appears to influence participants’ perspectives on the transition to adulthood, as this identity is underpinned by a cultural hybridity. Therefore, participants highlighted the need to balance their parents’ traditional cultural expectations with their own expectations, and additionally to balance their identity throughout the transition to adulthood as being fluid regarding the acquisition and valuing of cultural capital relative to ‘Sudanese/South Sudanese culture’ and ‘Australian culture’.

An example of participants’ negotiation of cultural capital within and outside the family home was tensions between parents and youths in terms of the interplay between responsibility and freedom, particularly linked with notions of gender. For example, for youth participants, as levels of responsibility increase in the family home, so should levels of freedom outside the family home. However, this conceptualization was reported as not being shared by parents, especially when it comes to young women. This has been previously identified as causing stress for young women as they form their identity throughout adulthood (Poppitt & Frey, 2007), which may influence perceived success across fields in the early adult years. Further, conflicts were reported in terms of parents’ adapting their parenting practices in Australia, whereby, some forms of parents’ cultural capital relative to the field of the family in Australia appears to have different value than would be the case in Sudan or South Sudan. This was especially pronounced in terms of parental discipline and punishment. As such, for parents whose parenting practices are not congruent with Australian social norms, it is crucial that there are accessible alternative parenting practices (Deng & Marlowe, 2013). However, as previously identified, many parents are fearful of parenting support and intervention negatively impacting their relationships with their children, and as such, in many cases do not attempt to access such supports (Deng, 2015). Consequently, for participants in this study, this can result in instances of youths not feeling adequately supported in culturally and developmentally appropriate ways throughout their transition to adulthood.

The findings of this study suggest that relationships between Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese youths and their parents influence these young people’s experiences and conceptualizations of becoming adults. Further, these relationships can be influenced by differing processes of acculturation between youths and their parents. These findings are relatively consistent with research across a variety of contexts (see e.g., Arnett, 1998; Deng, 2015, 2016b; Poppitt & Frey, 2007; Worth, 2009). This considered, these findings have implications for future research and for practices in education and community settings aimed at supporting Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese communities. Primarily, while these findings are broadly consistent with previous research, for these findings to be useful for purposes of policy and practice in Australia, it is important for there to be a better understanding of the specific social, cultural, and contextual nuances contributing to these findings. For example, it has previously been argued that when supporting refugee and migrant communities in their new cultural settings, it is imperative to have a nuanced understanding of their specific contextual experiences and to not assume a one size fits all approach (Deng, 2016a; Renzaho et al., 2011). This paper contributes to this nuanced understanding.

Due to the scope of the larger study from which these findings are drawn (and associated constraints), a key limitation of this research was that while the focus of this paper is on Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese youth/parent relationships, the voices of parents are not represented. As such, ongoing research is needed to include a wider variety of perspectives, specifically the perspectives of Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese parents regarding the transition to adulthood in Australia. As noted, a useful lens to understand some of the challenges presented by participants regarding the youth/parent relationship is Bourdieu’s concept of habitus clivé (Bourdieu, 1999; Soong et al., 2017). Employing a similar methodological approach and engaging with the voices of parents, a better understanding of traditional cultural practices relating to context and acculturation within the youth/parent relationship could be gained to build on and strengthen the findings presented in this paper. Therefore, the findings presented in this paper contribute to, and are in concert with, previous and future research that aims to contribute to the influencing of policies and practices designed to support Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese communities.

Footnotes

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author was supported by the Australian Government's Research Training Program throughout the duration of this research.

Appendix A: Example of Data Analysis Approach

This is an example of the approach taken to data analysis in this study using a small excerpt from a participant’s interview transcript. Within this excerpt, the interviewer and the participant (a young Australian Sudanese woman) are discussing the challenges that male relatives place on her experiences of the transition to adulthood. The author of this paper is the interviewer and notes and interpretative summaries are from the perspective of the author.

The story of who is speaking?

Interviewer: In what ways can they make the process of becoming an adult challenging?

Nicki: In any type of way, because the way they grew up and it’s different. Like the way they grew up in Africa, like girls have to stay home and they have to cook, they have to clean, they have to do everything basically, and men go out and work and everything. So, they don’t like when I do that. They think I’m too young to have a job. They don’t even – the thing what I don’t understand is they want us to go to school, yeah, and get a job and everything. But they don’t want us to – all they want us to do is just stay home and cook and clean. But they want us to – that’s what they tell us when we’re young, like they’re like: ‘Oh, when you grow up you have to get a job, you have to work’ and all that. But when you actually grow up and you’re at that age, they tell you to just quit school, stay home, cook and clean.

Note

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Australian Sudanese and South Sudanese Youths’ Perspectives on the Youth/Parent Relationship and Its Influence on the Transition to Adulthood

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Methods

Participants

Data Collection and Analysis

Findings

Balancing Act–Balancing Expectations and Identity

Balancing Act—Discipline, Freedom, and Responsibility

Discussion and Conclusion

Footnotes

Funding

Appendix A: Example of Data Analysis Approach

Note

References