Abstract
There is a growing body of literature that documents high rates of intimate partner violence within South Asian American communities, indicating a critical need for research that can respond directly to this issue. From a socioecological perspective, Hindu temples can influence members’ behaviors at multiple levels of change and thus may be important sites of collaboration for the prevention of intimate partner violence. Through in-depth qualitative interviews with South Asian families, temple leaders, and community stakeholders, this study indicates that Hindu temples have tremendous capacity to significantly impact intimate partner violence within South Asian American communities.
Introduction
For decades, the prevalence of intimate partner violence among South Asians living in the United States has been increasingly recognized at rates higher than those found in the general population (Rai & Choi, 2022; Smith et al., 2017). To address this disparity, advocates see the need for culturally and contextually congruent approaches to intimate partner violence that fit the purposes of intervention as they see them (Sabri, Simonet et al., 2018). Often, such antiviolence efforts are delivered within community-based organizations founded and led by members of South Asian communities, who have a deep understanding of the cultural, linguistic, and social factors that shape the experiences of South Asian Americans (Reddy, 2019). Such organizations tend to be better equipped to address the complex and intersectional nature of intimate partner violence within South Asian communities; however, studies show that these spaces are typically underutilized by South Asian survivors due to issues of accessibility, confidentiality, and convenience (Kapur et al., 2017; Kim & Hogge, 2015; Mahapatra & DiNitto, 2013). Therefore, in order to effectively end the cycle of violence in South Asian American communities, it is crucial to implement interventions in additional social settings that are culturally supportive.
One area that has not been fully realized is the role that religious organizations, often cited as the cornerstone of South Asian American identity and culture, could play in the prevention and intervention of intimate partner violence (Awasthi & Dasgupta, 2015; Kim & Hogge, 2015). In fact, these sites may be well positioned to provide intimate partner violence services more efficiently and effectively than can some federally and state-administered programs and agencies or community-based organizations. For example, South Asian religious centers have long served “as a focal point of organizing and providing identity, cultural continuity, and comfort to community members” (Awasthi & Dasgupta, 2015, p. 26), making them one of the most important and influential institutions that can reach South Asian groups in the United States (Kallivayalil, 2010). They have also provided support for various community needs, such as career guidance and children's language classes. Moreover, places of worship are often viewed by community members as reliable sources of information, and in partnership with South Asian antiviolence agencies, they may generate an environment in the religious context that encourages survivors to disclose their experiences of abuse and seek help (Rambachan, 2001; Sabri, Bhandari et al., 2018).
Despite the great potential, most South Asian American religious settings do not offer intimate partner violence programming (Awasthi & Dasgupta, 2015). Challenges noted include low perceptions of the existence of intimate partner violence among South Asian American communities, difficulty with discussions about taboo topics, cultural beliefs that discourage disclosing private matters, and lack of infrastructure. In addition, little is known about how to effectively engage these faith institutions as key allies in ending intimate partner violence. Furthermore, whether faith communities themselves are interested and willing to engage in these sorts of efforts is not well understood. This is problematic because positive implementation outcomes are directly correlated to the longevity of programs (Proctor et al., 2011). Thus, conducting formative research is essential to determine the level of interest and willingness among diverse religious organizations that serve South Asian American communities, in order to address intimate partner violence.
The current study begins to address these knowledge gaps by examining where intimate partner violence fits into the interests and priorities of South Asian American religious organizations, and the types of programs and messages that are deemed appropriate and feasible to these faith communities. From a socioecological perspective, which considers the complex nature of the South Asian faith community and provides a framework for intervening at multiple levels of influence on behaviors and practices (McLeroy et al., 1988; Smedley & Syme, 2001), the study investigates two key questions. First, how do Hindus of South Asian descent understand intimate partner violence? Second, how do they perceive their sites of worship as implementation settings for intimate partner violence programming? Since religious institutions are an integral part of social life in many South Asian American communities, they may have unparalleled advantages over other sectors in challenging and changing social norms that support intimate partner violence. However, there is a significant gap in research exploring this particular field of inquiry. Following a typical case sampling strategy and through in-depth interviews with 10 community stakeholders from two South Asian-serving Hindu temples in the Twin Cities, the findings for this study ultimately advance knowledge about the barriers and facilitators to implementing intimate partner violence interventions within South Asian American religious settings.
Hindu American Faith Communities
South Asians represent a mosaic of faiths, including Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism, and Christianity, each with its own unique history, spirit, and beliefs (Pew Research Center, 2015). Since the majority of South Asians living in the United States identify themselves as Hindu, this research effort was designed to focus on perspectives from the Hindu American faith community. The intention here is neither to endorse a single religious tradition nor suggest a “one size fits all” perspective, but rather to deepen the understanding about the ways in which engaging trusted community institutions, specifically places of worship, may be instrumental for intentionally reaching a subgroup of South Asian American survivors and preventing future violence.
To date, more than three million Hindu Americans reside in the United States making them one of the nation's fastest growing religious communities (Hindu American Foundation, n.d.). Most Hindus are immigrants from India, though this group also includes individuals from other South Asian countries including Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh as well as those of Caribbean, African, South American, Southeast Asian, and Caucasian descent. To stay connected with their faith, the Hindu American community relies on a network of around 1,000 mandirs (temples) located in 45 states. These temples have varied and diverse practices and serve as spiritual focal points, community hubs, and cultural centers (Rambachan, 2001). The growth and resilience of Hindu American temples mirrors the progress and perseverance of the community as a whole.
Like South Asian Hindus in other Western countries, there is a strong tendency among the first generation of Hindus in the United States to combine religious and cultural elements when organizing functions in mandirs, and, to perform puja (sacred rites) to invoke the blessings of God according to ritual patterns that are followed in India (Tilson & Venkateswaran, 2006). Similarly, Hindu American faith communities have maintained the practice of seva (selfless service), in which they leverage existing skills to help improve domestic and global conditions. Many mandirs, for instance, have actively engaged in issues related to poverty and homelessness, disaster relief, healthcare and health awareness, and older adults (Hindu American Seva Communities, n.d.).
Hindu faith institutions may also be uniquely poised to identify intimate partner violence and develop a standard policy to address it (Rambachan, 2001). Indeed, studies find that Hindu American women rely on religion to cope with the consequences of intimate partner violence (Bhandari, 2018; Dasgupta & Warrier, 1996). However, there has been a dearth of empirical research examining the temples’ responses to intimate partner violence, the effectiveness of interventions attempted in these settings, or ways in which these responses can be improved. Nonetheless, a small handful of mandirs are starting to recognize and respond to the reality of intimate partner violence within their overall role of serving the Hindu American community (Kallivayalil, 2010). Namely, the Gayatri Mandir in Southern California offers free accommodations, including shelter, for women in need of help (Gayatri Pariwar—Yug Nirman, n.d.), and the Hindu Temple of Minnesota operates a voluntary and confidential crisis hotline to help facilitate connections with South Asian antiviolence organizations in the Twin Cities (Hindu Society of Minnesota, n.d.). Information about these few known initiatives only appear in nonscholarly texts, and not in the scientific literature, however. Qualitative research can help us better understand the potential and practicality of these faith settings as an alternative venue to addressing intimate partner violence among Hindu American communities.
As a formative project, the current study aims to explore how Hindu American faith communities address the broader issues of intimate partner violence, and more specifically, how they respond to survivors and harm-doers and how they think these responses can be enhanced. Semistructured interviews were conducted from December 2018 and February 2019 with a purposive sample of 10 mandir leaders and community members from a South Asian Hindu community in the midwestern United States. Specifically, this study aims to determine where intimate partner violence fits into the interests and priorities of Hindu religious institutions, and the types of programs and messages that are considered appropriate and feasible for the Hindu American faith community.
Conceptual Framework
This research draws on a socioecological perspective that recognizes the influence of individual, interpersonal, community, and societal factors in shaping Hindu Americans’ experiences of intimate partner violence (McLeroy et al., 1988; Smedley & Syme, 2001). By examining the role of mandirs and their faith communities, this study seeks to shed light on how these institutions contribute to creating an environment of support for Hindu American survivors of intimate partner violence. By delving into the ways in which mandirs can provide resources, guidance, and a sense of community, the research aims to uncover the potential for these spaces to play a crucial role in addressing and preventing intimate partner violence within the Hindu American faith community. Through this exploration, a deeper understanding can be gained regarding the specific mechanisms through which mandirs and their faith communities may contribute to the well-being and empowerment of survivors, ultimately informing the development of effective interventions and support systems.
Methods
This qualitative case study was undertaken using a community-centered and culturally situated approach to explore how Hindu American faith communities perceive their religious institutions as potential implementation settings for intimate partner violence prevention and intervention efforts. Since this study focuses on an area of research that has received little attention, qualitative methods, and more specifically, culturally responsive research, would be the most appropriate to generate findings relevant to the previously identified research questions (Creswell, 2013; Pasque & Alexander, 2022). These domains of inquiry include details about personal beliefs and philosophies as they relate to defining intimate partner violence, understandings of the cause and approaches to addressing it, and articulating the perceived successes of these strategies in impacting the problem. Such complex and interrelated themes are not easily captured through quantitative research methods whereas qualitative inquiry allows for a richer and more in-depth understanding of a phenomenon (Creswell, 2013). Moreover, a community-centered and culturally situated approach can provide insight into effective participant engagement processes, especially with communities whose voices are seldom heard in research, and it involves being flexible and responsive to the participants’ changing needs over time (Bhattacharya, 2022; Liamputtong, 2010). This research project was approved by the University of Texas at Austin Institutional Review Board.
Setting
This study was conducted in the Twin Cities metropolitan area of Minnesota, home to a large number of Hindus in the United States. This community is estimated to number around 50,000; however, population estimates are complicated by several methodological challenges and the lack of recent survey data (Junghare, 2004).
Sampling
Between December 2018 and February 2019, I used purposive sampling to recruit the participants from the two largest South Asian-serving Hindu mandirs in the Twin Cities with the assistance of site gatekeepers. Each mandir governed the way participant recruitment occurred, which involved either announcements made at mandir events or personal contact by site gatekeepers. Individuals were invited to participate in the study if they self-identified as South Asian, frequented their mandir two or more times per month, and were 18 years or older. Interested individuals were given detailed information about the study, including a copy of the written consent form. After those who agreed to participate signed and returned the consent form, interviews were scheduled at a time and location convenient to them. Participation was voluntary and uncompensated.
Recruitment efforts were supplemented with participant-driven methods. At the end of interviews, the participants voluntarily (as opposed to being asked) provided referrals for other individuals who they believed could inform the research. Male participants were particularly eager to facilitate introductions to interested parties, which occurred primarily through text message. In one instance, a participant made a phone call to a fellow faith member telling them that, “There is a very smart lady sitting in front of me who is doing research on this domestic violence issue to help our community. I told her she should talk to you; do you have time this week?” Being vouched for by the participants in this manner signified that positive rapport had been established.
Through these sampling methods, a total of 10 participants—six women and four men—were included in this study. Their ages ranged from 36 to 77 years with a mean of 59.1. All were married through arranged marriages and had at least two or more children. They were also all college educated or higher and reported high household incomes (>$100,000). Half of the participants indicated that they were retired whereas four were employed and one stayed at home to care for the children. Moreover, the sample consisted entirely of first-generation immigrants who came to the United States as adults. On average, their time in the United States was 33.6 years, and ranged between 12 and 54 years. Prior to immigration, nine participants lived in India, and one lived in Canada. The participants were also representative of several ethnolinguistic groups from India, including Gujarati, Malayali, and Telugu. Further, the sample consisted of four individuals in temple leadership positions (i.e., board members, committee chairs), two temple volunteers, and four general members of the temple. Most visited their local temple on a weekly basis, although two went biweekly and one went approximately three times per week. Those in leadership positions typically frequented the temple more than other participants.
Data Collection
In total, I conducted seven semistructured interviews with four individuals and three couples (N = 10). Six interviews were conducted in person, and of these, five were held at the participants’ homes and one at a participant's place of employment. The seventh interview was conducted via telephone. In the case of the three couples, I had initially scheduled one-on-one meetings with three male participants, but upon beginning the interviews, each preferred to participate together with their spouse. To demonstrate cultural sensitivity, I then utilized an ad hoc dyadic design with these couples (Liamputtong, 2010).
Interviews lasted 1–2 h and were audio recorded. The participants were reminded of the study's purpose and their right to withdraw from the study at any time. Demographic information (e.g., age, gender, ethnicity, country of birth, immigration status, education level, income level, employment, marital status) was collected first using a self-report questionnaire. Then, following a semistructured interview guide that was developed for this study, I asked the participants about Hindu American beliefs, challenges, and behaviors concerning intimate partner violence as well as current efforts, barriers, and steps ahead to address the problem within their mandir communities. To further explore the comments made by the participants, I used open-ended probing questions as necessary.
Cultural sensitivity was integral to the success of data collection; thereby, I maintained Indian traditions and customs when invited to the homes of the participants for interviews. For instance, I dressed in a modest salwar kameez (two-set traditional outfit) and brought a small gift or fruits to the participants when visiting their home. Since interviews were typically scheduled around lunchtime, I arrived to a homecooked traditional meal or freshly made snacks and chai (tea) and was asked to first eat with the participants. Sharing food together helped foster connections with the participants, and ultimately built positive rapport, but also removed firm boundaries between us. Nonetheless, being culturally sensitive facilitated my ability to gather meaningful information from and establish sincere connections with the participants throughout the research process.
Data Analysis
Following the six-phase guide of thematic analysis as outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006), I used an inductive approach to identify themes driven by the data themselves rather than theoretically. The first phase involved familiarizing myself with the data, which I did through transcribing the audio recordings of interviews verbatim and cleaning them to remove any personal identifying information. During the transcription process, I purposefully left terms spoken by the participants in Telugu or in Hindi as is to preserve their intended meanings. It was also decided that the transcripts of marital dyads would be analyzed at the individual level as it went beyond the scope of this research project to examine group-level forces and dynamics. After the data were transcribed, I read and reread each transcript, noting initial ideas about patterns that occurred.
In the second phase, I generated an initial set of codes by systematically working through the data set to identify interesting features and organize them into meaningful groups. These initial codes were then compiled into a codebook and tested against subsequent interview transcripts and revised iteratively until no new codes were identified. The codebook underwent four iterations to reflect potential themes from the open coding process. Next in the third phase, I considered how different codes could be collated to create overarching themes. This involved the use of a matrix display, which I created with a computer spreadsheet, to explore the relationship between both codes and themes and the relationship between various levels of themes. By the end of the third phase, I had devised a set of potential themes and coded their relevant data extracts accordingly.
The fourth phase involved checking whether the candidate themes worked and refining as necessary. To do this, I first reviewed the collated extracts of each theme to assess whether they formed a coherent pattern. Once I was satisfied with how the themes captured the nuances of the coded data, I conducted a similar process to consider the fit of each theme in relation to the whole data set. Then in the fifth phase, I defined and named the themes by refining their specifics and the overall narrative the analysis tells. With the themes fully worked out (sixth phase), I wrote up the findings, which are presented in the following section of this paper. Given that this was a small exploratory study with a limited timeframe, data collection stopped before saturation could be achieved.
The validity of these findings was enhanced by implementing techniques put forth by Lincoln and Guba (1985). This involved strategies of peer debriefing (both in early and final stages of data analysis) and a research audit trail (focused on methodological decisions and the reasons for them as well as the logistics of the study). In addition, I took steps to foster reflexivity by keeping a reflexive journal and writing regular entries during the research process. This offered a valuable way to reflect upon how my own background and position may be evident in the research question, design, and findings.
Positionality
Given my relation to the Hindu American faith community is that of a cultural insider (Liamputtong, 2010), I am aware that sharing the same religious and ethnic identities as the target population helps facilitate my access to the field. Yet, while cultural commonalities may better position me to cultivate trusting relationships with the research participants, especially when talking about sensitive topics such as intimate partner violence, I fully acknowledge that my positionality inevitably influences the entire research process, including analyses of the following findings.
Results
Three key themes emerged during qualitative analysis of the interviews. The themes identified included: existing programming efforts in Hindu American faith communities, barriers and challenges to engaging Hindu American faith communities in intimate partner violence programming, and recommendations for enhancing intimate partner violence programming in Hindu American faith communities. These themes revealed the participants’ current knowledge of and attitudes toward their mandirs’ role in addressing intimate partner violence, as well as perceived barriers, facilitators, and opportunities for addressing intimate partner violence within their faith communities. Descriptions of each thematic element are provided next, supplemented with verbatim examples drawn from the interview transcripts.
Existing Programming Efforts in Hindu American Faith Communities
Overall, the participants shed light on a wide range of activities carried out within their local mandirs to address intimate partner violence, from those dealing with short- and long-term consequences to prevention strategies. At the same time, only half (n = 5) of the participants identified these efforts, and among them, all but one held leadership positions, raising questions about the visibility of such responses. The emergent themes in this category thus reflect the comments of these five participants.
Immediate Responses
The focus of most discussed efforts in response to intimate partner violence was on addressing the short-term consequences of abuse, such as arranging transportation for emergency medical assistance, providing monetary support, and coordinating clothing and food drives as well as donations of critical household items. Sometimes, these needs were handled directly and on the spot, as one participant recounted, “There were some people…collecting clothing, and when I asked what the purpose was for, they said…‘Somebody left the house in the middle of the night and went to the shelter.’” Or, through referrals via the temple's confidential hotline, as another participant stated: They have a line, a hotline or something…so if somebody calls them about a crisis, the temple has a list of the social institutions in this country…I don't know whether it is active or not, but few years ago we created that. It was a number you could call.
This participant was unsure about the status or activity of the crisis support system that had been created. This uncertainty concerning the current availability of one effort or another was not unusual due to issues of visibility. Without greater visibility however, there is risk that some of these important services can be overlooked by those they are intending to reach.
Long-Term Responses
Ongoing support for survivors was also available, according to some participants. For instance, pujaris (Hindu temple priests) were identified as having an important role in helping women to deal with the lasting consequences of intimate partner violence. The participants noted that pujaris provided spiritual support and healing as well as counseled survivors upon request. They described pujaris as “the agent of god,” noting the crucial role they play in fostering hope and resilience. One participant explained, Priests are just like here, in church, you go and talk to your priest, you confess, or you come and tell them what your problem was. They can say, “I can come and help you out. If you need to go somewhere else, we can help you out.” Or you can just go there and say, “I'm not feeling that great today. I just want to sit here,” or, “can I talk to you or something?”
This participant recognized pujaris as valuable sources of ongoing support for survivors of intimate partner violence. Similar to confiding in a church priest, the survivors could approach pujaris for spiritual guidance, counseling, and assistance in finding additional help or simply for someone to talk to.
Another participant at the leadership level was personally invested in helping survivors cope and heal through the effects of abuse. They drew on their expertise and existing networks to ensure various legal, medical, and social needs would be met. This participant detailed their level of involvement through the temple: I help with like legal support for connecting with the lawyer. I also talk to them about doing counseling. Like how they can mentally support them, you know, just by telling them the reasons, how they can support themselves, how strong they should be. Or I am there to listen to them. First of all, if they want to talk, I’ll just sit there and listen. I mean, sometimes that is all you need to do that. You don’t have to keep giving advice constantly, you know. You can just be a moral support there.
Although this meant investing a great deal of time and energy, this participant also believed they had a moral obligation to their community: There are people who need more help than me here, and I am in a position to help them out in a lot of ways. So, when they come to me, I need to sit there and help them out. Like one of our devotees, she's been coming to the temple for one year and recently she opened up. She just started talking to me and I ended up spending a lot of time with her, arranging a lawyer. I went to the lawyer with her and then finally they got the divorce. I was advising her and helping her out like what to do. So professionally and personally, I am there with them.
This participant's extensive support aligns with the understanding that temples play a crucial role in addressing intimate partner violence. By offering such comprehensive support, the participant demonstrated a commitment to leveraging the temple's potential as an implementation setting for intimate partner violence programming. Their actions affirm the perception that temples are not only places of religious worship but also spaces where practical support and assistance are available to community members facing intimate partner violence.
Prevention Activities
The participants noted various efforts within their temples for preventing initial perpetration and victimization of intimate partner violence. A popular strategy included partnering with community-based organizations as well as professionals in the health sector to raise public awareness about intimate partner violence and educate devotees on how to prevent it. A participant shared, We organized this agency to come and talk about domestic abuse and awareness, where to go, what are the services available through counties, and all those things. They also come and talk about effects of abuse, like depression. What it is, why people go into depression, the reasons. People should at least know the basics — what to do, where to go.
Other participants explained that their temples regularly offered tabling events and lectures for the faith community at large, covering topics such as relationship safety, knowledge and understanding of intimate partner violence, and access to, and engagement with culturally and linguistically relevant services for intimate partner violence.
Faith-Based Responses
The belief that pujaris provide spiritual support for promoting healthy relationships was expressed among a couple of the participants. For example, one participant described the significance of religious classes for adults, which were offered every other week at the temple, where pujaris reportedly taught “pravarasena, the Telugu word for spiritual lesson. They give lessons from these stories…the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, so you learn how to behave with family…how to work together in marriage.” Another participant shared that pujaris were available to perform pujas for community members “to get a lot of happiness and to get a lot of peace at home.”
Despite the availability of services reported within these settings, the participants confirmed that both faith-based and secular interventions were typically underused. Frustrated by this, one participant reflected on the importance of these activities for the Hindu American community: Temple arranges all those health events, lectures, everything, but a lot of people do not even come. If we are providing it, at least people should come and they should participate. Sometimes no one shows up, because they think it's not their problem, but they don’t even know it could be happening to friends, or their family.
As this participant's comment attests, specific barriers and challenges to implementing programming efforts must be recognized and understood for mandirs to serve as valuable partners in ending intimate partner violence.
Barriers and Challenges to Engaging Hindu American Faith Communities in Intimate Partner Violence Programming
Silence, Stigma, and Gendered Expectations
Many participants agreed that discussing socially stigmatized topics in religious contexts was the greatest barrier to engaging faith communities in intimate partner violence intervention efforts. They stated that within the Hindu American community, intimate partner violence was widely perceived as a private family matter in which society should not interfere. Faith members have thus remained largely silent on this issue, recognizing that “people look the other way if a problem happens…they just ignore it.”
In addition, some participants’ reflections indicated that they believed women often endured their abuse as a means of safeguarding the honor of their family and community, a responsibility that men were not burdened with. The participants identified that women must overcome multiple obstacles from the faith community when seeking help for their experiences of abuse, including anticipated stigma, a lack of sensitive responses and support, and fear of potential repercussions for themselves and their children. One participant explained, The fault is going to lay on the woman…That is the culture. If something happens, they’re going to say that it is because the woman did not do it in right way. So, the problem was hers. She's the one who created it.
This quote points to the gendered dynamics of intimate partner violence and the cultural expectations placed on women to prioritize family and community honor, often experiencing harm in the process. It also sheds light on the various barriers that survivors face when seeking help within their faith communities, including victim blaming.
Immigration
Another barrier mentioned by the participants was that Hindu American women often experienced intimate partner violence within the context of immigration. They noted that intimate partner violence might not even rank as the most important issue for some due to social and cultural norms supportive of these behaviors. A participant emphasized that when there are multiple, complex, and competing life issues, You don’t hear about domestic violence too much because, remember, these women are just coming and trying to survive, they aren’t even thinking “this is something that is happening to me” because they are just trying to survive in this country.
As this participant highlights, Hindu American women facing intimate partner violence within the context of immigration may not prioritize it due to cultural norms and the overwhelming challenges of survival in a new country. The primary focus on basic survival often hinders these women from recognizing or acknowledging the abuse they are experiencing.
Spiritualizing Challenges
The tendency to spiritualize social problems within faith settings emerged as another obstacle for addressing intimate partner violence effectively. In fact, the participants identified that when intimate partner violence was understood as a spiritual issue, family matters remained unsettled and kept women at risk for abuse. One participant offered a spiritualized perspective on intimate partner violence, equating it to the astrological destiny of the couple: If you go to priest and tell there is no peace at our home…It's completely a belief, but they’ll say your nakshatras, your stars are not moving properly and they're colliding with each other so that's why there is lot of uneasiness around.
This participant related the presence of conflict in a relationship to astrological factors, emphasizing how a couple's belief system can undermine addressing the actual issue of abuse.
Some participants also stated that pujaris , although generally well respected in the faith community, lacked training to handle intimate partner violence. They cited challenges in Hindu faith leaders providing spiritual resources in lieu of practical tools to cope with intimate partner violence. A participant expanded on this view: If I have problem, I don't feel like going there and asking for help. It's not the stigma. It's not that I don't want to say my business, but I don't have the confidence that they will help me. The priests are knowledgeable of the pujas and all that, but the family issues they cannot do.
Without the ability to offer concrete guidance, the participants believed these efforts would not be very successful.
Patriarchal Power Structures
A few participants expressed concern that intimate partner violence would continue to affect Hindu American women so long as the patriarchal and authoritarian power structures of Hinduism still prevailed. Specifically, they saw unequal power relations between men and women as the root causes of intimate partner violence, which Hindu religious leaders alongside those on governing boards had the power to challenge. One participant expanded on this view, See, temples are run mostly by these priests, and because they're coming from India, the same conditions continue…They are educated with these old religious values where women are considered secondary, but they do not want to talk about certain wrong things because they want to maintain the status quo…So, there is no emphasis placed in the temple about the equality of man and woman. Until that happens, we are not going to have a success.
This participant emphasized that until there is a shift in the temple's emphasis on gender equality and a departure from certain values that marginalize women, progress in addressing intimate partner violence may be limited.
Recommendations for Enhancing Intimate Partner Violence Programming in Hindu American Faith Communities
There was a strong consensus that intimate partner violence should be a communal responsibility in Hindu faith communities. A participant explained, I think the temple is the right place…It's the area where people can sit and talk if there are some issues. So, if there is a problem, there should be people you can talk to comfortably because…we all came from other country and we are living in this country and we should help each other.
According to this participant, the temple is an appropriate setting for addressing intimate partner violence, given that temples are seen as a safe and welcoming space where individuals can openly discuss their concerns and seek support. Moreover, this participant emphasized the importance of mutual assistance among community members, particularly for those who have immigrated to a new country.
Yet, in order to meet the modern day needs of faith members, especially those facing intimate partner violence, another participant suggested temple roles would need to be reenvisioned: “The temple's responsibility is what the society decides its responsibility is.” This participant continued, reflecting on the ways migration has shaped the function of Hindu mandirs in the United States: In India, the only goal was to take care of the temple so that people could go and do darshan. But here, a vacuum is created. There's no extended family, or village setup, which you used to have back in India. So, because of that, and for other reasons, temple has also become a place for social get-togethers and educating the children. It's already meeting other needs like weddings, or cremation, so, they are doing all these new functions here.
As this quote highlights, there is a shift in the role of temples for Indian immigrants. Specifically, temples have become social gathering spaces, educational centers, and venues for various cultural functions due to the absence of more traditional social support systems. This new role may extend the supportive nature of U.S. temples to offer essential intimate partner violence services.
Need for Clear Policies and Procedures
The importance of developing and publishing a formal policy to address intimate partner violence emerged as a common theme for confronting stigma and addressing taboo topics in faith settings. The participants identified this as one way to begin building a safe and supportive environment for women to disclose their experiences of abuse and seek help. According to the participants, having a standard policy would help make “people aware that these things are not tolerable” and let women “know that they’re not alone…if these things happen, there's help.” It was also stressed by the participants that any program dealing with intimate partner violence had to guarantee confidentiality. Otherwise, women would be too fearful to attend. One participant clarified, Even if I come and tell somebody at temple, what's the guarantee it doesn’t go out, right? We don’t have the designated person who takes an oath to keep the secret. You don’t know it will be kept confidential…So, having that trust is number one. There is no need for other people to know. I think we need to have that person…somebody that they would feel comfortable with to keep the information private. If services are not confidential, they won’t come.
Another participant shared with confidence, I think if people were aware of something like this in the temple, they would be willing to go. Once they know, like we know there is post office to buy the stamps. So we know it and we go and get it, but if I don’t know, I don’t then I don’t even think about it. Even if you hear the information, then at least it can be passed to the next person that we have this. People will be talking, right? So we need to have something and then publish it so the community is aware of it.
This quote underscores the significance of raising awareness within the community about the resources and services available at the temple. By informing people about these offerings, individuals are more likely to utilize them, highlighting the importance of effective communication and publication of information to ensure community engagement and utilization of intimate partner violence programming at temples.
Norms Are Influenced by Pujaris and Leaders
Other participants recognized that because pujaris alongside those on temple governing boards were among the most trusted leaders in the community, any change would need to first start with them. As one participant stated, “We are going to have these problems continuing here until temple leaders and priests come out and say that domestic abuse is not good.” This would involve dismantling the patriarchal ideologies upheld in Hindu society that perpetuate intimate partner violence by “modernizing our rational thinking about what is right and what is wrong.” To achieve this sort of change, some participants suggested that all pujaris and temple leaders undergo trainings on intimate partner violence to become more knowledgeable about the issue, but also to acquire practical skills that enable them to provide support.
Importance of Education and Awareness
Almost all participants acknowledged that greater education was needed to effectively address and prevent intimate partner violence. However, the suggestions were varied for how Hindu temples may enhance their efforts. The participants largely agreed that greater public awareness through diverse messages and approaches was critical to fostering more widespread engagement. Several participants believed that intimate partner violence programming should involve and target youth with the aim of improving knowledge and awareness about healthy relationships. This could include engaging youth through summer camps, workshops, and volunteer opportunities. One participant explained, We should start at the youth level. Some kind of a course…a workshop or conversation can be introduced…like once a month. We need to bring the kids and their parents together…to discuss how the culture is evolving, arranged marriage, everything. There has to be dialogue that says…women and men, they are the equal partners.
This participant identified that by targeting the youth, there is an opportunity to instill values of respect, equality, and healthy relationship dynamics, potentially breaking the cycle of violence and promoting a more inclusive and nonviolent future.
Some participants also noted the importance of educating recent immigrants about their rights and responsibilities regarding intimate partner violence, as well as support services available in their communities and through the state. The need for this type of programming was described by a participant: Both husband and wife should be in this orientation program, all the rights should be told to them and if they need some help, where they should go. And those kind of orientation programs should be compulsory, they should work with employers where they are employed, and they should take this kind of course to know this country, know the country's customs, know the rules and laws of this country.
This type of education could empower recent immigrants with knowledge and awareness, ensuring they understand that intimate partner violence is not acceptable and that they have options for seeking help and support.
Another educational strategy put forth was premarital counseling with a faith leader or mentor couple, where couples and newlyweds could learn how to make decisions and handle conflict. Ultimately, the goal of a mentorship model would be to guide younger generations in maintaining healthy and peaceful relationships while building stronger bonds within the larger Hindu American faith community. One participant drew inspiration for this idea from other faith traditions that require couples to undergo premarital counseling before a pastor or priest agrees to take part in their wedding: Temples should learn from the churches here. When a person marries in that faith, they have classes on how the husband and wife should behave, what the future holds, what kind of a duties they have…It is a completely new way of living for man and woman as a unit. Things are changing so you have to change with those things. Maybe when the marriage takes place at the Hindu temple, this priest or somebody else should provide this same kind of classes for the newly engaged people.
This participant highlights that temples can support couples in establishing a healthy and respectful relationship dynamic from the beginning, fostering a more positive marital experience.
Community Buy-In and Coalition Building
The importance of community buy-in and engagement in delivering new solutions to address intimate partner violence was greatly emphasized among all participants. Many believed that the most effective approach would be to employ diverse messaging strategies that would raise awareness about the challenges faced by individuals within the faith community. For instance, making announcements about available support services at the end of temple events and posting important information in temple bulletins would help normalize discussions around intimate partner violence. One participant half-jokingly suggested reaching wider audiences via ethnic-specific grocery stores and other sites that Hindu Americans frequent: Almost all Hindus will go to the Indian grocery stores. There are lots of grocery stores here, right? So, if their attendance at the temple is 5%, this is 100%! You see all the events, musical, dances all posted there, so why not publicize this in the grocery stores too? That way, we will bring the awareness to them.
By using various communication channels and platforms, the message about intimate partner violence and available support can reach a wider audience, and subsequently increase awareness, reduce stigma, and promote a culture of support and empathy.
Finally, several participants highlighted the importance of forming a coalition among Hindu faith communities to collectively expedite the development and implementation of efforts addressing intimate partner violence. As one participant expressed, “You don’t see temples working together. They remain separate from each other and very individual…this needs to change.” Although obtaining concrete support from the Hindu faith community would pose challenges, the participants expressed a strong belief in the cause and the potential for meaningful progress through continued efforts, education, and awareness-raising initiatives.
Discussion
This study examines how Hindu American faith communities address the broader issues of intimate partner violence, and more specifically, how they respond to survivors and harm-doers and how they think these responses can be enhanced. The findings, based on semistructured interviews with a purposive sample of leaders, volunteers, and general members from the Twin Cities' Hindu community, provide an intimate and familiar perspective on whether mandirs can be an important setting for and partner in the delivery of effective interventions to address intimate partner violence among their faith communities. In the absence of a detailed understanding of these issues, this study is the first known attempt to document where intimate partner violence fits into the interests and priorities of Hindu American religious institutions, and the types of programs and messages that are considered appropriate and feasible to their faith communities. In addition, this study provides unique information regarding the perceived barriers, facilitators, and opportunities for successfully engaging Hindu American religious communities in addressing intimate partner violence.
One of the most compelling findings is the extent to which Hindu Americans recognize the prevalence of intimate partner violence perpetuated against women in their faith communities and desire to prevent it. According to the participants, survivors of intimate partner violence can access various types of crisis services and ongoing supports, either directly or through referrals, from their temples. Mandirs, in partnership with antiviolence and other community-based organizations that serve South Asian populations, are also involved in ongoing outreach efforts that seek to educate faith members about intimate partner violence risk and encourage mitigation activity. Besides providing tangible support and information, pujaris are available to assist individuals and couples who have concerns about intimate partner violence, focusing primarily on religious practices as solutions (e.g., use of puja, attending temple). Nonsecular interventions, however, are often discouraged in the literature as they prioritize marriage over survivor safety (Williams & Jenkins, 2019), a sentiment also conveyed by several participants. Indeed, past research indicates that Hindu women may be reluctant to seek help from their religious institutions due to cultural values that encourage women to remain in abusive relationships (Raj & Silverman, 2007).
At the same time, this study revealed a general lack of knowledge among participants about how their mandirs addressed intimate partner violence. Only half of the participants could speak to some degree about the aforementioned efforts, and in most cases, their understandings were fragmented and relied on personal experiences or word of mouth from peers. While this introduces an element of uncertainty regarding the actual reach and impact of such responses for Hindu American faith communities, these results also suggest that the role of mandirs in provision of these services may not be well recognized among their own members. Consistent with the literature (Awasthi & Dasgupta, 2015; Choi et al., 2016), Hindu temples making their motives and actions more visible within and beyond the religious context is an important part of this work, as is having a culture that does not tolerate intimate partner violence.
Given the stigma accompanying intimate partner violence, the participants seem to agree that it remains a challenging issue for mandirs to address, a theme consistent with previous research (Mahapatra, 2012). Hindu faith leaders could greatly benefit from comprehensive training on multiple aspects of intimate partner violence. This training would equip them with the necessary skills to appropriately respond to both survivors and those causing harm, thereby helping to alleviate the pervasive stigma often attached to such situations. Additionally, in light of the absence of any existing policies requiring training for all leaders within Hindu temples, it is necessary to establish a policy that mandates the integration of education and training on intimate partner violence within the temple. Ideally, this would contribute to an environment where survivors are more likely to disclose their experiences of abuse and seek help.
Finally, patriarchal teachings in Hindu religious institutions, including the notion that the man is the head of the household, can create a dangerous environment for women whose spouses internalize the teachings to denote full control of the family (Dasgupta, 2015). Further, intimate partner violence is likely to go unaddressed if strict gender role expectations and maintenance of the marriage are prioritized over the safety and well-being of survivors. The dismantling of patriarchal ideology that undermines gender equity is therefore imperative. The insights of Hindu American scholar and activist Anantanand Rambachan are as relevant now as they were 20 years ago: What is necessary today, in the Hindu world, is the creation of opportunities and a climate of attitudes in which women enjoy the freedom and right to self-development and are not constrained into roles that are demarcated for them by a patriarchal and androcentric culture. We owe it to women to become partners with them in the liberation of both genders from the constraints of patriarchy. (p. 33; Rambachan, 2001)
Limitations
While this study has identified emerging themes in relation to where intimate partner violence fits into the interests and priorities of Hindu American faith communities, there are limitations to its findings. The study sample included 10 Hindu Americans in the Twin Cities metropolitan area who self-selected to participate. Self-selection is inherent in research where participation is voluntary, and can contribute to a more open and interested sample than the broader Hindu American community. Given the small and unrepresentative sample, researchers are encouraged to take up this work of investigating culturally and contextually sensitive approaches to intimate partner violence within other populations. In working from a community-centered approach, however, a particular strength of the study was that the majority (n = 7) of the participants chose to participate as a result of being approached through their networks. This indicated that trust—an imperative for discussions on taboo topics like intimate partner violence—had been established with the participants and may have subsequently added depth to the findings.
Further, most participants identified as older adults (M = 59.1 years) and were all first-generation immigrants who had lived in the United States for 12–54 years. They were also all college educated or higher and of high socioeconomic status (SES). As a relatively homogenous sample, it is possible that the participant responses may have differed had they been younger in age, recent immigrants, second- or third-generation South Asians Americans, less educated, or of lower SES. This would have also been the case had participants been required to identify as survivors of intimate partner violence in order to participate in this study. There is much interest in involving mandirs in addressing social problems, given the importance of religion and level of temple attendance among Hindu Americans. As we move forward with researching issues in order to be more informed about how Hindu temples function in these areas, and eventually developing evidence-based practices that involve the religious context, Hindu American faith members of diverse backgrounds and experiences will need to be represented in future research studies.
Implications
The findings of this study suggest several recommendations for a more responsive and effective community response that can significantly impact intimate partner violence within Hindu American faith communities. First, outreach to Hindu American faith communities is necessary to inform members of the kinds of services that are available to them. Second, policy must set the tone for culturally responsive curricula and training for practitioners in the field of intimate partner violence. Interventions must be developed to address the unique cultural, social, and institutional influences in the lives of Hindu Americans (e.g., encounters with discrimination, tenuous legal status) that may impact how they mediate interpersonal relationships. Not only should such interventions incorporate the perspectives of community stakeholders, such as religious heads and community leaders, but they will also need to account for the differential experiences of both generational and immigration status among Hindu Americans. Furthermore, Hindu American facilitators would be helpful in addressing taboo topics and being better equipped to create a safe and supportive environment for members of their community. Using data-driven insights like this could better support these recommendations and inform better policy, leading to more effective and informed decision-making. Such policy advancements will work to minimize service gaps for Hindu American and South Asian communities and may help reduce the problem of intimate partner violence.
This study also shows the importance of future collaboration between community stakeholders, social service professionals, and researchers to better bridge the gap between the dissemination of intervention strategies and the philosophies, drivers, and current and changing patterns of intimate partner violence for target populations. The nature of this collaboration should be participatory and incorporate community-centered and culturally responsive research methods to better understand what Hindu American and South Asian communities require and prefer. These methods are considered an effective model for intimate partner violence research with highly vulnerable communities as they provide mutual advantages to everyone involved (Kulkarni, 2019). Such research should involve service providers and community stakeholders, such as the ones interviewed here, sharing their insights with researchers so that together they can inform the development of a comprehensive knowledge base that takes into account their unique practices, concerns, and challenges.
Conclusion
Studies have found that Hindu American women use religion as a coping mechanism for intimate partner violence (Bhandari, 2018; Dasgupta & Warrier, 1996). However, there has been a dearth of empirical research addressing Hindu American faith communities’ responses to survivors and perpetrators of intimate partner violence, the effectiveness of interventions attempted in these settings, or ways in which these responses can be improved. The current study is an exploratory descriptive study of how mandirs view the problem of intimate partner violence and how they respond to it within their faith communities. Future research should explore some of those factors that are related to temples’ responses particularly those that operate as impediments or barriers to addressing intimate partner violence.
It is encouraging that Hindu American religious institutions have started to include intimate partner violence concerns among their expanding humanitarian efforts in local and global communities (Hindu American Seva Communities, n.d.). However, the evidence suggests that there is still much work to be done in this area. Mandirs have historically been spiritual centers, community nexuses, and cultural hubs in the lives of Hindu Americans. The proactive and tangible recommendations outlined in this study provide a clear roadmap for Hindu American faith communities to take a leading role in effectively addressing intimate partner violence.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The author would like to thank Dr. Lauren Gulbas for her generous support and encouragement during the preparation of this manuscript as well as the anonymous peer reviewers for their helpful feedback.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
