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Abstract

News media play a crucial role in shaping the public's understanding of sexual violence (SV), yet media outlets continue to offer inadequate definitions/representations of SV. The present study demonstrates how Canadian media informs the public about SV perpetrated by male athletes. A total of 273 news articles from six major English and French newspapers were analyzed. Data was collected from two periods: before the #MeToo movement (2014–2016) and after (2018–2019). The findings reveal that media coverage prioritizes establishing a positive public image for the accused athlete by (re)showcasing their sporting achievements, rather than focusing on survivors. Media discourse also emphasizes the impact of SV accusations on athletes and their teams, while rarely addressing the impacts of SV on survivors or society.

Keywords

sexual violence sport male athletes media representation hegemonic masculinity feminist critical discourse analysis

In May 2022, TSN reported that an intoxicated woman¹ endured multiple acts of sexual violence (SV) perpetrated by eight members of the Canadian junior hockey team during the 2018 World Championships. Five of those players have been formally charged, have pleaded not guilty, and all were acquitted after a lengthy legal process that was highly mediatized (Sims, 2023). This high-profile case brought to light that Hockey Canada paid the survivor to ensure her silence and that the players threatened her against reporting the incident to authorities (Lee, 2022). In the aftermath of these revelations, Hockey Canada faced significant backlash from both the national media and members of Canadian Parliament. Many underscored the urgent need to confront the toxic culture in sports that leads players to believe that SV is permissible and allows organizations like Hockey Canada to conceal such incidents (Lee, 2022).

The issue of SV in sports is not a recent phenomenon (DeKeseredy et al., 2023); however, it has not always received the widespread media coverage we see today. Yet even though media increasingly report cases of SV, particularly those involving athletes, they also frequently question the credibility of survivors, inadvertently bolstering the position of the accused perpetrators (O’Hara, 2012; Royal, 2019; Waterhouse-Watson, 2016). It is thus essential to analyze how the media portrays SV perpetrated by male athletes against women.

In this article, we aim to illustrate how Canadian news media—covering both French and English outlets—report on cases of SV committed by male athletes. Specifically, we examine how the social status of athletes and survivors influences the portrayal of SV within media discourse. We also explore the repercussions of SV as depicted in these narratives. To do so, we start with a literature review addressing rape culture in sports and the connections between media and SV perpetrated by male athletes in sports. We then outline our methodological approach, which is based on feminist critical discourse analysis. The next two sections present our media analysis findings and discuss their implications. To conclude, we offer recommendations for media to improve how they report on cases of SV committed by male athletes.

Sexual Violence and Rape Culture in Sports

In 1984, Dianne F. Herman argued that society embodies rape culture because it promotes and condones rape by teaching men and women that aggressive behaviour by men during sexual relations is natural and normal. Consequently, this culture contributes to the breakdown of healthy sexual relationships. For Herman (1984), as long as society encourages male aggression and female passivity, rape culture will continue. In this article, we define rape culture as attitudes that tolerate and even “encourages male sexual aggression and supports violence against women, [in] a society where violence is seen as sexy and sexuality is violent, and a continuum of threatened violence that ranges from sexual remarks to sexual touching to rape itself” (Buchwald et al., 2005, p. xi). Addressing rape culture in a study on media representations of SV committed by male athletes is relevant as rape culture is amplified in the media by hegemonic masculinity (Buchwald et al., 2005; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Renard, 2018).

Moreover, hegemonic masculinity refers to a social construction of gender relations that maintains power dynamics between men and women and is embedded with heterosexist and misogynistic values (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Messerschmidt, 2019). The patriarchal privilege of men over women, 2SLGBTQIA + communities, and other men in society can be measured in part by direct or indirect adherence to hegemonic masculinity. Some men lack access to this hegemonic masculinity because they do not embody the norms of dominant masculinity, especially men who display traits typically associated with femininity. Furthermore, a man who explicitly chooses not to adhere to it is often rejected or intimidated from predominantly male circles (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Hegemonic masculinity sustains the existence of a rape culture in male-dominated spaces, particularly within the realm of sports (Anderson & White, 2017; DeKeseredy et al., 2023; Messner & Stevens, 2007). The sport institution allows male hegemony to be reproduced by emphasising so-called masculine behaviour (Anderson & White, 2017; DeKeseredy et al., 2023; Messner & Stevens, 2007; Waterhouse-Watson, 2013). Messner and Stevens (2007) highlight this justification of masculine behaviour within the institution of sport, in which:
Values of male heroism based on competition and winning, playing hurt, handing out pain to opponents, group-based bonding through homophobia and misogyny, and the legitimation of interpersonal violence as a means toward success are all values undergirding hegemonic masculinity in the larger gender order that are amplified in men's sport (p.109).
Through participation in sports, men learn to utilize their bodies—often aggressively—to assert their presence. They are encouraged to adopt a dominant attitude, feeling little shame in defending their territory (Messner & Stevens, 2007). From an early age, boys internalize that such behaviours are not only acceptable but encouraged within their peer groups. Boys often look up to sports idols as role models (Robinson, 1998; Waterhouse-Watson, 2013), and the culture surrounding sports nurtures male bonding, fostering a sense of belonging, exclusivity, and solidarity (Anderson & White, 2017; DeKeseredy et al., 2023; Flood & Dyson, 2007). This camaraderie is frequently reinforced through initiations and rituals that legitimize violence, often of a sexual nature, subordinate women, and encourage excessive alcohol consumption (Anderson & White, 2017; DeKeseredy et al., 2023; Robinson, 1998, 2012). This camaraderie and loyalty to the team can diminish or even obliterate inhibitions regarding SV, intensifying the desire to be part of the group, and fostering a culture of silence in which even non-offending athletes become complicit in the SV committed by their peers (DeKeseredy et al., 2023; Messner & Stevens, 2007).

In changing rooms, there is a culture of reducing women to sexual objects, exhibiting a lack of empathy towards women, and employing derogatory language to describe women (Anderson & White, 2017; Curry, 1991; Robinson, 1998, 2012). For instance, Curry (1991) analyzed the language used in changing rooms and identified two predominant themes: the first centred on status and competition, particularly concerning sports and women, while the second involved athletes discussing women as objects and making homophobic remarks. Curry (1991) noted a troubling absence of resistance to such conversations, stating, “no one ever publicly challenged the dominant sexism and homophobia of the locker room. Whatever oppositional thoughts there may have been were muttered quietly or remained private” (p. 199). In a further study, Curry (2000) examined the relationship between locker room talk and athlete behaviour, particularly in campus bars. Results indicated that the aggressive behaviour exhibited by athletes in sports bars was often linked to violent conduct off the field. Similarly, Anderson and White (2017) found that:
The internal and external structures of sport, at high level, can be theorized to create the kind of environments where sexual abuse and rape can more easily occur, by facilitating the proliferation and normalization of harmful cultural factors such as the objectification of women, unrestricted privilege, and the relinquishing of control and responsibility. The structures of sport in universities and the professional world facilitate the manifestation of socio-negative cultural traits that contribute to higher instances of sexual assault (and lower instances of conviction) among athletes (p. 135).
The patriarchal structures ingrained in the realm of sport, particularly within professional and collegiate athletics, contribute to a sense of untouchability among athletes, who are often granted celebrity status. This phenomenon leads many athletes to believe they can act with impunity, as their behaviour frequently goes unchecked (Anderson & White, 2017; Flood & Dyson, 2007; Robinson, 1998; Waterhouse-Watson, 2013). Moreover, athletes generate significant revenue for their universities and teams, prompting these institutions to protect themselves from any actions that could harm their reputation. This frequently entails safeguarding the athletes’ positive reputations (Anderson & White, 2017). Although hegemonic masculinity continues to be reproduced through the sport institution, it is often overlooked by authorities due to the financial benefits athletes provide, such as ticket sales. It is thus not surprising that teams go to great lengths to preserve athletes’ reputations, including silencing SV survivors (Anderson & White, 2017).

Sexual Violence by Male Athletes in the Media

In the twenty-first century, the media play a significant role in perpetuating myths and misrepresentations of SV (Attenborough, 2014; Royal, 2019; Waterhouse-Watson, 2013, 2016). Numerous studies have demonstrated how news coverage of SV can be sensationalized and decontextualized, and often minimizes the severity of sexual assault. This reporting often misrepresents women's experiences, promotes racist narratives, and may even present SV in a manner that sexualizes the issue (Attenborough, 2014). For instance, by publicly naming the accused while keeping the survivors anonymous, journalists foster a sense of familiarity with the perpetrator while creating a detachment from the survivor (Attenborough, 2014; Cobos, 2014). Additionally, the news media often perpetuate traditional perspectives on SV and its associated stereotypes (O’Hara, 2012). For example, Nilsson (2019) examines how media discourses portray various categories of SV; one such category is SV committed by celebrities, which Nilsson refers to as ‘Celebrity Rape’. Due to the perpetrator's celebrity status, readers often question whether the incident occurred, as they are reluctant to accept that an idolized figure could engage in such behaviour. Thus, they may either hold the survivor responsible for the act (believing she must have wanted it) or conclude that she is falsely accusing the athlete. This category of SV safeguards the reputation of individuals deemed socially significant (Nilsson, 2019), and underscores the fact that rape culture is deeply entrenched in our patriarchal society.

The celebrity status of athletes often diverts attention away from the issue of SV. For example, Waterhouse-Watson (2016) observes a tendency in media reporting to emphasize the accused athlete's sports career and details about their family and support network. This focus shifts attention away from the issue of SV, evokes sympathy for the athlete, and fosters a sense of empathy among fans and the public. Commentary from coaches and associates that favours the athlete can further divert attention from their actions and reinforce the public's presumption of innocence (Waterhouse-Watson, 2016). For example, Royal (2019) indicates that the media coverage surrounding the trial of Ched Evans, a professional soccer player, sought to divert attention away from the athlete's actions by presenting excessive information, particularly regarding his career. Following the confirmation of his not guilty verdict, media discourse shifted to focus on his career prospects, potential loss of income, and even remarks from team managers. Additionally, as noted by Waterhouse-Watson (2013, 2016) and Royal (2019), in cases of SV involving athletes, the perpetrator is often a well-known and idolized figure among the public. Consequently, journalists frequently highlight positive aspects of the athlete's life and career to mitigate the impact of the athlete's abusive behaviour. In contrast, survivors of SV typically remain anonymous, particularly regarding the consequences of the SV they may have faced, placing them at a significant disadvantage.

Editorial decisions play a crucial role in shaping readers’ perceptions, particularly concerning the issue of SV. Research conducted by Silveirinha et al. (2020) regarding allegations of rape against international soccer player Cristiano Ronaldo reveals that discussions surrounding the outcomes of such accusations often focus on the financial implications for the accused athlete and his team, as well as for related parties such as teammates, management, and family members. For instance, in Ronaldo's case, the media discourse emphasizes the financial impact on his team and sponsors. Regrettably, little attention is given to the consequences faced by the victims of SV or the broader societal ramifications (Silveirinha et al., 2020). The celebrity status of athletes like Cristiano Ronaldo complicates ethical media coverage of SV (Silveirinha et al., 2020). Consequently, this dynamic generates greater empathy for the aggressor and diminishes the survivor's credibility (Royal, 2019; Silveirinha et al., 2020; Waterhouse-Watson, 2013, 2016).

The Influence of #MeToo on Media Coverage

Despite gaining popularity on social media, the #MeToo movement had a significant impact across all media institutions reporting on SV (Su et al., 2024). In their research, Shi (2021) examined the factors that influence public opinion toward survivors and perpetrators. Their findings show that although #MeToo has helped propel the dialogue on sexual violence against women and girls, many people still hold stereotypical views about the credibility of survivors. Similarly, Blumell and Mulupi (2021) compared media coverage of survivor Anita Hill (in 1991, before #MeToo) and Christine Blasey Ford (in 2018, after #MeToo), both of whom made sexual assault allegations against a US Supreme Court nominee. The results show that rape culture was more prevalent in media coverage of Christine Blasey Ford's case, particularly in online reports. However, the authors point out that online reports tended to focus more on the impact on those around them (both the survivor and the perpetrator) in the Blasey Ford case. Online reports give a voice to the survivor instead of just mentioning the consequences of sexual assault on the perpetrator. That said, it is possible to observe that even though #MeToo has had several positive impacts in denouncing rape culture, the latter remains present in media discourse, even after #MeToo. In addition, Silveirinha et al. (2020) show that #MeToo has enabled several survivors to report situations of sexual violence and abuse, even in the world of celebrities. However, the results emphasize that #MeToo is not infallible and that a complaint of sexual violence does not necessarily mean that charges will be brought or “the end of the perpetrator's popularity [as] indeed often a highly public or celebrity status tends to protect the accused through disbelief of the accuser in the public eye” (p. 208). The power status of these perpetrators outweighs the opportunity of #MeToo. Similar results can be seen in research by Hindes and Fileborn (2020) on media coverage and the #MeToo movement following VACS involving comedian and actor Aziz Anzari. They found that even after #MeToo, media discourse « continues to reproduce limited and stereotypical understandings of sexual violence informed by rape myths, working to serve the gendered power relations that enable and perpetuate the occurrence of sexual violence » (p. 652). In media coverage of Ansari's situation, several media outlets attempted to downplay the significance of his actions (Hindes & Fileborn, 2020). This raises the question of whether his celebrity status led to a tendency to minimize the act² (Nilsson, 2019).

Although there is significant research on the propagation of myths surrounding SV in media discourse and the reinforcement of hegemonic masculinity in men's sports, a gap remains in the literature regarding the representation of SV committed by male athletes within a Canadian context. Therefore, this study investigates how the social status of athletes and survivors influences the portrayal of SV in media narratives and examines the consequences of SV as depicted in the media.

Method

We used feminist critical discourse analysis (FCDA) to examine how media discourses reproduce and challenge gender power relations (Lazar, 2005, 2007, 2014). FCDA highlights how patriarchy and gendered hegemonic power structures are (re)produced, negotiated, and challenged in representations of social practices, social and personal relations, and identities within texts and discourses (Lazar, 2007, p. 142). Rooted in social justice, it emphasizes language's role in fostering change, valuing women's knowledge, and focusing on emancipation from hierarchical gender power (Lazar, 2014; Lazar & Kramarae, 2011). This approach allows for the deconstruction of texts, revealing how media reproduce inequalities, especially regarding discourses of male athlete-related SV.

Sample

At the onset of our data collection in the summer of 2017, we chose to compile a collection of articles spanning three years from 2014 to 2016. Following this, in the autumn of 2017, actress Alyssa Milano brought global attention to the #MeToo movement (Boyle, 2019). Thus, we conducted a second data collection over two years, from January 1, 2018, to December 31, 2019,³ to compare media discourses before and after the rise of the #MeToo movement.

To select the newspapers, we referred to the 2015 Canadian Newspaper Circulation Report (Newspapers Canada, 2015), which outlines the most widely read newspapers across Canada. The resulting sample included several newspapers in both French and English, representing various regions across Canada. The selected newspapers comprise Acadie Nouvelle, Journal de Montréal, La Presse, The Globe and Mail, National Post, and Toronto Star. These choices reflect a range of ideologies and readership profiles, enabling a detailed analysis of different discourses on SV.

It is essential to clarify that the purpose of this study was not to compare newspapers or languages, but rather to collect a diverse and representative sample from leading Canadian newspapers. This approach allowed for a thorough analysis of media discourse, encompassing complementary, contradictory, and competing themes, as well as the contextual factors (intertextual or interdiscursive relationships) and socio-cultural conditions that shape various media reports (Willey-Sthapit et al., 2022). Additionally, the cases identified in the collected articles vary; we did not limit our focus to a specific geographical area or sport. While all the chosen newspapers are Canadian, the articles also cite cases from the United States, Ireland, and beyond, featuring a mix of professional, amateur, and university athletes.

Data Collection

To carry out our research, we conducted a keyword search using the Eureka.cc database for French-language newspaper articles and the Canadian Major Dailies database for English-language articles. We quickly scanned the articles to pinpoint the most high-profile cases, which served as a basis for a more detailed, case-by-case investigation. For each identified case, we extracted all relevant articles that appeared in the selected newspapers during the designated periods. Our initial review yielded a total of 460 articles. During the second review, we eliminated duplicates and any articles that did not meet our selection criteria, meaning they did not involve a male athlete committing SV toward a woman. We employed a purposive sampling strategy, deliberately selecting specific articles for their relevance to our research objectives (Beaud, 2021). All opinion pieces and letters to the editor were excluded at this stage. Ultimately, we retained 273 articles—147 in French and 126 in English (see Table 1).

Table 1.
A Complete Overview of Data Collection.

2014 2015 2016 Total 2018 2019 Total

Acadie Nouvelle 8 17 6 31 2 6 8

Le Journal de Montréal 8 25 12 45 2 14 16

La Presse 9 18 2 29 5 13 18

Total 25 60 20 105 9 33 42

Toronto Star 8 5 6 19 9 6 15

National Post 3 15 3 21 6 15 21

The Globe and Mail 7 16 8 31 4 15 19

Total 18 36 17 71 19 36 55

Total 2014–2016 176 Total 2018–2019 96

Total Number of Media Articles

273

Data Analysis

We initiated a vertical microanalysis of the data, beginning with an initial examination of each text (Fairclough, 1992, 1995) to identify prominent themes and develop a thematic coding grid for in-depth analysis (Paillé & Mucchielli, 2021). Following this preliminary reading, we established three primary categories of analysis along with several sub-categories. Subsequently, we conducted a second reading of the media texts using NVivo software, categorizing the data according to the identified themes while accounting for two specific time periods (2014–2016 and 2018–2019). During this phase, we also developed our impressions regarding the content of the data, noting what was present and absent, what findings were consistent with other studies, the frequency of certain words, and the positioning of specific information within the data (Lazar, 2005, 2007, 2014).

Following the vertical microanalysis of each text, we conducted a mesoanalysis of the data, which provided new insights by situating it within a social context (Fairclough, 1992, 1995), whether prior to the surge in popularity of the #MeToo movement (data from 2014–2016) or afterwards (2018–2019). We revisited each theme and compared the data, making notes on our observations to identify differences and similarities in how media discourses may have changed before or after the #MeToo movement.

In the final phase, we conducted a macro-analysis, situating the data within the socio-cultural, historical, and ideological contexts that shaped its production (Fairclough, 1992, 1995). For instance, we examined how patriarchal structures permeate society, perpetuating rape culture and propagating myths about SV within media discourse. This final step allowed us to deepen our reflections and propose meaningful changes to foster environments that promote the emergence of new media narratives centred on survivors’ perspectives.

Findings

Before we focus on the findings, it is important to note that in Canada, the legal framework surrounding the publication of information related to cases of SV is influenced by constitutional rights and privacy considerations. Journalists are afforded the constitutional right to report on cases, particularly during public trials. However, this right is tempered by specific restrictions, particularly publication bans designed to protect victims’ identities. These restrictions are pivotal in safeguarding the privacy of survivors, witnesses, and young offenders, though they generally do not extend to perpetrators, who are typically named in media coverage (Freeman, 2016). The judicial system in Canada imposes these bans primarily to uphold the dignity and confidentiality of those affected by SV. Notably, the identity of the abuser must remain undisclosed if he is related by blood or marriage to the survivor, further emphasizing the legal and ethical responsibilities that accompany media reporting in such sensitive contexts (Freeman, 2016). While journalists have the right to inform the public, they must navigate a complex landscape of legal and ethical guidelines to balance transparency with protecting vulnerable individuals. Thus, most articles analyzed only briefly referenced the survivors, with some omitting them entirely. Due to constraints regarding the information that can be disclosed about survivors, most media coverage tends to focus on superficial details, such as physical descriptions, age, and occupation. Consequently, the emphasis focuses primarily on the athletes involved. We begin this section by examining the portrayals of the accused in media discourses, followed by an exploration of how the consequences of SV are reported in media discourses.

Representations of the Accused Athletes in the Media

In most of the articles we analyzed, the accused were named, followed by the sport played or a positive adjective, such as ‘star player’, ‘golfer’, ‘star’, or ‘former NHL player’. The following subsections will focus on the information surrounding the accused in news discourses.

Salaries and Contracts

Understanding a person's financial worth significantly shapes the public's perception of their social status (Lindemann, 2007; Ritzer & Ryan, 2011). For professional athletes, a higher socio-economic status helps define their social position and amplifies the power disparity between them and others. The cases presented in the articles analyzed typically feature athletes with a higher socio-economic status than their victims, resulting in an imbalance of power. Much like sport statistics and performances, numerous articles reference these athletes’ substantial salaries or large contracts, often affiliated with prestigious teams, and this emphasis serves to underscore the aggressors’ social status. For instance, to conclude a piece about professional hockey player Mike Ribeiro, the following article highlights the contract he signed with the Nashville Predators and notes both his contract and the points he accumulated over the past year:
On July 1, Mike Ribeiro signed a two-year, $7 million deal with the Predators. In 2014–2015, he finished second in Nashville with 62 points in 82 games. [Translated from French] (Presse+, 17 July 2015)
Another article, published in the Acadie Nouvelle and entitled ‘Ronaldo is ready to play despite rape allegations’, begins by mentioning that the ‘star player, who is facing rape allegations’ could be in the squad for the team's next match. The article discusses the athlete's professionalism while giving a few details about the accusations. It ends by highlighting the amount the team paid for Ronaldo, a professional soccer player:
As well as playing for Juventus, Ronaldo is also the star of the Portuguese national team. Ronaldo, 33, began his career at Sporting Lisbon before joining Manchester United and Real Madrid. He left Spain after a nine-year stay to take up the challenge of Juventus, which cost the Italian club €112 million (C$167 million). [Translated from French] (Acadie Nouvelle, 6 October 2018, p. 45).
Highlighting the enormity of Ronaldo's contract and salary reveals his social and socio-economic status and pedestalizes his celebrity status.

Another way of socially positioning the accused is to mention the level of luxury and opulence in which he is immersed. For example, media might mention that the ‘event’ occurred at the attacker's ‘summer residence’ or his ‘waterfront mansion’. The subsequent passages highlight the luxury to which the athlete is accustomed; the first passage mentions an “upmarket hotel” in Paris, a city that epitomizes luxury, and in the second passage, the term “luxury” is explicitly stated, emphasizing the opulence associated with the assailant:
An unnamed woman alleges the sports star [professional soccer player Neymar] drunkenly assaulted her at an upmarket hotel in the French capital (National Post, 3 June 2019, B.4).

The acts of which he [Conor McGregor, former professional mixed martial arts fighter] is accused allegedly occurred in a hotel near Dublin, where he regularly rents a luxury room. [Translated from French] (Journal de Montréal, 27 March 2019, p. 60).

In an article titled “McGregor Announces Retirement from MMA; Fighter Accused of Sexual Assault in Ireland,” published by the National Post, details are provided regarding the pay-per-view sales for several of Conor McGregor's mixed martial arts fights, along with information about his earnings:
That UFC 229 card drew 2.4 million pay-per-view buys, the most ever for an MMA event. In August 2017, McGregor fought in a heavily hyped boxing match against undefeated champion Floyd Mayweather Jr., which drew 4.3 million pay-per-view buys in North America and earned McGregor a reported payday of more than US$100 million (National Post, 27 March 2019, B.1).

This last passage is followed by a quote from Dana White, president of the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC), who says he understands McGregor's sudden retirement, given his net worth and the success of his whiskey business.

When the focus is on the abuser's economic status, the readership can easily identify his social position not only in the world of sport, but also with the fans. This increases the aggressor's privilege and therefore his power over the survivor.

Social Reputation

The findings also reveal how the media highlights the accused's positive public image, which can serve as a strategy to influence audience perceptions and potentially cast doubt on the idea that the athlete could never have committed acts of SV. The following extract highlights former hockey player, Tiger Williams’ good reputation and briefly mentions that he has been accused of sexual assault. However, reference is also made to his career as a player with the Toronto Maple Leafs, which has even more impact as the article was published in the Toronto Star, which is mainly read in the Greater Toronto Area. It also mentions that he offers support to soldiers in the Canadian Armed Forces:
Former NHL player Dave “Tiger” Williams has been charged with sexual assault and assault following incidents on board a Canadian military flight as he headed overseas for a morale-boosting visit with deployed troops. […] Military police announced Friday that Williams - whose NHL career started as a Maple Leafs enforcer – had been charged with one count of assault and one count of sexual assault. […] The lawyer said Williams has a “proud” history of taking part in Armed Forces morale tours and “has been an enthusiastic supporter of our troops” (Toronto Star, 10 February 2018, A.1).
The National Post added that Williams participates in fundraising for charitable events and works with the York Regional Police. This kind of speech humanizes the accused athlete, creating compassion for him.

Moreover, a study published by Forbes in May 2022 highlights that Cristiano Ronaldo ranked as the third highest-paid athlete globally in the preceding year, and had over 690 million followers on social media (Knight, 2022). This attests to his significant social standing. Nevertheless, an article in the Toronto Star reveals that a survivor felt encouraged to come forward considering the #MeToo movement's rising prominence, despite initially refraining from naming Cristiano Ronaldo during her complaint in 2009. Her decision to disclose the assailant's identity prompted the Las Vegas police to reopen the criminal investigation. According to the journalist, this rape allegation against Ronaldo serves as a crucial litmus test for the international movement being propelled through social media. However, the following passage from the same article shows that despite the #MeToo movement, Ronaldo's popularity has not waned:
When the Italian soccer club Juventus bought superstar Cristiano Ronaldo from Spanish side Real Madrid last summer, the impact of the Portuguese striker's worldwide popularity was immediately made clear. (National Post, 6 October 2018, A.3)
The accused athlete's celebrity status amplifies his positive social image and, consequently, his credibility with the public to such an extent that it raises doubts about whether an act of SV has truly occurred.

The Consequences of SV as Discussed in the Media

This section discusses the consequences of the SV accusations mentioned in the articles we analysed. First, we highlight the impact on the survivors. We then explore the repercussions for the perpetrators, especially regarding their careers, sponsorships, and reputations. Lastly, we consider the effects on their entourage, including their teams and families.

Consequences for Survivors

An act of SV leads to numerous consequences for survivors, including economic impacts (e.g., disruption of employment, therapy costs) (Loya, 2015), mental health symptoms (e.g., depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, suicidality) (Dworkin et al., 2017; Jaffe et al., 2022), physical health issues (e.g., genital injuries, gastrointestinal disorders, chronic pelvic pain, etc.) (Jina & Thomas, 2013), and social repercussions (e.g., stigma) (Mellen et al., 2024). However, in most articles reviewed, there is little mention of how these acts impact the lives of survivors. In the few articles where the consequences for survivors are discussed, it is often through the words of others. For example, the French police reported that the survivor who had accused Neymar was “emotionally shaken and frightened.” (National Post, 3 June 2019, B.4). The following two passages report indirectly the words of the survivors themselves, in which they state that they have suffered “emotional trauma” and “enormous stress”. The next two passages concern the respective cases of professional hockey players Evander Kane and Patrick Kane:
The woman claims to have suffered emotional trauma and to have required multiple operations and blood transfusions following the incident in December. [Translated from French] (Acadie Nouvelle, 22 September 2016, p. 29)

The newspaper reported on Tuesday that the complainant had told the Erie County prosecutor that she no longer wanted to cooperate with the investigation. She reportedly told authorities that the investigation had caused her and her family enormous stress. [Translated from French] (Journal de Montréal, 6 November 2015, p. 88)
While it is uncommon for the media to talk about the consequences of SV for survivors, the same cannot be said for perpetrators and their entourage, for whom the consequences are disproportionately discussed in comparison with those of the survivors.

Consequences for the Accused Athletes

Across media articles, it is common to notice mentions of the consequences for the accused athletes following accusations (formal or otherwise) of SV. In one article from the Journal de Montreal, Patrick Kane mentions that he overcame the accusations of sexual assault, but that the ordeal was harrowing for him. Another article in the Globe and Mail explains that Patrick Kane had to listen to fans chanting ‘No means no!’ in his first games following the accusations and when the team was away. The article stresses that it was not easy for him and that he even had to cancel planned activities:
The high-profile investigation led to Kane's removal from the cover of a popular NHL video game and fan chants of “She said no!” and “No means no!” during a couple of early road games. […] It still wasn't easy for Kane to deal with scrutiny he attracted in both Chicago and hometown of Buffalo. Kane's day to spend hosting the Stanley Cup was Aug. 8, but he called off a public display of the iconic trophy because of the investigation and instead spent the day with family and friends. (Globe and Mail, 6 Novembre 2015, S.3)
This kind of discourse, which focuses on the consequences suffered by the accused athletes, while omitting the consequences of SV for survivors, minimizes the impact of SV on survivors and maintains the reputation of perpetrators.

On the accused athletes’ careers. Several articles highlight that accusations have a significant impact on athletes’ careers. For example, accusations are often depicted as a distraction from one's sport that can lead to a lack of concentration. Some athletes are hailed as still being impressively performant, despite the ‘inconvenience’ to their concentration. In the following excerpt, it is stated that, because of rape allegations, Ronaldo will not be able to play in the next few matches with his national team:
Cristiano Ronaldo was yesterday ruled out of Portugal's national team for its next two matches, a decision that comes as the star soccer player denies the rape allegations against him in the United States. […] Portugal head coach Fernando Santos added that Ronaldo would also not be selected for the next series of international matches in November. [Translated from French] (Presse+, 5 October 2018)
Focusing on the consequences faced by accused athletes can induce a sense of pity regarding the repercussions they must endure. Conversely, failing to acknowledge the impact of SV on survivors minimizes their experiences and trivializes the gravity of the accusations.

On the accused athletes’ sponsorships. A large part of an athlete's career is based on sponsorship, which increases an athlete's visibility and attracts fans who associate with the brand. As a result, being the face of a popular brand (e.g., Nike) or a major game (e.g., EA Sports) increases an athlete's social and economic status. If an accused athlete loses sponsorship, he loses part of his income, and his reputation suffers. We found passages, and even entire articles, devoted to the loss of sponsorship by accused athletes, generally presented as a negative consequence of accusations, whether formal or otherwise. The following passage highlights Antonio Brown's loss [professional American football player] of two sponsorships:
Nike has terminated its sponsorship agreement with New England Patriots pass-catcher Antonio Brown. […] Helmet manufacturer Xenith had also ended its association with Brown, who can still play. [Translated from French] (Journal de Montréal, 20 September 2019, p. 65)
This kind of language, which downplays the acts of SV and focuses on the loss of sponsorship, is found repetitively in the data, as the following passages illustrate:
The pressure is beginning to mount on Ronaldo, after equipment manufacturer Nike followed EA Sports in expressing concern over allegations of rape against the Portuguese striker. [Translated from French] (Presse+, 5 October 2018)

The NHL likes its stars squeaky clean. When the matter first arose, the first casualty was his EA Sports NHL 16 cover, originally designed to feature both him [Patrick Kane] and teammate Jonathan Toews. Later, some pressed the Blackhawks to keep him out of training camp until the case was resolved. (Globe and Mail, 21 November 2015, S.3).
As a result, articles often ignore, or at least choose not to mention, the consequences of SV for survivors to instead focus on the loss of sponsorship for the accused athletes.

On the accused athletes’ reputation. Because maintaining a good reputation is essential for athletes, media often focus on the consequences of the accusations on the reputation of the athlete. Many measures that accused athletes and their teams took were designed to avoid tarnishing the athlete's reputation. A bad reputation can lead an athlete to lose contracts, another consequence for his career. In the following extract about Ronaldo, he is quoted as saying that it was difficult for him when people doubted his reputation. The second extract, about Antonio Brown, characterizes his career as “over” and his legacy diminished due to the accusations of SV made against him:
Ronaldo told Portuguese TV channel TVI that ‘2018 was probably the worst year of my life, from a personal point of view’. He added that ‘when people doubt your reputation, it hurts, it hurts a lot’. […] The 34-year-old veteran mentioned that he was ‘not comfortable’ discussing the issue, ‘but when people attack your credibility, it's difficult (to digest).’ [Translated from French] (Acadie Nouvelle, 22 August 2019, p. 26)

If Brown's NFL career is indeed now over – and it sure felt like it was after his latest bombshell of breaking news – his reputation and legacy seem poisoned for good. (National Post, 21 September 2019, FP.14)
The above excerpts illustrate how media place emphasis on the consequences suffered by the accused athlete instead of on the survivors.

Consequences for the Accused Athletes’ Entourage

While most analyzed articles overlook the consequences of SV on survivors, many highlight the repercussions for the accused athlete's entourage. For example, there are numerous comments from accused athletes expressing a desire not to distract their teammates. Additionally, other players commend the accused athlete for remaining focused and undistracted by the allegations. Notably, no teammate has been reported as denouncing the accused athlete's actions.

Consequences for employers, i.e., those who manage or own the teams, are also noted. In an article published in the Journal de Montréal, there is discussion about employers feeling betrayed because of the holes left in their payroll by the athletes who were accused of SV:
In Chicago, the Blackhawks’ decision-makers are preparing for the worst. They probably won't be able to count on Kane. They won't be able to pay Kane if he's suspended by the league […] they won't be able to deduct his salary from the payroll. […] What's more, the player represents a financial risk. [Translated from French] (Journal de Montréal, 3 September 2015, p. 72).
Another article also mentions the financial consequences of the perpetrator's actions. It highlights the cost of the flight paid so that the survivors did not have to return home with the perpetrator:
A Canadian Forces VIP trip that ended in a sex assault charge against former NHL player Dave « Tiger » Williams cost taxpayers more than $337,000, according to figures compiled by Postmedia. […] Another $24,000 was paid by taxpayers to fly four flight attendants home on a commercial carrier so they would not be on board the Polaris aircraft returning Williams and the other VIPs to Canada. (National Post, 26 June 2018, A.4).
These comments, which survivors most likely read, could lead them to hesitate to report acts of SV for fear of being partially blamed for additional costs to taxpayers. Rape culture is fueled when survivors are indirectly made responsible for the consequences of the SV they have suffered. Several articles even mention the consequences of SV for other team members, the team's reputation and the institution in which the team operates. In sum, the consequences of SV are mentioned for everyone except the survivors.

Discussion

The findings indicate that media coverage favours the creation of a positive public image for the accused athlete by highlighting their sporting achievements, rather than centring on the experiences of survivors. Media discourse tends to focus on the repercussions of SV allegations for athletes and their teams, while seldom addressing the effects of such violence on survivors or society at large. This treatment of survivors in media narratives perpetuates a profoundly imbalanced power dynamic between the victim and the perpetrator, ultimately enhancing the market value, reputation, and athletic performance of the latter.

The Importance of Reputation

The issue of social position is critical when discussing instances of SV perpetrated by individuals of significant public influence, such as athletes, against others who are often less well-known or even anonymous. Social position refers to the role one occupies within one's community, as well as one's social and socio-economic status. This status can be ascribed (for example, being a cisgender man) or acquired (such as being a world-renowned athlete). Generally, individuals with higher social status possess more privileges and social power (Lindemann, 2007; Ritzer & Ryan, 2011). For instance, male athletes typically hold a higher status than female survivors, and media coverage reinforces this power imbalance.

This study reveals that media coverage often reinforces the positive reputation of the accused athlete. Supportive comments from friends, teammates, and family are frequently highlighted (Royal, 2019; Silveirinha et al., 2020; Waterhouse-Watson, 2016). Conversely, this does not often occur for the survivor, even if she is a prominent figure and her name is disclosed, which would allow journalists to collect affirmative remarks to bolster her reputation. When discussing athletes, journalists showcase their positive image within media narratives in numerous ways, for instance, by referencing their financial gains and noting their athletic achievements. By emphasizing the strong image of the accused athlete, we are reminded of his elevated social status, which often surpasses that of the survivor, reinforcing the notion that men with a reputable standing are unlikely to commit acts of SV (Freeman, 2016; Nilsson, 2019).

The Celebrity Male Athlete Who Can Get Away with Anything

The findings reveal a significant imbalance of power stemming from the social status of the aggressor as compared to the survivor, reinforced by persistent gender inequalities within society. Furthermore, the celebrity status granted to athletes, whether locally or internationally, enhances their favourable reputation among the public (Nilsson, 2019; Silveirinha et al., 2020). When these athletes excel at their sport, such as Cristiano Ronaldo, Patrick Kane, Evander Kane, and Antonio Brown, the esteem they receive from their fellow athletes further bolsters their positive image (Nilsson, 2019; Waterhouse-Watson, 2016). Within sporting communities, strengthening the camaraderie among athletes (‘male bonding’) is often deemed essential, whether through pride in their sport or by fostering solidarity among team members (Anderson & White, 2017; DeKeseredy et al., 2023; Flood & Dyson, 2007). This dynamic may help explain why some journalists highlight supportive remarks made by teammates or coaches regarding the accused athlete. For instance, if a team made a significant financial investment to acquire a star athlete, the team then deems that it is crucial for them to support this athlete. Negative comments or criticism regarding the behaviour of this key athlete could threaten team solidarity and potentially attract harmful feedback from fans. As Nilsson (2019) notes, society has a strong inclination towards protecting the reputation of individuals it deems important, such as sports celebrities.

Furthermore, by intertwining celebrity status with hegemonic masculinity (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005), we encounter a dynamic that reinforces rape culture within predominantly male spaces (Anderson & White, 2017; DeKeseredy et al., 2023; Messner & Stevens, 2007). Accused athletes not only possess certain privileges due to gender but also enjoys idolization stemming from their status as athletes. Moreover, athletes who conform to hegemonic masculinity and who operate within a largely male environment are more likely to adopt sexist attitudes, thereby increasing the likelihood of committing SV (Anderson & White, 2017; DeKeseredy et al., 2023; Messner & Stevens, 2007). The male privilege afforded to abusive athletes by patriarchal structures, combined with the celebrity status they attain, often leads them to believe they are untouchable (Anderson & White, 2017; Flood & Dyson, 2007; Robinson, 1998; Waterhouse-Watson, 2013). When the media consistently portray accused athletes as celebrities, while neglecting the narratives of survivors, it risks perpetuating power imbalances between accused athletes and survivors, thus maintaining the existing rape culture.

The celebrity athletes who can evade accountability for their actions often escape responsibility for SV, both in society and within the media. Individuals with higher social standing are less likely to face consequences for violating the norms set by the dominant group of which they are a part. The idolization of accused athletes may account for the lack of severe disciplinary measures they face compared to survivors, particularly in media narratives. Thus, it is crucial for media discourse to shift away from focusing on the celebrity status of those athletes and adopt a survivor-centred approach when discussing cases of SV.

Familiarity and Distractions

Numerous studies indicate that while neglecting to do the same for survivors, naming offenders and discussing them in a positive light fosters a sense of familiarity with the accused and creates a detachment from the survivor (Attenborough, 2014; Cobos, 2014). Additionally, shifting the focus back to the accused athlete's sporting achievements and highlighting favourable comments from those around them can distract from the act of SV, allow audiences to develop empathy for the athlete and subtly encourage victim-blaming (Kian et al., 2008; Royal, 2019; Silveirinha et al., 2020; Waterhouse-Watson, 2016). The present study aligns with these findings, revealing that various strategies in media discourse cultivate familiarity with the accused athlete while diverting attention away from the SV. Articles in our sample predominantly emphasize the athlete's sporting skills, feature positive remarks from teammates and coaches, discuss athletes’ salaries and contracts, highlight the consequences faced by the athlete post-accusation, and elaborate on the athlete's positive societal reputation. Such comments not only uphold accused athletes as exemplary but also distract readers from the reality of SV, potentially sowing doubt about the plausibility of the accused committing such acts and leading readers to question the credibility of the survivor (Kian et al., 2008; Royal, 2019; Silveirinha et al., 2020; Waterhouse-Watson, 2016). Highlighting the good character of the accused athlete tends to suggest that he is typically a decent person who has made a mistake. This narrative serves to justify the athlete's inappropriate actions, framing him not only as a warm-hearted individual but also as a victim of the pressures of sport. This fosters a sense of familiarity with the abusive athlete, diverting attention from the entrenched cultural norms prevalent in the sporting world. Survivors do not receive the same privileges from readership.

The Limited Effects of #MeToo

Studies by Blumell and Mulupi (2022), Hindes and Fileborn (2020), Silveirinha et al. (2020), and Royal (2019) explicitly examined media coverage of athletes and celebrities accused of sexual assault following #MeToo and found that, despite #MeToo's influence on public ideology, rape culture persists in media discourse about sexual assault by men. The findings of the present study align with these earlier results. Additionally, gender-based power structures remain intact, and media continue to depict the athlete's reputation involved in the assault in a largely positive manner. The data collected post-#MeToo, from 2018 and 2019, reflect a period when the movement was still emerging on social media and gaining global traction. While #MeToo has undeniably prompted conversations about sexual violence within various Canadian and American institutions, particularly in sports, myths about sexual violence—perpetuated by patriarchal oppression and reinforced through male hegemony—have existed in society for hundreds of years. Therefore, it is expected that dismantling these myths will require time.

Recommendations for the Media

The findings indicate that the media discourse surrounding SV perpetrated by male athletes against women often neglects the voices of survivors. This is true for both analysis periods (2014–2016 and 2018–2019), before and after the rise of #MeToo. We have thus formulated recommendations for general media practices, encouraging a survivor-centered approach when reporting on SV committed by male athletes.

Avoid Giving Unnecessary Details

We recommend that details unrelated to incidents of SV should be avoided, as they can downplay and distract from the severity of the accusations, while also enhancing the accused athlete's positive image. This practice often undermines the survivor's credibility and perpetuates unequal power dynamics in media discourse. Journalists should avoid highlighting the accused's athletic achievements, lucrative contracts, team performance, and similar accolades. It is important not to emphasize the social status of these athletes by mentioning their charitable contributions or positive community involvement, nor should there be any implication that the survivor is attempting to damage the athlete's reputation or seek financial gain. Journalists should critically assess whether such information is essential for the public's understanding of the SV in question, and whether it reinforces harmful stereotypes about survivors.

Making Room for Survivors in Media Discourses

We advocate for a media discourse that is grounded in a survivor-centered approach. Feminist organizations have condemned SV as a societal issue rather than a private matter. The media need to highlight the social repercussions of SV to challenge the patriarchal oppression that sustains rape culture. Importantly, we must emphasize that survivors are often the first to bear the consequences of SV and bring these impacts to light. The focus should not be solely on the consequences for the accused athletes, their entourage, or their teams, especially if it includes positive narratives that reinforce the athlete's reputation while neglecting the survivors. We recommend shedding light on the diverse consequences of SV faced by survivors, including physical, psychological, social and financial dimensions. Journalists are also encouraged to address the broader societal effects of SV and engage in discussions about rape culture and the ongoing risk factors and realities faced by survivors.

In recent discussions within journalism studies, the ‘ethics of care’ concept has gained traction (Camponez, 2014; Freeman, 2016; Silveirinha, 2016). This idea, which advocates for ethical and empathetic media coverage, is partly rooted in the tenets of feminist ethics. It would be worthwhile to explore this concept, alongside increased reflexivity, to enhance journalistic practices. Additionally, research in this area could pave the way for developing training programs for sports journalists that address not only the coverage of SV but also other forms of oppression, such as heterosexism, racism, cisgenderism, and ableism, among others.

Conclusion

In this study, 273 articles from six major Canadian newspapers were analyzed. The results reveal that media coverage of SV committed by male athletes against women does not allocate much space to survivors. Instead, it concentrates on creating a positive public image of the athlete who committed the violence by emphasising his athletic achievements, substantial salary and contracts, and positive comments about him. We can also conclude that media discourse dedicates significant space to the consequences of SV for male athletes but rarely discusses the impacts on survivors or society.

Finally, this study has several limitations, including the selection of newspapers, which limited our ability to analyze discourse from small, rural, and isolated communities. Moreover, there is a lack of representation from some parts of Canada, particularly Western Canada and most Atlantic provinces. Additionally, the analysis was restricted by the number of SV cases reported by Canadian news outlets during the periods studied and the number of articles dedicated to each case. Therefore, the findings may vary depending on the specific instances of SV that occurred at any given time.

	2014	2015	2016	Total	2018	2019	Total
Acadie Nouvelle	8	17	6	31	2	6	8
Le Journal de Montréal	8	25	12	45	2	14	16
La Presse	9	18	2	29	5	13	18
Total	25	60	20	105	9	33	42
Toronto Star	8	5	6	19	9	6	15
National Post	3	15	3	21	6	15	21
The Globe and Mail	7	16	8	31	4	15	19
Total	18	36	17	71	19	36	55
	Total 2014–2016	176	Total 2018–2019	96
Total Number of Media Articles
273

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

I thank Walter DeKeseredy for the mentorship he kindly provides on a regular basis

ORCID iDs

Kim Dubé

Marjorie Silverman

Catherine Flynn

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

Authors’ Biographies

Kim Dubé (she/her) is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology and Criminology at the University of Moncton. A queer Acadian woman and feminist activist, she is interested in gender-based violence, particularly sexual violence in sports settings and violence against older women and 2SLGBTQIA + communities.

Marjorie Silverman (she/her) is a Full Professor in the School of Social Work at the University of Ottawa. With a critical social gerontology perspective and a background in clinical practice, she conducts research using creative qualitative methods on topics related to family care, dementia, place and space, sociology of the body, and trans and gender studies.

Catherine Flynn (she/her) is a professor in the Department of Humanities at the University of Quebec at Chicoutimi (UQAC). Her research focuses on social issues related to social exclusion and violence against women, such as homelessness, domestic violence, and feminist intervention. She collaborates with institutional and community contexts to advance knowledge and practices.

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“A Distraction to the Game”: Repercussions of Sexual Violence Perpetrated by Male Athletes as Depicted in Media Narratives

Abstract

Keywords

Sexual Violence and Rape Culture in Sports

Sexual Violence by Male Athletes in the Media

The Influence of #MeToo on Media Coverage

Method

Sample

Data Collection

Data Analysis

Findings

Representations of the Accused Athletes in the Media

Salaries and Contracts

Social Reputation

The Consequences of SV as Discussed in the Media

Consequences for Survivors

Consequences for the Accused Athletes

Consequences for the Accused Athletes’ Entourage

Discussion

The Importance of Reputation

The Celebrity Male Athlete Who Can Get Away with Anything

Familiarity and Distractions

The Limited Effects of #MeToo

Recommendations for the Media

Avoid Giving Unnecessary Details

Making Room for Survivors in Media Discourses

Conclusion

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

ORCID iDs

Funding

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Notes

Authors’ Biographies

References