Change and Continuity Among Women State Legislators: Evidence From Three Decades

Abstract

Previous literature documents the steady increase in the number of women serving in state legislatures as well as the lingering differences in demographic characteristics and policy priorities between male and fe male officeholders. Yet, this research does not address the question of evo lutionary change among women state legislators themselves. Are women serving in contemporary state legislatures different from their female col leagues of previous decades in the personal and political characteristics and legislative agendas they bring to office?

To answer this question, we use data collected on all women state legis lators serving in 15 states in 1972, 1982, and 1992 and a stratified random sample of male legislators serving in the same chambers during the same time periods. This two-stage analysis allows us first to focus on the chang ing profile of women state legislators; and secondly, to consider whether these changes are unique to women or common to all state legislators. The analyses confirm the hypothesis that the profile of the "typical woman state legislator" has changed significantly in the last three decades.

¹ The states are California, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Nevada, New Jersey, Okla homa, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, South Dakota, Vermont, Virginia, and Wisconsin.

² The fifteen states represent all three classifications of legislatures formulated by the National Council of State Legislatures. California, Illinois, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin are considered to be full-time, professional legislatures. Iowa, Okla homa, Oregon, South Carolina, and Virginia are classified as transitional legislatures, moving from amateur to professional status. Georgia, Idaho, Nevada, South Dakota, and Vermont are considered part-time, amateur legislatures.

³ Readers might suggest that the change in the number of women serving on the "pres tige" committees may be due to institutional changes such as an expansion in the num ber of seats available on these committees. A check of eight of the states in this analysis indicates that this is probably not the case. Six of the eight states had no change in the size of their committees between 1972 and 1992. One state decreased the number of seats on all committees and only one increased them (adding 2-3 seats on some com mittees). Even without these supporting data, we would point out that the notion that women's increasing numbers on prestige committees is explained by institutional forces assumes that states all increased the size of their committees (and that they did so in both chambers) during the time period under study Indeed, since the 1970s, the greater likelihood is that states would shrink the size of their committees.

⁴ Because of space limitations, we do not present the regression models for committee assignments or leadership positions. However, we would be happy to make them avail able upon request.

⁵ Regression analysis indicates that, for men, tenure is significant in the model while the variable measuring time period of service is not. This would suggest that men are serv ing on prestige committees and in leadership positions as a function of their increased tenure. Because of space limitations, we do not present the regression models. How ever, we are happy to make them available upon request.