“It’s Just Too Complex”: How Australian Men Perceive Sharing Responsibility for Contraception With Partners;A Qualitative Study

Abstract

Limited research explores the role taken by men in preventing pregnancy within their relationships. We conducted 15 qualitative semi-structured online or telephone interviews with childless heterosexual men aged 18–30 and living in Australia. Data were thematically analysed. All men reported pregnancy prevention as a shared responsibility and took steps to achieve this reproductive goal. Men’s involvement in the use of female-controlled contraceptives was seen as complex and in conflict with respecting women’s bodily autonomy. Men’s role in pregnancy prevention was also shaped by social norms, stigma, and cultural factors. Education programs about pregnancy prevention and contraception for men should reflect the complexity of navigating this within heterosexual relationships.

Keywords

contraception abortion masculinities pregnancy prevention men reproductive responsibility Australia

Background

Unintended pregnancy in Australia accounts for 40% of pregnancies (Organon Australia, 2022; Rowe et al., 2016), and affects both partners involved in conception. Yet most reproductive health services, contraception information, and strategies aiming to reduce unintended pregnancy in Australia, target women. For example, health services that traditionally provide contraceptive services, such as family planning centres, are oriented towards women, with literature reporting that men can feel unwelcomed in these spaces (Pearson, 2003; Wilson, 2020). Furthermore, the National Men’s Health Strategy 2020–2030 and the National Women’s Health Strategy 2020–2030 both identify sexual and reproductive health as priority areas, yet contraception is only specifically described in the women’s health strategy (Australian Government, 2018), with the men’s health strategy focusing on fertility, pre-conception health, sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and fatherhood (Australian Government, 2019). Young women consistently show higher levels of knowledge about contraception and pregnancy prevention compared to their male peers (Ritter et al., 2015). This is especially true of the most effective long-acting reversible contraceptive (LARC) devices, and is reflective of broader social norms that position women as responsible for pregnancy prevention (Marshall & Gomez, 2015; Stewart et al., 2017). We conducted a scoping review of information available online about LARC in 2022 and found that there were limited resources directed towards men and partners, with many using feminised language targeted to women (Caddy & Coombe, 2024). A growing number of studies have also explored the concept of reproductive work in the context of pregnancy prevention, with this disproportionately falling to women in heterosexual relationships (Bertotti, 2013; Caddy et al., 2023). The emphasis on women to manage pregnancy prevention within their relationships not only burdens them, but also restricts the ability of men to share reproductive work and achieve their own reproductive goals.

Clear evidence that men are willing to participate in reproductive work is shown in their uptake of vasectomy, particularly in Australia. In a 2003 national survey of 5,990 Australian men aged over 40, the prevalence of men who had undergone a vasectomy was 25% (Holden et al., 2005). This figure was supported by a more recent 2017 survey of 2,438 Australian men which showed that 22% of men used vasectomy as their method of contraception (Stewart et al., 2017). Uptake of vasectomy in Australia is higher than many other high income countries, such as the United Kingdom (9.8%), Canada (7.4%) and the Netherlands (6%) (Jacobstein et al., 2023).

Studies exploring prospective male-controlled methods of contraception have found that Australian men are willing to use these methods. Weston et al. found that in a survey of 124 Australian men whose partners had recently given birth, 75% of men would maybe or definitely try male hormonal contraception if it were available to them (Weston et al., 2002). These data suggest that Australian men are willing to be engaged in pregnancy prevention efforts and share responsibility for pregnancy prevention within their relationships. However, this study is now more than 2 decades old and further exploration into this topic is warranted. Furthermore, literature suggests men are more likely to engage in pregnancy prevention efforts in long-term rather than casual relationships (Stewart et al., 2017). Even without being the direct user of contraception, involvement of men in contraception use with partners has been shown to influence the choice of contraception and can improve the continuity and effective use of that contraception (Grady et al., 2010; Harvey et al., 2018). Despite this, the role taken by men in pregnancy prevention, especially when female-controlled methods are used, is relatively unexplored in the Australian context, presenting a significant gap in the literature. This study aimed to explore the perceived role of heterosexual men in preventing pregnancy within their intimate relationships.

Methods

Qualitative Design and Research Paradigm

This research adopts a constructivist paradigm and utilises a qualitative descriptive approach to answer the research question. This methodology is well suited to address the aims of this study, which explore the perceived role of heterosexual men in preventing pregnancy prevention within their intimate relationships.

Participants and Recruitment

The inclusion criteria were heterosexual men, aged 18–30, who lived in Australia, had been sexually active in the past year and didn’t have children. Men were excluded if they, (or their partner if they had one at the time of the study) had undergone permanent sterilisation. We recruited participants through paid social media advertisements, professional and personal online networks and a university noticeboard for students. A QR code was included on advertisements directing potential participants to the Plain Language Statement and an online Qualtrics survey to screen for inclusion criteria. The researcher emailed interested persons to schedule an interview. In total, 107 respondents expressed interest in participating in the study and provided their email address through the Qualtrics survey. Ultimately, 15 participated in the study. The remaining potential participants either did not respond to an email to schedule an interview, did not show for their scheduled interview, their expression of interest was considered fraudulent, or the email address was invalid. Recruitment for this study was challenging, and this is echoed in other qualitative work of men in sexual and reproductive health topics (Kristensen & Ravn, 2015; Slauson‐Blevins & Johnson, 2016). This may be attributed in part to contraception and pregnancy prevention being typically viewed as women’s work, and in contrast to masculine ideals (Harlow et al., 2020). Participants were provided a $25 gift voucher for participating. The University of Melbourne Human Research Ethics Committee approved this study (ID: 24558).

Data Collection

Semi-structured individual interviews were undertaken via telephone or ‘Zoom’ from November 2022 – March 2023. All interviews were conducted by the primary researcher (CC), lasted for 30–45 minutes, were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. Oral consent was gained prior to commencing the interview; this method of gaining consent was approved by the Human Research Ethics Committee. The interview schedule was developed collaboratively by the wider research team (CC, MTS, JC). We collected demographic information and discussed men’s perceived role in preventing pregnancy within their relationships, how decisions about contraception were made, and if and how the use of contraception could be shared between partners. To facilitate this discussion some fictional scenarios about contraceptive use were included. Recruitment was ceased at interview 15 as we had sufficient data to answer the research question. Four additional interviews were excluded from the data set due to concerns these were imposter participants, an increasing phenomenon as described by Giles et al. (2025). This was identified through international IP addresses, their inability to provide information about their location and by discussing contraceptive devices not commonly available in Australia. Researchers are confident in the authenticity of the remaining participants due to their use of official email addresses, and details of their location and experiences in regard to the Australian context.

Data Analysis

We used Reflexive Thematic Analysis (RTA) to analyse the data (Braun & Clarke, 2021). RTA is a theoretically flexible, qualitative analysis method used to generate patterned meaning within the data through a systematic coding process. RTA is also suitable for analysis of lengthy interview data (Braun & Clarke, 2021). In conducting this analysis, the primary researcher (CC) read and listened to all the interview transcripts to become familiar with the data. Codes were inductively derived and Nvivo was used to manage the data. An example of the coding process can be found in Table 1. All transcripts were coded twice, with codes being grouped into preliminary and final themes. The analysis process was iterative, and codes and themes were refined throughout this process. Regular meetings were held with the broader research team (MTS, JC), in which aspects of the data were collectively reviewed. This facilitated discussion within the team regarding the meaning of collected data to enrich interpretations and the analysis.

Table 1.

Example of the Coding Process

Participant quote	Example coding
I mean, it’s a sensitive topic I would think, so it’s not something that, and I guess we bare less of the burden of childbirth, so maybe it's not something that is the first, first thing on our mind when we think about having sex, so. Yeah	Contraception is a stigmatised topic Women bear the burden of pregnancy It doesn’t affect me Prioritising pleasure in sexual encounters

Trustworthiness and Reflexivity

Reflexivity involves the critical reflection of the researcher, and how their position may impact on research design and interpretation of the data (Braun & Clarke, 2021). A white cisgender Australian woman of reproductive age was primarily responsible for data analysis and conducting all interviews. Participants may have tailored their responses to the interviewer based on this, although many discussed the disengaged behaviour of other men. All study tools such as the interview schedule and advertisements were reviewed by a male colleague working in this space to ensure its appropriateness for the target population, as included in our acknowledgement statement. To aid in reflexivity, a reflexive journal was kept by the primary researcher (CC) throughout the study duration. The reflexive journal facilitated critical reflection at all stages of the research process, ensuring interpretation of the findings were grounded in the data. This is also illustrated in the inclusion of participant quotes. An example of the coding process has also been included in Table 1.

Findings

Participant Characteristics

The average age of participants was 25 years. Most participants were university educated (n = 12), were in a relationship (n = 12), and aimed to prevent pregnancy for at least the next five years (n = 10). Further demographic information can be found in Table 2.

Table 2.

Demographic Characteristics of Participants (n = 15)

Characteristics	Participants (n)	%
Age in years, mean (range)	25.5 (20–30)
Ethnicity (self-described by participants)
Caucasian Australian	3	20
Eastern European	1	6.7
Indonesian	1	6.7
Malaysian	2	13.3
South Asian	4	26.7
Asian	4	26.7
State/Territory of residence
VIC	12	80
NSW	2	13.3
WA	1	6.7
Employment
Full time	5	33.3
Part time/casual	5	33.3
Unemployed	5	33.3
Relationship status
Married	2	13.3
In a relationship	10	66.7
Single	3	20
Pregnancy intentions
Plans to have children in 0–1 year	0	0
Plans to have children in 1–5 years	4	26.7
Plans to have children in 5+ years	8	53.3
Does not want children	2	13.3
Not sure	1	6.7
Highest level of education
University degree	12	80
High school diploma	2	13.3
Year 10	1	6.7

Here we describe three themes regarding the role of men in heterosexual relationships, including navigating women’s autonomy, the complexity of shared responsibility and unspoken rules. A summary of theme content can be found in Table 3. Participant quotes are accompanied by a pseudonym, as well as their relationship status and pregnancy intentions the first time they appear in the text.

Table 3.

Summary of Presented Themes

Theme	Summary
Navigating women’s autonomy	This theme explores how men navigate achieving their own reproductive goals as well as maintaining their partners reproductive bodily autonomy when deciding what contraception to use and what actions are taken in the event of an unintended pregnancy.
The complexity of shared responsibility	This theme explores the complexity of sharing pregnancy prevention work between heterosexual partners, with most men relying on gendered divisions of contraceptive use.
Unspoken rules	This theme broadly explores implied social and cultural norms that influence the contraceptive practices of young men, consisting of two sub-themes described below.
Sub theme: Detracting from the sexual experience	Detracting from the sexual experience describes the interwoven nature between consent and contraception communication, and how men perceive these as potentially detracting from pleasurable experiences.
Sub theme: Stigma and cultural implications	Stigma and cultural implications describe how cultural attitudes further shape contraceptive practices.

Navigating Women’s Autonomy

This theme explores men’s central idea that women should have reproductive bodily autonomy, and how this idea is navigated by men as they aim to achieve their own reproductive goals. When asked about who should make decisions about contraception within partnerships, most participants asserted this should reside with women, recognising that hormonal contraception primarily acts on female bodies, and as such, women are required to deal with the consequences of their use. As Carlos described; “In terms of, you know, things that women are doing, like hormonal contraception, it’s their right to, you know, go through that choice of what they want to go through … it’s their body, their choice” (In a relationship, wants children in >5 years).

This extended to making choices about using emergency contraception and in the event of an unintended pregnancy, recognising that biologically women bear physical and social burdens that men may not. “Because if anything happens, they are the one that will get pregnant … it will affect their future, their careers and studies and everything else. (Asher, In a relationship, does not want children). In emphasising the bodily autonomy of women, most men highlighted their role in making decisions about contraception, and in resolving unintended pregnancy as being a support network for their female partners and respecting their decisions. For example, Joel stated; “Understand their decision, their point of view. And even if you don’t necessarily subscribe to it, you’d have, I guess, like support…. If it’s your call, then I respect it. That’s it” (In a relationship, unsure if wants children).

Nevertheless, most participants in this study were motivated to achieve their own reproductive goals and took active steps to achieve this, primarily through initiating conversations about contraception with partners and using condoms. This was linked to their long-term plans and goals regarding their relationship, careers, financial position and individual pregnancy intentions. At times, the central idea of women’s bodily autonomy conflicted with participants’ own reproductive goals, and this was particularly evident when discussing what should occur in the event of an unintended pregnancy, or after unprotected sex. Most men reported that in the case of an unintended pregnancy, even if the decision of the female was to have an abortion, that the male partner involved should be notified. As described by Asher; “Yeah, I think she should at least tell him, even though it’s her right and decision to do so, to make the abortion, but she should still inform him.” Additionally, half of participants also felt that men should have some input when making decisions about the resolution of an unintended pregnancy. While participants still emphasised that women have more decision-making power, consistent with their ideas about women’s bodily autonomy, they also expressed the desire for a mutual or equal decision. For example, Kayne stated; “I think it should be equal. Of course, females take the more kind of higher role here, but that is, I think the decision needs to be mutual.” (Married, wants children in next 1-5 years). Other men tried to place a percentage value on the power they might have compared to their partners, for example, Ryan described: “… it’s maybe not 100% the woman’s decision, or at least say 80%, you know, because maybe you should have some input” (Single, does not want children). This presented a challenge to taking a supportive role in their partner’s bodily autonomy, and it was unclear how in practice this would be resolved.

Just over half of participants also described the disengaged behaviour of ‘other’ men, whereby women were assumed to take primary responsibility for pregnancy prevention. This included not discussing contraception or pregnancy prevention with partners (“I know a lot of guys don’t ask these questions.” Joel), not carrying or initiating condoms (“I’d say a lot of men don’t really carry around condoms … and pretty much just rely on the female to be on the pill.” Terence, married, wants children in >5 years), and not taking responsibility in the case of an unintended pregnancy (“…some jerks, they just leave, and then they don’t go back to the girl.” Jake, in a relationship, wants children in >5 years). Many of these pertained to men prioritising pleasure during sex, rather than taking precautions such as using condoms. As described by Terence; “…you’re put in the situation where you’re about to sleep with someone, and there’s no condom and they might think that, ‘oh well if I don’t have a condom I’m not going to be able to have sex, but I really want to have sex so I’m just not going to use one’…” Some men also noted that engaging in pregnancy prevention did not affect them to the same degree as their partners. For example, when asked if it was important to know what contraception their partner was using Ryan stated, “I guess, because it’s always helpful to know, right? But I wouldn’t say it’s like, super important to me, but why not talk about it I guess.” And later reported “I wouldn’t really find the need to discover what it [contraception] was. It’s just, oh yeah.” In addition, Kevin reported; “Yeah, I mean men should be involved, men should care about these things, but I mean, as a man I would say it doesn’t really affect me [laughter]” (In a relationship, wants children in 1–5 years). In this way the central idea of women’s bodily autonomy conflates with the idea that women should and are responsible for contraception, allowing men to disengage from reproductive work. As Daniel stated “…easier to just be like, your responsibility, you buy, you discuss it, and you get it” (In a relationship, wants children in >5 years).

The Complexity of Shared Responsibility

All participants reported that both partners should be responsible and involved in preventing pregnancy within the relationship, however most men struggled to identify specific aspects of pregnancy prevention that could be shared beyond using condoms and supporting their partners. Sharing responsibilities was also more commonly described in committed relationships compared to casual relationships. When aspects of pregnancy prevention work were identified, or prompted by the interviewer, how these aspects of pregnancy prevention in practice could be shared, appeared difficult for men to navigate. For example, most participants reported that it would be appropriate to share the costs associated with preventing pregnancy between partners, but how this was practically applied appeared more difficult to describe. For example, Terence reported: “the male should I think probably like buy the condoms, I think it should be the same with the females buying theirs, but there’s nothing wrong with like each gender crossing over and buying one for each other. But otherwise, I just think it’s just too complex if there’s, you know you should buy this or you should buy that. I think it’s just, you know, if you’re the one using it, you’re the one that buys it.”

For other men, it was the size of the burden, or the relative cost of contraception, that determined whether it should be shared or not. For example, many men reported they were happy buying and supplying condoms as they had the financial means to do so. As Simon described: “I think it’s depend on the cost, because in my country, to buy a condom is not too expensive, so I can afford it, yeah. But if the method is too expensive, I think that it's better to discuss before” (Single, wants children in >5 years).

This complexity extended to how men can contribute to ensuring that female-controlled contraception is being used effectively within a partnership, such as the oral contraceptive pill. Some men reported that it was appropriate to remind partners or check on their correct use of the contraception. As Michael stated in response to a scenario about navigating contraceptive failures: “He could have reminded or made sure the girl takes the pill as needed, or just double check that before having unprotected sex” (In a relationship, wants children in >5 years). However, a few men, despite wanting to share responsibilities with their partners, expressed concerns about how this might be received by their female partners. Daniel: “Um, it’s a fine line. I think you can easily go from, oh, I’m just trying to help you out, to being invasive, so I think that needs to be navigated together.”

To mitigate this complexity many participants reported that men should oversee the use of barrier contraception, such as use of condoms, and women should be in charge of hormonal contraception, and each should be responsible for acquiring, paying for and using their own ‘device’ correctly. In this way, men conceptualise that the work for pregnancy prevention was fairly shared between partners. As such, most men considered sharing responsibility as performing tasks within their immediate control, such as acquiring and using condoms or using withdrawal. As described by Kevin; “Well I think for us, it’s um we each take care of our own area, so like for me as a guy I will make sure that I use a condom for her, she’ll make sure that she’s on the pill. So, I think, whoever is in charge of their own area, I guess, is the way”. Kevin went on to comment on the fairness of this exchange; “I mean, for me, I think it is [fair] because yeah, we … we’re in charge of our own. [Laughter] it’s almost like a job I guess, we’re each in charge of our own responsibility. We both have to make sure that this is uh done correctly so that it is okay”.

Unspoken Rules

Detracting From the Sexual Experience

The role men took in navigating contraception within their relationships were shaped by unspoken social and cultural ideas and expectations. Although most participants thought contraception should ideally be discussed between partners before they had sex, shared social ideas may have prevented them from doing so. Many participants described that discussing contraception prior to sex was something that could negatively impact on the sexual interaction. Michael: “I just feel it can be a bit off putting to just talk about that before you even start having sex, because it can be dampening the mood or just killing the vibe of it.”

Similarly, to discussing contraception prior to sexual encounters, some of these participants also described that explicitly discussing and seeking consent prior to sex could be uncomfortable and detract from the sexual encounter. This was discussed in light of recent attention to consent by the Australian government through campaigns and changes to sexual education in schools and universities.

Daniel: when you bring up consent, even though everyone is talking about that, you know you should be doing this, this is the ideal situation. You ask for consent every step of the way and what not, but in real life, I think it just puts the other person off, and this is coming from a personal experience.

Some men explicitly linked the use (or non-use) of contraception during sexual encounters with ideas of consent, reporting that agreeing on the use of a contraceptive method was part of the consent process. For example, Mohit reported: “Yeah, of course, they should first talk about this thing, because it should be like taking, like consent from each of what they feel, then they should go for it…” (In a relationship, wants children in 1–5 years). However, others discussed how the absence of a discussion about contraception could indicate an implied consent to contraception not being used in a sexual encounter.

Terence: …when two people have sex like there’s consent right…. So, for example, you know, two people are about to have sex for the first time or whatever, and there’s no condoms, well one person shouldn't be consenting, if someone's not happy with that, there shouldn't be consent.

Stigma and Cultural Implications

Participants in this study were from diverse cultural backgrounds and some described how this influenced their perceived role, and behaviour in navigating pregnancy prevention. For example, Simon described: “…the culture stuff is really affect us a lot, like in my country, that’s really the big thing if you get pregnancy before you marriage. So we will really take it to a serious stuff.” The perceived seriousness of an unintended pregnancy prior to marriage for this and other participants impacted on their approach to avoiding pregnancy in their relationships. Cultural views also impacted on the perceived role of men in preventing pregnancy during sexual encounters, for example Jake described: Well, first it’s easier to buy [condoms] when you’re a guy, and I just have this thought that seeing a girl buying a condom, it’s a bit weird, it’s not common, especially coming from a developing country, if that’s the case, then you’ll be, there’s prejudice behind that.” In this way, the purchase, use and initiation of condoms is framed as the role of men, shaping the way men approached their role in sexual relationships. Cultural views also influenced the discussion and communication of contraception within relationships. For example, Andrew noted that: “I’m from a, you know, Asian background, and so it’s kind of like, I suppose the, man, is the is a guy who has to, you know, take the responsibility…. So, we never really talked about it. It was more just natural. It was just kind of like a mutual understanding I suppose” (In a relationship, wants children in >5 years). Kevin also stated that: “I’m um Asian, so it’s not something I discussed back in my home country as well so it’s not something that we bring up a lot. Yeah.”

This linked to ideas of stigma to discussing and using contraception, however, the experience of stigma or embarrassment when initiating or participating in discussions about contraception was not limited to cultural groups and was described as a common experience among most participants.

Carlos: …it’s not something necessarily that guys, like, in my experience, that guys speak about with each other in terms of contraception options, or experiences with contraceptive options. So the, there may be a stigma around that, or just a sort of, an uncomfortability associated with speaking about it.

Discussion

The aim of this study was to explore Australian heterosexual men’s perceived role in preventing pregnancy within their intimate relationships. Our study findings indicate that while all participants reported responsibility for pregnancy prevention should be shared between partners, the complexity of this meant that in most instances men defaulted to gendered patterns of contraceptive use, with men ‘in charge’ of male-controlled methods such as condoms. Their engagement in pregnancy prevention work was further shaped by unspoken social and cultural rules, and men struggled to navigate achieving their own reproductive goals while simultaneously respecting women’s autonomy. Conflicting ideas between women’s bodily autonomy and men sharing responsibility for pregnancy prevention has been documented previously. James-Hawkins et al. interviewed 44 male college students in the United States, exploring men’s participation in contraceptive decision making within casual and committed heterosexual relationships. Authors found that while most participants described that both partners should be responsible for pregnancy prevention, they struggled to integrate this with concurrent ideas of women’s bodily autonomy (James-Hawkins et al., 2019). Smith et al., in interviews with 42 young Australian men found that although men worried about the possibility of an unintended pregnancy, they left responsibility for pregnancy prevention largely to women (Smith et al., 2011). Similarly, Sharp et al. also found in interviews with Australian men aged 20–23, that young men often left responsibility for contraception to women, despite wanting to be involved in abortion decision making in the event of an unintended pregnancy. (Sharp et al., 2015). Although our study showed some disaffected behaviour of participants, most men stated that they took active steps to achieve their own reproductive goals but were unsure of how to navigate this when it conflicted with their partner’s bodily autonomy.

Whereas most previous literature has explored the role of men in contraceptive decision making, or the use of condoms (Gilliam et al., 2017; Hamm et al., 2019; Storck et al., 2022), our study provides insight into how men conceptualise sharing aspects of pregnancy prevention, including the use of female-controlled contraceptives. As reproductive burdens, including work associated with preventing pregnancy, are increasingly recognised in the literature (Bertotti, 2013; Kimport, 2018; Lévesque et al., 2024), and men are called to better share these burdens (Lévesque et al., 2024), it is important to understand how men perceive and navigate this. Our study found that although in theory men thought it was acceptable to share the costs of female-controlled contraceptives, and that they could be involved in method management, such as reminding partners to take the oral contraceptive pill or checking prior to sex that the method had been taken effectively, in practice they described this as complex and difficult to practically navigate alongside respecting women’s bodily autonomy. To mitigate this, men relied on gendered divisions of contraceptive responsibility, with men responsible for condoms, and women responsible for female-controlled contraceptives, with this positioned as fair and equal. This gendered division of contraceptive use is not new and has been documented elsewhere (Fennell, 2011). Importantly, this pattern of contraceptive use perpetuates pregnancy prevention burdens that continue to largely reside with women. The ability of men to share pregnancy prevention work goes beyond individual choice and is curtailed by the current options available to them, with most effective reversible contraceptive options designed to work on the female body. Wigginton et al. explored who was responsible for contraception in Australia from women’s perspectives, showing largely gendered patterns of use of contraception, with some shared responsibilities (Wigginton et al., 2018). Future research is required to better understand if and how women may want men to share in the use of female-controlled contraception. Further, a Canadian study exploring the perceptions of people who could become pregnant found that most participants felt they carried higher burdens of responsibility than partners and were dissatisfied with this. (Lévesque et al., 2024).

Since the emergence of the oral contraceptive pill in the 1960’s contraception and reproductive health have been increasingly viewed as feminine domains. Findings from our study show that although men describe wanting to share reproductive work, women are still perceived as largely responsible for female-controlled contraceptives. Furthermore, men’s level of conformance to hegemonic masculine ideals has also been shown to influence engagement in pregnancy prevention. For example, Lacasse and Jackson showed that men who were concerned with being perceived as heterosexual and supported men’s dominance over women, were less willing to try a new form of male contraception compared with men who did not hold these values (Lacasse & Jackson, 2020). Other literature has also explored men’s reluctance to undergo vasectomy due to concerns it may affect their virility and sexual experiences, central to their masculine identities (Leyser-Whalen & Berenson, 2019). When men do engage in pregnancy prevention, such as accessing vasectomy, it can be portrayed as brave or heroic, aligning with masculine ideals, and separating this from feminine reproductive work (Oudshoorn, 2004; Terry & Braun, 2011). In a study exploring the role of men in pregnancy prevention in Germany, Zielke et al. shows how men’s contraceptive behaviours had the ability to evolve and change with their shifting masculine identities (Zielke et al., 2025). Changes from hegemonic expressions to more critical and caring expressions of masculinity correlated with increased intentions to share reproductive work with partners (Zielke et al., 2025). Authors argued that masculinity and expressions of masculine identity should be considered when educating and discussing contraception and pregnancy prevention with boys and men. Indeed, education programs that target both rigid gender roles and unintended pregnancy show positive outcomes in other settings (Manlove et al., 2022).

Growing attention in Australia of gender-based violence amid the advocacy work of young people (Hendriks, 2021), has led to the introduction of mandatory consent and healthy relationships education to primary and secondary schools in 2023. National campaigns addressing the importance of consent have also been recently prominent in Australia (Australian Government, 2024). Importantly, men in our study saw contraception as intrinsically linked with the consent process, and that the concept of navigating contraception should be integrated into consent and healthy relationships education. Given the age of our participants, and their concerns that discussing consent and contraception may detract from sexual experiences, healthy relationships education should be extended to universities and training centres to capture men who have already finished school but are likely to be navigating pregnancy prevention for longer periods, as more young people delay starting a family until later adulthood. The complexities faced by young men in balancing the desire to achieve their own reproductive goals, share in pregnancy prevention work and uphold their partner’s bodily autonomy, suggests that contraception education must go beyond stand-alone, risk reduction strategies focusing on the efficacy of contraceptive methods, to considering contraception in a reproductive justice framework. Further, research demonstrates that changing patterns in involvement in reproductive work for young heterosexual men may involve renegotiation of masculine ideals, therefore education programs must also target culturally held rigid gender norms (Zielke et al., 2025). It is likely to be impractical to aim to share all contraceptive burdens equally, and many women may not want men involved in the use of their contraceptives, but increasing awareness of men to the many ways in which contraceptive burdens manifest, such as the physical, financial and mental impacts, and time-costs associated with their use, may assist them to better share aspects of contraceptive use within their relationships.

In our study, culture also had a significant impact on how men conceptualised their role in pregnancy prevention. In a study of Chinese international students, Liu et al. described how negative perceptions of the safety of hormonal contraception influenced male Chinese students in deterring its use for their partners, as a sign of care for them (Liu et al., 2023), however other studies with western populations have shown that transitioning from barrier methods to hormonal methods of contraception may be seen as a sign of commitment, and the transition to a more serious relationship (Upadhyay et al., 2016). In this way intersecting cultural and social norms highly influence the use or non-use of contraception within a partnership. Education programs should therefore be culturally appropriate and may need to be tailored to specific populations of young men.

Strengths and Limitations

We recruited participants from online networks, including an online university noticeboard, which may have resulted in a population more likely to have access to the internet and technology and have higher education levels. It is also likely that those who had a greater interest in this topic were more motivated to participate. Four interviews conducted were omitted from analysis due to concerns these were fraudulent participants, a phenomenon increasingly prevalent in online research, although not experienced by the research team before (Giles et al., 2025). Respondents were identified as potentially fraudulent due to their inability to provide information about their location and by discussing contraceptive devices not commonly available in Australia, among other concerns. Researchers are confident in the authenticity of the remaining participants due to their use of official email addresses, ability to accurately describe their location and largely consistent narratives within the Australian context. Despite these limitations, this study presents novel insight into the perceived role of heterosexual men in preventing pregnancy within their relationships, of which limited literature currently exists.

Conclusion

Men found it challenging to navigate sharing responsibility for pregnancy prevention, especially female-controlled methods, while also balancing their own reproductive goals with respect for their partner’s bodily autonomy. Men’s engagement in pregnancy prevention work was further constrained by social norms, stigma, and cultural factors. Healthy relationships programs and campaigns should aim to give men the tools to navigate this complexity within their relationships, rather than focusing on stand alone, efficacy-based contraception education.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental Material - “It’s Just Too Complex”: How Australian Men Perceive Sharing Responsibility for Contraception With Partners; A Qualitative Study

Supplemental Material for “It’s Just Too Complex”: How Australian Men Perceive Sharing Responsibility for Contraception With Partners; A Qualitative Study by Cassandra Caddy, Meredith Temple-Smith, Jacqueline Coombe in The Journal of Men’s Studies

Footnotes

Acknowledgments

The authors thank all participants who shared their time and experiences with the research team. We also wish to extend our thanks to Professor Steven Roberts for his invaluable suggestions to our recruitment and data collection tools.

ORCID iD

Cassandra Caddy

Ethical Considerations

The University of Melbourne Human Research Ethics Committee approved this study (ID:24558).

Consent to Participate

Participants were provided a Plain Language Statement and gave oral consent prior to the start of the interview.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Cassandra Caddy is supported by a University of Melbourne PhD scholarship.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Author Biographies

Cassandra Caddy is a PhD candidate in the Sexual Health Unit at the University of Melbourne. Her work explores sexual and reproductive health topics through qualitative research methods.

Dr. Jacqueline Coombe is a Senior Research Fellow in the Sexual Health Unit at the University of Melbourne. Her work focuses on experiences of accessing sexual and reproductive health care, with a particular interest in long-acting reversible contraception and sexually transmissible infections (STIs).

Prof. Meredith Temple-Smith is Deputy Head and Director of Research Training in the Department of General Practice and Primary Care in the Melbourne Medical School. A sexual and reproductive health researcher, her work explores sensitive issues and marginalised populations.

References

Australian Government . (2018). National women’s health strategy 2020–2030. https://www.health.gov.au/resources/publications/national-womens-health-strategy-2020-2030?language=en

Australian Government . (2019). National men’s health strategy 2020–2030. https://www.health.gov.au/resources/publications/national-mens-health-strategy-2020-2030?language=en

Australian Government . (2024). Consent can’t wait. https://www.consent.gov.au

Bertotti

A. M.

(2013). Gendered divisions of fertility work: Socioeconomic predictors of female versus male sterilization. Journal of Marriage and Family, 75(1), 13–25. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3737.2012.01031.x

Braun

Clarke

(2021). Thematic analysis: A practical guide. Sage.

Caddy

Coombe

(2024). Googling long‐acting reversible contraception: A scoping review examining the information available online about intrauterine devices and contraceptive implants. Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 35(3), 588–595. https://doi.org/10.1002/hpja.806

Caddy

Temple-Smith

Coombe

(2023). Who does what? Reproductive responsibilities between heterosexual partners. Culture, Health and Sexuality, 25(12), 1640–1658. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2023.2173800

Fennell

J. L.

(2011). Men bring condoms, women take pills: Men’s and women’s roles in contraceptive decision making. Gender & Society, 25(4), 496–521. https://doi.org/10.1177/0891243211416113

Giles

F. C.

McKenzie

Kyei-Nimakoh

Satyen

Tarzia

Hegarty

(2025). Management of imposter participants when conducting online research with victim-survivors and perpetrators of violence. Methodological Innovations, 18(2), 20597991251333345–20597991251333388. https://doi.org/10.1177/20597991251333345

10.

Gilliam

Woodhams

Sipsma

Hill

(2017). Perceived dual method responsibilities by relationship type among African-American male adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health, 60(3), 340–345. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2016.10.017

11.

Grady

W. R.

Klepinger

D. H.

Billy

J. O.

Cubbins

L. A.

(2010). The role of relationship power in couple decisions about contraception in the US. Journal of Biosocial Science, 42(3), 307–323. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021932009990575

12.

Hamm

Evans

Miller

Browne

Bell

Borrero

(2019). “It’s her body”: Low-income men’s perceptions of limited reproductive agency. Contraception, 99(2), 111–117. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.contraception.2018.10.005

13.

Harlow

A. F.

Zheng

Nordberg

Hatch

E. E.

Ransbotham

Wise

L. A.

(2020). A qualitative study of factors influencing male participation in fertility research. Reproductive Health, 17(1), 186. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12978-020-01046-y

14.

Harvey

S. M.

Oakley

L. P.

Washburn

Agnew

C. R.

(2018). Contraceptive method choice among young adults: Influence of individual and relationship factors. The Journal of Sex Research, 55(9), 1106–1115. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2017.1419334

15.

Hendriks

(2021). Not as simple as ‘no means no': What young people need to know about consent. The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/not-as-simple-as-no-means-no-what-young-people-need-to-know-about-consent-155736

16.

Holden

C. A.

McLachlan

R. I.

Cumming

Wittert

Handelsman

D. J.

De Kretser

D. M.

Pitts

(2005). Sexual activity, fertility and contraceptive use in middle-aged and older men: Men in Australia, Telephone Survey (MATeS). Human Reproduction, 20(12), 3429–3434. https://doi.org/10.1093/humrep/dei307

17.

Jacobstein

Radloff

Khan

Mimno

Pal

Snell

Tripathi

Touré

(2023). Down but not out: Vasectomy is faring poorly almost everywhere—we can do better to make it a true method option. Global Health Science and Practice, 11(1), e2200369. https://doi.org/10.9745/GHSP-D-22-00369

18.

James-Hawkins

Dalessandro

Sennott

(2019). Conflicting contraceptive norms for men: Equal responsibility versus women’s bodily autonomy. Culture, Health and Sexuality, 21(3), 263–277. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2018.1464209

19.

Kimport

(2018). More than a physical burden: Women’s mental and emotional work in preventing pregnancy. The Journal of Sex Research, 55(9), 1096–1105. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2017.1311834

20.

Kristensen

G. K.

Ravn

M. N.

(2015). The voices heard and the voices silenced: Recruitment processes in qualitative interview studies. Qualitative Research, 15(6), 722–737. https://doi.org/10.1177/1468794114567496

21.

Lacasse

Jackson

T. E.

(2020). Conformity to masculine norms predicts US men’s decision-making regarding a new male contraceptive. Culture, Health and Sexuality, 22(10), 1128–1144. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2019.1658806

22.

Lévesque

Toupin

Pugliese

(2024). Contraception: A gendered burden? A mixed methods exploration of experiences around contraception responsibility. The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 33(2), 236–248. https://doi.org/10.3138/cjhs-2024-0006

23.

Leyser-Whalen

Berenson

A. B.

(2019). Situating oneself in the intersectional hierarchy: Racially diverse, low-income women discuss having little agency in vasectomy decisions. Sex Roles, 81(11), 748–764. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-019-01027-x

24.

Liu

Lim

M. S.

Williams

Temple-Smith

(2023). Contraceptive decision making among Chinese international students in Melbourne: Findings from a qualitative investigation. Culture, Health and Sexuality, 25(8), 960–975. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2022.2112084

25.

Manlove

Parekh

Whitfield

Griffith

Garg

Fasula

A. M.

(2022). A mixed-methods pilot evaluation of Manhood 2.0, a program to reduce unintended pregnancy among young men. American Journal of Men’s Health, 16(3), Article 15579883221104895. https://doi.org/10.1177/15579883221104895

26.

Marshall

Gomez

A. M.

(2015). Young men's awareness and knowledge of IUDS in the United States. Contraception, 92(4), 383. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.contraception.2015.06.119

27.

Organon Australia . (2022). Impact of unintended pregnancy. https://www.organon.com/australia/reports

28.

Oudshoorn

(2004). “Astronauts in the sperm world”: The renegotiation of masculine identities in discourses on male contraceptives. Men and Masculinities, 6(4), 349–367. https://doi.org/10.1177/1097184x03260959

29.

Pearson

(2003). Promoting sexual health services to young men: Findings from focus group discussions. BMJ Sexual & Reproductive Health, 29(4), 194–198. https://doi.org/10.1783/147118903101198079

30.

Ritter

Dore

McGeechan

(2015). Contraceptive knowledge and attitudes among 14–24‐year‐olds in New South Wales, Australia. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 39(3), 267–269. https://doi.org/10.1111/1753-6405.12367

31.

Rowe

Holton

Kirkman

Bayly

Jordan

McNamee

Fisher

Sinnott

(2016). Prevalence and distribution of unintended pregnancy: The understanding fertility management in Australia national survey. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 40(2), 104–109. https://doi.org/10.1111/1753-6405.12461

32.

Sharp

Richter

Rutherford

(2015). “Um … I’m pregnant.” young men’s attitudes towards their role in abortion decision-making. Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 12(2), 155–162. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-014-0166-5

33.

Slauson‐Blevins

Johnson

K. M.

(2016). Doing gender, doing surveys? Women’s gatekeeping and men’s non‐participation in multi‐actor reproductive surveys. Sociological Inquiry, 86(3), 427–449. https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12122

34.

Smith

J. L.

Fenwick

Skinner

Merriman

Hallett

(2011). Young males’ perspectives on pregnancy, fatherhood and condom use: Where does responsibility for birth control lie? Sexual & Reproductive Healthcare, 2(1), 37–42. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.srhc.2010.10.002

35.

Stewart

Ritter

Bateson

McGeechan

Weisberg

(2017). Contraception–what about the men? Experience, knowledge and attitudes: A survey of 2438 heterosexual men using an online dating service. Sexual Health, 14(6), 533–539. https://doi.org/10.1071/SH16235

36.

Storck

K. E.

Gawron

L. M.

Sanders

J. N.

Wiaderny

Turok

D. K.

(2022). “I just had to pay the money and be supportive”: A qualitative exploration of the male-partner role in contraceptive decision-making in Salt Lake City, Utah family planning clinics. Contraception, 113(14), 78–83. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.contraception.2022.04.005

37.

Terry

Braun

(2011). It’s kind of me taking responsibility for these things’: Men, vasectomy and ‘contraceptive economies’. Feminism & Psychology, 21(4), 477–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/0959353511419814

38.

Upadhyay

U. D.

Raifman

Raine-Bennett

(2016). Effects of relationship context on contraceptive use among young women. Contraception, 94(1), 68–73. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.contraception.2016.02.025

39.

Weston

G. C.

Schlipalius

M. L.

Bhuinneain

M. N.

Vollenhoven

B. J.

(2002). Will Australian men use male hormonal contraception? A survey of a postpartum population. Medical Journal of Australia, 176(5), 208–210. https://doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.2002.tb04374.x

40.

Wigginton

Harris

M. L.

Loxton

Lucke

(2018). Who takes responsibility for contraception, according to young Australian women? Sexual & Reproductive Healthcare, 15(1), 2–9. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.srhc.2017.11.001

41.

Wilson

A. D.

(2020). British couples’ experiences of men as partners in family planning. Journal of Men’s Studies, 28(1), 22–44. https://doi.org/10.1177/1060826519842831

42.

Zielke

Morawe

J. M.

Miani

(2025). ‘How do I really want to be as a man?’ masculinities, critical consciousness, and contraceptive decision-making–findings from an interview study in Germany. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 27(10), 1311–1326. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2025.2458719

Supplementary Material

Please find the following supplemental material available below.

For Open Access articles published under a Creative Commons License, all supplemental material carries the same license as the article it is associated with.

For non-Open Access articles published, all supplemental material carries a non-exclusive license, and permission requests for re-use of supplemental material or any part of supplemental material shall be sent directly to the copyright owner as specified in the copyright notice associated with the article.

0.00 MB

0.21 MB