“The Thing That Will Save You Is the Community” : Qualitative Perspectives on Mental Health and Social Connectedness Following a Major Australian Bushfire

Abstract

The risk of recurring and cascading disasters is increasing rapidly, with significant implications for community mental health. This study aimed to explore qualitative reports of mental health experiences, changes in social identity, and community connectedness within an area affected by repeated and compounding hazards. The Wooroloo Bushfire in Western Australia occurred during a COVID-19 lockdown in 2021, with ongoing repercussions for the community. Participants comprised 39 adult community members, who participated in individual interviews or focus group discussions conducted 9–26 months after the bushfire. Reflexive thematic analysis identified five key themes outlining the experience of repeated disasters, individual and collective experiences of traumatic stress, ongoing hardships, heightened impacts for young people, and dynamics in community connectedness over time. Despite tremendous resilience, significant loss and delayed rebuilding heightened psychological concerns in the years following exposure. Strengthened community connectedness was actively fostered and often reported, although tensions and frustrations were noted. Community-level supports were perceived as effective, but sustainable and accessible mental health services are needed in disaster-risk settings across Australia.

The increased frequency of climate hazards has created conditions for repeated and sometimes simultaneous disaster exposures (IPCC, 2021). Compounding risk factors, such as high urban density, low levels of community preparedness, geographic distance, and inadequate warning systems, have potential to significantly heighten risk. Despite great advancements in reducing disaster impacts in recent years, the growing incidence of cascading, recurring, and compounding disasters is rising globally (Leppold et al., 2022). Repeated exposure to trauma has been shown to have substantial physical and mental health sequelae (Herman, 1992; Leppold et al., 2022; Stough & North, 2018). In Australia, rural and peri-urban communities are facing more frequent and intense bushfires, with significant implications for mental health difficulties (Bryant et al., 2021; IPCC, 2022). Although for many, the symptoms of acute distress will lessen over time, experiencing a disaster has potential to cause shock, confusion, distress, grief, and anger. Despite widespread resilience following disasters, the mental health impacts will become increasingly severe for a growing proportion of the population as climate emergencies amplify risk (Berry et al., 2018; Ebi et al., 2021).

Extensive evidence indicates that bushfire-affected communities report significantly higher levels of post-traumatic stress, depression, and anxiety (Bryant et al., 2021), and increased risk of anger (Forbes et al., 2015) than the general public. The effects can be long-lasting. A recent systematic review of long-term trajectories following disasters indicated that the prevalence of post-traumatic stress symptoms, depression, and anxiety was elevated for communities affected by disasters, and decreased gradually in the years following exposure (Newnham, Mergelsberg, et al., 2022). Concerningly, significantly higher rates of depression and anxiety were evident for children and adolescents with delayed reductions, if any, over time (Newnham, Mergelsberg, et al., 2022). A myriad of risk and protective factors mediate mental health outcomes after disasters (Mao & Agyapong, 2021; Newnham, Mergelsberg, et al., 2022), including severity of hazard exposure, level of personal and property loss (Harms et al., 2021), family response (Cobham et al., 2016; Molyneaux et al., 2020), ongoing daily adversities (Gibbs et al., 2016; Newnham, Gao, et al., 2022), individual coping (Braun-Lewensohn, 2014), and social support (Aldrich & Kyota, 2017; Nakagawa & Shaw, 2004; Richardson et al., 2023). Importantly, community connectedness is emerging as a critical factor in disaster recovery.

Social capital, the strength of relationships and networks within a social group that promote mutually beneficial action, is described as a key component of community cohesion in a disaster-setting (Aldrich & Meyer, 2015). Recent analysis of a large-scale longitudinal dataset in Australia indicated that exposure to a climate disaster was associated with a decrease in social functioning and increase in loneliness for up to two years after the event, and that this effect was particularly pronounced for those who were low in social connectedness (Lam & Li, 2025). These connections can have important implications for mental health and psychological resilience (Drury et al., 2019; Haslam et al., 2021). After the 2009 “Black Saturday” bushfires in Victoria, Australia, quantitative evidence indicated that close social ties with family and community lessened the severity of ongoing mental health issues (Harms et al., 2021). Given the nature of trauma recovery, specifically the fluctuation of post-traumatic mental health over time (Bryant et al., 2021), deepening connections both intimately and within the wider community can foster greater resilience and recovery (Bryant et al., 2021). In other contexts, Hawkins and Maurer (2010) describe how the connections within the community, between neighbors and those bound by similar experiences of race or economic status, were crucial in the dissemination of aid resources following Hurricane Katrina. Social connection has also been linked to post-traumatic growth, showcasing the ability for disaster to be a catalyst for development and collective agency (Beaglehole et al., 2023; Craig et al., 2022). In some instances, a mere belief that neighbors and the community at large were supportive was all that was necessary for individuals to evaluate their community as recovering well (Bergstrand & Mayer, 2020). A balance of community involvement is important for well-being however, as too little or too great involvement in social connections can have equally negative effects (Gallagher et al., 2019). Further exploration of the ways in which social connectedness evolves after disaster exposure is thus needed to assess the intersection between mental health and community dynamics.

The Social Identity Model of Identity Change (SIMIC) asserts that life disruptions, such as exposure to a disaster, compromise mental health and well-being as a result of changes to social identities (Cruwys et al., 2024; Haslam et al., 2021). Changes to group memberships influence our social identity—the ways others see us and we see ourselves—which plays a key role in how we feel. Disasters have potential to disrupt social identities (e.g., as a parent, community member, and business owner), which can heighten vulnerability to psychological distress (Cobham & McDermott, 2014; Dinger et al., 2020). Simultaneously, recovery is facilitated when individuals gain or maintain meaningful group memberships that provide a sense of belonging, continuity, and support (Haslam et al., 2021). In disaster contexts, joining shared support groups, community rebuilding initiatives, or cultural networks can offer new social identities that promote resilience (Dinger et al., 2020; Drury, 2012). These group affiliations can help individuals re-establish purpose and connection, buffer against isolation, and foster collective resilience (Drury et al., 2019). A growing literature has explored the role of social identity and connectedness in disaster contexts (Craig et al., 2025; Drury et al., 2019; Haslam et al., 2021); however, evidence of the role that social identity plays in mental health experiences among community members with lived experiences of repeated and compounding disasters is nascent.

The Present Study

The current study thus seeks to explore experiences of mental health and social connectedness following a major bushfire, within an area affected by repeated and compounding hazards. Building on qualitative and quantitative research examining the specific role of social connection and post-traumatic psychological outcomes (Craig et al., 2025; Cruwys et al., 2024; Harms et al., 2021), this study aimed to augment these findings with examination of intersecting mental health experiences and social identity dynamics among community members living in a repeatedly affected disaster area. In February 2021, the Wooroloo Bushfire spread through more than 10,000 ha in the rural communities of the Perth Hills, destroying 86 houses and causing damage to a further 100 houses (DFES, 2021). Located on Whadjuk Nyoongar Country, 45 min inland from Western Australia’s capital city, Perth; the Perth Hills area is characterized by natural bushland and is at high risk for bushfires, floods, and storms. The community has experienced repeated bushfires in recent years, although the Wooroloo Bushfire was among the largest. The fire caused significant damage to power infrastructure, the local water supply, communications, and roads; many animal lives were lost; and more than 50,000 people were affected within the emergency warning area (City of Swan, 2021). During the Wooroloo recovery period, the Perth Hills communities experienced 18 further fires, causing significant challenges for the recovery process. Further, the Wooroloo Bushfire occurred during a COVID-19 lockdown, and thus the evacuation procedures were complicated by uncertainty and confusion regarding mobility and congregation in evacuation centers. Western Australia experienced minimal community transition of COVID-19 and brief periods of restriction during the first two years of the pandemic (Newnham, Mergelsberg, et al., 2023). However, the pandemic had a significant impact on the bushfire response and recovery due to rapid lockdowns, years of ongoing disruptions to construction and services, and the inability to hold social gatherings. Growing evidence suggests that the experience of consecutive and compounding disasters places individuals at increased risk of mental health difficulties (Cowlishaw et al., 2024; Leppold et al., 2022), but nuanced understanding of the links between peoples’ experiences of mental health and social connectedness when affected by multiple hazards is needed. The study thus comprised qualitative community assessments conducted one year and two years post-bushfire, to explore the ongoing mental health, social identity, and connectedness impacts of bushfire in a rural Australian community.

Methods

Research Design

An exploratory qualitative design was employed to examine in-depth reports of community members’ experiences of mental health challenges and strengths, changes in social identity, and community connectedness. Key informant interviews were conducted over two periods: first, between November 2021 and March 2022, which encompassed summer months and the first anniversary of the Wooroloo Bushfire. A second set of interviews and focus group discussions was conducted between January and April 2023, covering the second anniversary. The authors adopted a social constructionist epistemological position whereby findings were shaped by interviewees’ definitions and understandings of the world (Andrews, 2012). The study authors are from non-Indigenous backgrounds, who live and work on Whadjuk Nyoongar boodja in the Boorloo/Perth metropolitan area, and one author lives on Bunurong and Wurundjeri country of the Kulin Nations in Naarm/Melbourne. The authors bring a human rights lens to analysis, whereby participants are considered to be experts of their own experience, treated with dignity and without discrimination (Maschi, 2016). Clinical and community psychology training informed our perspectives.

Participants

The total sample comprised 39 participants. For interviews conducted one year post-bushfire, 15 community members (80% women, ages 37–67) participated. In the second assessment, 14 community members (50% women, ages 42–75) participated in interviews and 10 in focus group discussions (60% women). Initially, potential participants were nominated by Australian Red Cross staff who had delivered preparedness and recovery programs in the area, after potential participants gave verbal consent to being contacted. A small number of nominees did not respond to the invitation to take part. In addition, we recruited participants via flyers in the community, social media, word-of-mouth, attendance at community events, and snowball sampling. The samples for year 1 and year 2 were distinct. Some participants were approached due to their active roles in the community, including school staff, NGO or fire brigade volunteers, and community leaders, although other participants volunteered after seeing fliers and social media posts. Given the high proportion of older adults in the first sample, we held focus group discussions at varied times in the second year to support participation of fulltime workers and those with young families. We also attended recovery events such as morning teas, expo days, and the Men’s Shed (which is gender inclusive) to foster broader participation. Principles of information power were applied to determine sample size, to ensure that a comprehensive dataset was obtained (Malterud et al., 2016). This meant that information-rich interviewees were targeted to allow for a smaller, highly informed pool of participants.

Interviews took place in three main communities, specifically within the localities of Mundaring, Gidgegannup (City of Swan), and Wooroloo. In combination, these communities are referred to as the Perth Hills. Although similar in bushfire exposure, these areas possess distinct community identities, relating to their existing social infrastructure. Mundaring and Gidgegannup demographics reflect the broader Western Australian population (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2021a, 2021b); however, Wooroloo hosts a majority male (85.1%), young adult (ages 20–45) population (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2021c). All localities comprise relatively stable, middle to higher socio-economic status households.

Procedure

Ethics approval was granted by the Curtin University Human Research Ethics Committee (#HRE2021-0645, #HRE2023-0010). Informed consent was confirmed by all participants prior to partaking in the interview or focus group discussion. Before commencing data collection, the interviewer assured participants that their involvement was confidential, they had a right to withdraw at any time, and they could ask questions or refuse to answer any questions. All participants were provided with contact information for psychological support helplines via the Information Statement.

Semi-structured interview guides were developed by the research team and revised in consultation with Australian Red Cross staff. The interview guides were designed to elicit discussion of participants’ perceptions of disaster preparedness and response, experiences of recovery, psychological well-being within the community, and community connectedness. Interviews ranged in duration between 30 and 60 min and were audio recorded with consent. Due to rising COVID-19 case numbers in Western Australia during the first data collection phase, all interviews but one were conducted online. For the second set of data collection, interviews were largely conducted in person. Two focus group discussions were conducted in a community hall, one in the morning and one in the early evening to maximize opportunities for participation. Interviews and focus group discussions were conducted by the first and third authors. Transcripts were anonymized through the data cleaning process, with ID codes developed designating the sequential order of the interviews. For the purpose of this paper, naming conventions have been simplified to indicate participant ID number, and whether they were from the first or second year of the study (e.g., P1, Year 1 indicating the first participant from the first year of data collection). Focus groups were designated by the prefix FG followed by either one or two and the year (e.g., FGP1, Year 2).

Data Analysis

A reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2021) was conducted with an inductive approach to produce key themes related to mental health, psychosocial coping, and community connectedness within the data. Following familiarization with the data through the interview process, transcription, and initial review, coding was conducted independently by the first and second authors. Initial codes included descriptive, semantic, and latent codes. Secondary coding then took a deeper interpretive approach, with coders merging, creating, and dissolving codes through continued re-engagement with the data (Braun & Clarke, 2019, 2021). The analysis team engaged in regular discussion to determine the coding structure and identify themes. The discussion prompted changes to the thematic structure and review of content on multiple occasions and supported greater validity of the thematic analysis. Final themes were then determined in collaborative discussion of the codes and latent patterns of meaning and sense-checked with the research team. Analysis was conducted concurrently with interviews and following their conclusion.

Findings

Overview

Mental health needs were discussed with all participants, with descriptions of strength, resilience, trauma, and grief frequently raised. Exploration of the mental health impacts generated four key themes: individual and collective experiences of traumatic stress, psychological and social effects of ongoing hardships post-disaster, heightened impacts for children and young people, and dynamics in community connectedness over time. The psychological and community connectedness themes were interrelated, highlighting the important role of social identity in mental health. In addition, we have outlined participants’ descriptions of the Perth Hills context and their experience of repeated disasters to contextualize the findings. Across both time points, participants reported similar impacts, highlighting the ongoing strengths and difficulties in the community over time, and augmenting longitudinal quantitative reports of the ongoing mental health impacts in the years following disasters (Bryant et al., 2021; Newnham, Mergelsberg, et al., 2022).

The Experience of Repeated Disasters

Perth Hills residents have faced multiple severe hazards in the past decade. Although the interviews focused on the impacts of the 2021 Wooroloo Bushfire, almost all participants described repeated bushfire exposures, with varying degrees of severity, proximity, and personal loss. References to the major bushfires in the area, including the 2014 Parkerville, Stoneville, and Mount Helena Bushfires, as well as smaller fires that caused destruction and amplified psychological responses, were common across most participant reports. Participants shared their experiences of living in a high-risk bushfire setting, perceptions of participating in preparedness programs, and the impact of community preparedness in responding to bushfires.

Most participants noted that the vast majority of people were functioning well and returning to a sense of normalcy after the Wooroloo Bushfire. Evidence of resilience was often noted, highlighting the strength of community and capacity for people to rebuild and recover. For example, a sense of resilience was frequently evoked when participants discussed their observations of recovery in the community:

I’m so inspired by how resilient they [the community] are and the messages they’re giving their kids … they could be saying “life sucks” … and instead they’re pushing through and saying “Look, let’s get this done, and let’s find what we need to do, and what we can do.” (P1, Year 1)

Despite perceptions of high risk and repeated disaster experiences, all participants described a strong attachment to place that was viewed as enhancing resilience and strength in the community. Although some participants had been temporarily or permanently displaced by the fires, with property loss a common feature among the second-year sample, all had returned and planned to stay in the area.

Individual and Collective Experiences of Traumatic Stress

Accounts of strength and resilience were common, although many participants noted high levels of ongoing distress in the community, at both one and two years following the disaster. Traumatic stress was described in terms reflective of individual symptoms (reliving, avoidance of reminders, hypervigilance, and fatigue) and collective experiences (overwhelm, loss of sense of community, and group tension), which participants described as a reflection of their own experiences and perceptions of those around them. Trauma and loss were particularly apparent in reports from participants located in severely affected areas. Residents who had lost homes and properties were at greatest risk of psychological difficulties, compounded by the scale of recovery required. This often manifested in a sense of psychological inertia: “The ongoing mental haul is, is unbelievable. And the other thing is you get tired of making decisions. I didn’t mention this before, but your decision-making processes go out the window” (P1, Year 2). Another stated:

You can’t even make a decision if you want a cup of tea or not, in the morning. Oh, do I really want to get out of bed? Do I have the strength to face the world? These are the struggles that we have afterwards. (P4, Year 2)

A sense of overwhelm, as noted in the quotes above, was evident in reports across both early and later stages of recovery. Participants who described severe mental health concerns among loved ones noted that their psychological difficulties had hampered engagement in social relationships outside the immediate family.

For some, the trauma of the bushfire experience compounded prior mental health struggles, recurring issues, or previous disaster experiences. This was described as extending the overall recovery process and further impacting participants’ perceptions of their ability to regain their sense of wellness:

You know, when you do go through losing everything you go through grieving. And then what happens with that, is that all the losses in your life, then can resurface. So, you’re not just dealing with that loss. You’re actually dealing with other issues that you thought you’d either healed in your past, or you’ve just had them in the Pandora’s box in your mind. And then this happens, and just brings back all the losses that you’ve had in your life. (P4, Year 2)

These descriptions of grief following the bushfire thus reflected an exacerbation of prior losses and an inescapable sense of bereavement. Similar experiences of grieving and loss were described across the sample, regardless of the level of property destruction, with many mourning the dislocation and loss of community. This resurfacing of past challenges was amplified by the extended timeline for recovery:

I honestly thought within two years, you know, we’d try and get back to some sort of normality. But we’re in a worse position now than we were two years ago. And it’s getting worse, it’s not getting any better. (P3, Year 2)

Participants impressed the importance of also considering the impacts for those who did not experience personal loss but were witness to others’ loss. One participant described the pain of a neighbor’s relocation after their house was destroyed and living with the constant reminder of their disrupted friendship. The emotional toll of rebuilding and recovery was evident, and many noted post-traumatic symptoms including heightened arousal, triggers, and nightmares; prompted by repeated reminders of the bushfire within the natural environment surrounding their homes: “I think there’s a lot of stress, a lot of post-traumatic stress” (P12, Year 1). Another noted the collective experience of traumatic stress within the community:

They’ve gone through the trauma of the day, whether they stayed and defended or had to leave with their animals, or lost animals, almost lost their families, lost their homes. Even if they lost fencing and retic[ulation], you know, it’s a big hit for some people. And being part of the community, even though some people may not have been directly impacted with losses, they’ve been impacted in their communities being pretty much shattered by the event. (P11, Year 1)

Thus, post-traumatic stress reactions, reflecting diagnostic criteria, were described frequently across both time points. Seasonal changes associated with summer presented a trigger for post-traumatic stress reactions. Higher temperatures, hot winds, smoke from hazard reduction fires, and the sounds of helicopters were noted as traumatic cues that were heightened in the lead-up to the anniversary of the Wooroloo Bushfires: “I have a close friend who lost everything, and every time she hears the helicopter, her anxiety kicks in” (P10, Year 1). Some participants described the avoidance of traumatic reminders, such as children covering their eyes when they drive past burnt structures. For many, reminders were unavoidable:

That was a big trigger for them. It was warming up. There were a few large, controlled burns within the district up here … And there was a whiff of smoke in the air and starting to warm up, that had a significant impact on people. (P11, Year 1)

Another participant noted the physical sensations associated with trauma reminders, that exacerbated their anxiety response:

There was [a fire] in Wooroloo yesterday afternoon and I’m just hearing sirens and planes going overhead. So I’m certainly hoping that that’s not happening again. One is [you’re] absolutely terrified. Absolutely terrified. The thought that it might all happen again to people—your stomach just turns over when you think of it. Even yesterday afternoon, we had the radio on for 15 minutes, and I had just left to come home from the [activity] group. When I got back here they said, oh, did you see the fire at Wooroloo? Well, I just nearly passed out. It’s just absolutely frightening. (P1, Year 2)

Consistent with these reports, the constant exposure to traumatic reminders was described by some participants in the first year following the bushfire, with little opportunity for distraction or avoidance:

They’re still living in that space, they’re still driving past friends and neighbours’ homes that have been burnt down, you know, still looking at charred paddocks and all the rest, for a long time. And I think that bit is overlooked. (P1, Year 1)

Accordingly, a collective sense of traumatic loss was described by several participants, with an ongoing impact for the community as a whole. A number of participants described times that they had struggled with the psychological upheaval and noted similar occurrences for friends and neighbors during the recovery. The constant exposure to reminders of the bushfire was noted as particularly difficult for some:

I think little by little, they are getting there, but there are still people struggling, still traumatized, and can’t even look at their property or go back in there because they are really extremely traumatized. (P10, Year 1)

This common experience had fostered extensive concern about mental health need, community connection, and the slow rate of recovery. These worries were heightened by the impending exit of recovery services after two years of support, with many noting the high level of ongoing psychological need within the community.

In addition to post-traumatic stress, a range of emotional responses were described. Anger within the community, particularly in areas that were perceived as less prepared for bushfire, was raised, as well as guilt and sadness: “After the bushfires had gone, people were still in grief, stress, anxiety and anger” (P4, Year 1). Many described fatigue and exhaustion in the first year post-bushfire, which continued across the second year. This was closely associated with the stress of navigating life in recovery; the struggle of maintaining control of the current reality while dealing with the difficult thoughts and feelings linked to and brought on by the past bushfire experience.

[Recovery is] so individual and so different and some will recover quickly, and some will recover or maybe never recover … And I think there’s still a need for, for people to be able to talk and to let loose with the frustrations because it’s still very apparent that there are people who are very still very frustrated. And some people are still very angry. (FGP2, Year 2)

These reports of frustration and anger were linked to action in some cases, but also reflected withdrawal from community activities. Many descriptions of ongoing distress referenced the broader community dynamic and the extent to which a collective experience of recovery was developing. A strong social awareness was evident, acknowledging the extent to which social connection was lost or gained as a result of the bushfire and later recovery activities.

Psychological and Social Effects of Ongoing Hardships Post-Disaster

Beyond the experience of trauma, mental health difficulties were often discussed in the context of ongoing hardships in the post-disaster environment. Loss of property created cascading hardships for families. The loss of houses, sheds, equipment, fencing, and animals and the cost and time needed for rebuilding created added burden:

It’s a stacked event when you’ve got so many things conspiring against people, where you’ve got COVID, you’ve got building and labour shortages, you’ve got issues with insurance companies, and all kinds of things stacking up against people. We had a very cold, long winter and now we’ve had a very hot, long summer. And I guess that drains on people. (P12, Year 1)

The processes of clearing damaged infrastructure, engaging with insurance assessors, and rebuilding were frequently reported stressors, with frustration regarding delays in insurance payouts, and the inaccessibility of construction and building resources. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the limited availability of construction personnel and materials meant that rebuilding was slow. By the second year, many houses had still not been rebuilt, with the associated impacts evident in participant reports:

Building and planning is a little bit of a hurdle for anyone, but when they’ve got all the other complexities of having lost everything and having to try and adjust to the new normal. The new challenges that life’s thrown at them. You know, school runs have been affected because they’re no longer living at home or they’re living in a pod and the stresses of insurance companies. Are we going to rebuild? Aren’t we going to rebuild? Can we afford it? (P11, Year 1)

These stressors arose in addition to the ongoing challenges of daily life. One participant noted, “So the reality is, you’ve not only lost everything, you’re still trying to work and live and rebuild” (FGP1, Year 2); reflecting the extensive cognitive and physical load compounded by psychological stressors. Ongoing hardship created significant difficulties for many community members, and participants were often thoughtful about the potential impacts on others. Concerns for the community were compassionate, and often paired with descriptions of efforts to mitigate stress and to support people as they recovered: “It’s a delicate and complex thing to be going through” (P12, Year 1). In the context of the data, ongoing hardships were connected to ongoing distress, social isolation, and financial stress. The intersecting dynamic of these stressors was maintained over time.

An increase in services and responsiveness of related government departments was noted by some respondents. However, several participants called for more mental health services in the area and greater attention to trauma-informed care. It was highlighted that mental healthcare was important, not only for those who had lost houses but also the many community members who continue to be impacted by the ongoing consequences of the fire. Despite this, several participants who were less-severely physically affected by the bushfires noted that accessing supports themselves felt inappropriate or that it would use resources that others needed more.

Heightened Impacts for Children and Young People

A common concern raised by participants was the mental health impacts of bushfire exposure for children and young people. Parents and grandparents highlighted that young people’s mental health needs were a notable gap in services. Many children were described as having supported their family’s response during the fire. However, participants noted the need for attention to children and young people’s mental health throughout the recovery period in light of multiple adversities affecting the community: “Young people who have been traumatized, young people who were suffering because of the pressures at home. Fire season and going back to school, all those little things amplified” (P11, Year 1). The timing of the fire, during the first weeks of school and during a COVID-19 lockdown, may have heightened stress for children and young people by creating uncertainty and disconnection from traditional support networks and routines.

Simultaneous pressures facing young people were highlighted by parents, grandparents, and those working with children and adolescents, as the combined effects of school pressures, COVID-19, home environments, climate stress, and ongoing disaster risk coincided:

The [kids] that lost their homes, others that were very close by, and others that that had just added to a general sense of un-ease, I suppose, about life. That was probably partly because it was mixed up with a [COVID-19] lockdown as well. So, it added to the anxiety-provoking nature of it all … There’s been a few triggers for some of our older kids. And I guess, partly, it’s very hard to work out what parts were [due to] the fire, what parts pandemic, or you know, climate change. All those kinds of factors that I think are linking in to make it sort of a stressful time for some school leavers, and those getting near to that. The majority seem like they’re managing quite well; [but] there’s definitely much more anxiety around. (P5, Year 1)

To address these coinciding stressors, several community members described efforts within families and schools to address anxieties and provide space for reflection and recovery. However, it was frequently reported that the community required recovery spaces and services specific to young people’s needs. In particular, participants noted the importance of safe and engaging spaces where young people can connect with each other, independent of their parents, and be with other young people who had had similar experiences. For example:

I see kids acting up, whether it’s in reaction to that fear that it’s going to happen again, or for all sorts of reasons. And I guess in that situation, I sort of feel that the only thing you can do is just make sure that there are lots of opportunities to connect, which is really hard for that area because it’s a bit remote from everything else. It’s a bit isolated and there are not as many activities where kids would just go along to normally. (P1, Year 1)

The data positioned young people as being at greatest risk of the detrimental impacts of geographical remoteness, with those attending school outside of the immediate community described as more isolated in their recovery experiences. Opportunities for social connection for young people affected by the bushfire appeared to be rare, although the dataset comprised adult reports of young people’s experiences and did not capture youth perspectives on recovery processes.

For stakeholders working in the recovery space however, engaging youth proved difficult. Efforts to tailor activities to specific developmental ages and stages were highlighted, but only a small number of opportunities to support youth mental health and social connection had been successfully delivered:

In relation to the young people, we found it very hard to engage with them early on. Most of the interactions were with their parents … So we worked with our community development team and at the monthly dinners now we have a specific youth zone … Young people can go and hang out, play Nintendo, have a game of pool, arts or craft … We’ve also had a series of summer events, specifically for young people. (P11, Year 1)

These descriptions of opportunities for young people to connect were rare in the data, and more often the lack of support was highlighted. Young people’s social connections remained a salient issue throughout the second year of recovery. As a result of displacement, many children were disconnected from their community, being forced to adjust to new environments. Additionally, one participant spoke about the social challenges for adolescents, stating:

They were just expected to jump back in. I know a lot of the high school students … swapped schools, because they just found it too hard to be who they were before the fires. Yeah and then being treated differently or other kids didn’t know how to deal with them now that they’re homeless. So having that stigma on them was pretty tough. (P13, Year 2)

Changing social identity, resulting from the combined experiences of trauma, ongoing hardship, and stigma, had a significant impact on the well-being of young people severely affected by the fire. Accordingly, young people were described as facing a unique set of ongoing stressors post-disaster, that would benefit from developmentally tailored opportunities for mental health support and social connection.

Dynamics in Community Connectedness Over Time

In discussing the distress and ongoing adversity arising after the fires, many participants across both years reflected on the strength of their communities. Participants in some areas described their community as highly connected: “It’s a big family here” (P2, Year 1). Several described the community as what they liked most about living in the area, for example:

The people here, we have a close community and very helpful. Even though our distance is very far from each other, like the closest is 50 meters, we always know each other. That connectivity, that’s what I love [about] living here. (P10, Year 1)

It is interesting to note a delineation of perspectives at this point, given the differing communities represented. For many, recovery required establishing entirely new social connections, as community members attributed their connection to place with their solitude: “I’ve always been a private person. I work hard and I like just to come home to peace and quiet … I’m isolated but that’s the way I like it” (P4, Year 2). This isolation was noted throughout analysis and reflected a sought-out experience of seclusion associated with living in the Hills. In this context, the recovery process facilitated a new aspect of life for many participants, who described becoming involved in the community and having more active social connections: “This has the potential to really, really develop [our communities], and bring people together, and I think that can only be positive” (P1, Year 2). New group memberships were highlighted as a positive aspect of the bushfire, with many noting the change in the community dynamic.

Collective recovery efforts were initially guided by the Joint Recovery Committee, comprising state and local government, NGOs, and local community leaders, and sustained by the community over time. Many of the recovery activities assessed in the current study were centered in one specific community, as a result of local government and non-governmental organization supports located in this area. These activities, including dinners, morning teas, craft groups, and the Men’s Shed, slowly built new relationships that supported a sense of belonging and social identity. Participants attending the recovery morning teas, dinners, and Men’s Shed noted that engagement in structured recovery activities was helpful for their mental health, and related this to a sense of belonging and new relationships in the community. These reports were particularly evident among older residents who had greater availability to attend recovery events. One participant noted a changing social identity that evolved during the recovery period:

For the first time, we’re starting to look like a community. You know, I’ve been meeting people in here. And we’ve all been in [this community] for, you know, decades. And I’ve never seen it before. And, other people are having that same experience. (FGP1, Year 2)

Although dynamics changed over time, consistent with patterns of social change after bushfires, this growing community support was evident and reported across each of the three affected regions. Participants in more closely connected communities discussed a strengthening of previously established social groups. During the bushfire, the community had supported each other in responding, and ensuring safety and comfort: “everybody pitched in” (P2, Year 1). In particular, appreciation for professional and volunteer firefighters and responders was apparent in participants’ reflections of the bushfire response, as noted by several participants:

Oh, there’s also a general community awareness of the volunteer bushfire brigades. For the Wooroloo fire in particular, just had masses of donations …. Coffee shops providing free coffee and cards coming in. We found a basket full of flowers at the entrance to the station that said, “Thank you fire guys.” No name attached so we don’t know who it was from. Lots of cards saying you’re heroes etc. So in other words, the local community really values the volunteer bushfire brigades. (P2, Year 1)

Thus, despite the initial confusion arising from evacuation during a COVID-19 lockdown, and intermittent periods of pandemic restrictions in the months following, the community found practical ways to help during the fires and supported each other afterward. A formalized recovery process helped to supplement and catalyze this community action. The joint recovery committee facilitated much of the early recovery processes, building on community-led response.

Participants in the second year interviews explained that this community support took many forms including people delivering food to those unable to attend recovery dinners, hosting barbeques or small gatherings, and providing help with property management. Volunteer organizations like the newly established Men’s Shed were integral in this way, providing space for people to connect and feel a sense of belonging to the community:

And that’s the sort of community spirit that really makes people think, well, you know, it’s worthwhile living, it’s worthwhile doing things because you’ve got all these people behind you and helping and things. (P3, Year 2)

Similarly, one participant described the practical and thoughtful efforts of their community to ensure that she was supported in the clean-up of burnt debris on her property. After learning that the exterior of their house was burnt, several neighbors arrived one morning to clean it up and clear away the debris. She told us:

That was like an instant relief as well to me to see that it was clear already and clean. Those type of things make you feel—my goodness, I can’t see this [happening] anywhere else. Only here. Especially in this area. It was really helpful. It makes you feel comfortable, no matter what. We’re prone to bushfire, so that’s life. We can’t just keep hiding. So, just be aware of what type of community you’re living with. (P10, Year 1)

Highlighted in these reports was a communal sense of social connectedness, community support, and gratitude; with many noting the important effects of social gatherings, organized and spontaneous community activities, and online spaces as providing a foundation for recovery. Revitalized connections were viewed in a way that supported meaningful community development in the aftermath of the fire.

However, not all community members reported increased connection following the fires. Some noted higher levels of tension within the community, evident at neighborhood events and in social media posts. Further, frustration with the bushfire response and resources allocation during the recovery period had manifest in community relationships deteriorating: “It’s not all roses. It’s certainly a lot of pressure and a lot of community frustration …” (P12, Year 1). The closeness of the community led to comparisons in access to funding, or capacity for recovery. Participants reported concerns about the differential distribution of resources and information, the tone of social media posts about the event, slow pace of rebuilding, and level of action taken within the community to prevent further fires.

It’s a blessing and a curse. Yeah. So blessing is that the people are pretty close and they can kind of lean on each other. The problem is when they lean on each other in an unproductive way, it kind of again becomes draining and exhausting … The flip side of having a close community is whenever something like this has happened … [there’s] bickering, fighting, complaining, and whinging. (P12, Year 1)

In addition to the sense of dependency that had potential to lead to hostility, as noted above, restricted resources and complicated methods to access funds heightened frustrations and comparisons within the community. Others noted a sense of disconnect after the fires:

People who are going through this disaster recovery are all at different levels, but one thing that’s been completely knocked out of whack for them is their feeling of community safety. (P11, Year 1)

Similar feelings were expressed in the second wave of interviews, with particular mention of government and organizational involvement and the frustration around funding pathways and the distribution of resources. A sense of disillusionment was also expressed regarding unfulfilled promises made to the community, regarding government efforts to support recovery: “They’re making the promises, and they’re trying, but it’s not actually been fulfilled” (P13, Year 2). The invasiveness of media, poor communication systems for warning, and lack of updates on recovery services available heightened discord.

Despite some negatives, it was evident in participants’ reports that increased community connection supported recovery following the bushfire through new and ongoing social relationships, an elevated sense of belonging, and collective efforts to rebuild. While the relationships formed and strengthened in neighborhoods improved people’s sense of safety and well-being, this familiarity also increased the potential for social tension. As formalized recovery efforts driven by local government and non-government organizations drew to a close two years after the bushfire, participants perceived an increase in social connectedness that would sustain collective recovery, but also highlighted the need for ongoing mental health services to support those with more severe mental health difficulties, particularly among more socially isolated individuals.

Discussion

The study findings indicated that communities affected by a major bushfire and simultaneous measures to address the COVID-19 pandemic reported elevated mental health concerns, evident in individual and collective experiences, in the two years following exposure. Reports of the mental health effects of bushfire exposure intersected with adversity arising from the disaster, repeated experience of bushfires, co-occurring pandemic complications, and hardships in recovery. While many community members reported successful recovery and a return to daily routine after the fires, those most affected continued to experience hardship and high levels of distress years later. Community connectedness was dynamic: the recovery process strengthened social capital for many but led to frustrations and tension among others. In particular, perceptions of neighbors’ reluctance to prepare for future fires, and lack of access to recovery resources, influenced participants’ sense of frustration. However, community connection appeared to underpin recovery, and active engagement in recovery activities provided a source of support that mitigated distress.

Consistent with recent research on the impacts of recurrent disasters, mental health concerns were persistent among community members who are most severely affected, those who had underlying or ongoing challenges, and when the ongoing impacts of the pandemic hampered bushfire recovery and rebuilding (Bryant et al., 2021; Cowlishaw et al., 2024; Macleod et al., 2024; Newnham, Mergelsberg, et al., 2022). Mental health impacts included symptoms commonly associated with post-traumatic stress disorder (triggers, flashbacks, nightmares, and cognitive and behavioral avoidance), depression (persistent sadness and social withdrawal), anxiety (fear of recurrence), grief, guilt, frustration, and anger. Anger and community tensions are increasingly recognized as both problematic and productive in post-disaster recovery, playing an important role in ensuring action and advocating for community needs (Forbes et al., 2015; Kellett et al., 2023). A recent systematic review has highlighted the cumulative effects of multiple hazard exposure on post-traumatic stress disorder and suicide risk (Leppold et al., 2022), with growing evidence that repeated exposures exacerbate mental health concerns (Harville et al., 2011; Lowe et al., 2019; Reifels et al., 2018). This is particularly problematic for rural and coastal communities as they face climate disasters with growing intensity and frequency (Ellis & Albrecht, 2017; Kabir et al., 2024; IPCC, 2022). Mental health services are already lacking in rural and remote areas of Australia, and disasters compound the level of mental health need (Macleod et al., 2024; Riethmuller et al., 2023). The current findings indicate that mental health concerns continue for years following exposure, and thus long-term planning is needed to address psychological impacts. Sustainable, inclusive, and trauma-informed services are required in rural and remote areas, to ensure mental health access in the years following disasters and health emergencies (Newnham et al., 2020).

Community connectedness appeared to strengthen in the aftermath of the disaster, reflected in neighborhood efforts to support immediate recovery and through social initiatives including regular morning teas, recovery dinners, and establishment of community organizations such as the Men’s Shed. These initiatives were particularly appreciated by older residents. A formalized recovery structure was key in establishing venue and resource management for these events, while also working to support the linking of residents to financial and psychological aid. These formalized activities facilitated the continuance of social events and underpinned a number of community-led initiatives. A recent assessment of social group connections in communities affected by the Black Summer fires in Eastern Australia (Cruwys et al., 2024) indicated that stronger social group connections prior to the fires were associated with greater resilience and less distress one year later. Cruwys and colleagues’ (2024) findings suggested that greater social identification with the disaster-affected community, greater continuity of social group links, and greater formation of new ties supported resilience, although new ties were also associated with distress. Our findings complement this large-scale quantitative assessment, by highlighting the nuanced patterns of social connection and sense of belonging, and ongoing mental health difficulties described by a bushfire-affected community in Western Australia. In the current findings, newly formed social connections appeared to be supportive of mental health, and structured social events enabled a collective sense of recovery, augmenting emerging research on social revitalization after disasters (Craig et al., 2025).

Our findings are consistent with prior literature that indicated that individuals who believe their community to be supportive are more likely to evaluate that same community as being able to recover effectively post-disaster (Bergstrand & Mayer, 2020). The described increase in social connectivity following the bushfire provided keen insight into the capacity for disaster events to facilitate positive social change. Social connection has been found to predict higher post-traumatic growth in a hazardous context, furthering the need for greater inclusion of measures of post-traumatic growth and social identity in disaster contexts (Beaglehole et al., 2023; Cruwys et al., 2024). Participants frequently described the active nature of the community connections, during the bushfire, in clean-up, and during recovery. This belies a sense of trust within the community and a key consolidation of social-relational ties formed throughout the recovery process, which are essential for a community’s capacity to adapt and strengthen resilience (Castro-Correa et al., 2020). Participants valued community support and described the importance of these relationships as being akin to those they held with extended family. This, too, aligns with participants’ reported strong attachment to place and their willingness to stay despite repeated disaster exposures. Place attachment, connection to the natural environment, and the neighborly connections they perceive as being uniquely “rural” in nature are important elements of rural identity (Baldwin et al., 2017; Ellis & Albrecht, 2017; Riethmuller et al., 2021). This shared community identity was reflected in participants’ high level of risk perception that, in turn, appeared to contribute to the community’s perceived value in, and necessity for, a local approach to preparedness, response, and recovery.

There is a complex relationship between aspects of recovery that may serve as both stressors and supports at different times (Cruwys et al., 2024; Harms et al., 2021). For individuals severely impacted by the fire, new social connections established through recovery events were described as impactful and provided a renewed sense of hope and perception of the community as supportive. This provides a clear example of the role of bridging social capital in recovery. These connections are characterized by weaker ties and are often formed between individuals from different social or cultural groups. Bridging capital is valuable for creating inclusive communities and fostering cooperation across diverse groups, leading to greater social cohesion and trust. Our findings align with similar findings from a comparative rural cohort, whereby individuals with stronger social networks and greater connectivity to support from neighbors were more likely to recover quickly (Sadri et al., 2018). Despite this marked spirit of togetherness, some participants reported disconnect among community members, outlining ways in which the challenges of the recovery process fostered resentment and discord. High or low levels of community involvement post-disasters can increase stress (Gallagher et al., 2019), and recent evidence indicates a bidirectional relationship between loneliness and post-traumatic stress disorder after disasters (Cruwys et al., 2025). Consistent with past research, the potential for social tensions arose from restricted resources or inequitable distribution of funding, delays in rebuilding, and increased social contact (Cowlishaw et al., 2024; Harms et al., 2021). Accordingly, recovery processes must balance the concepts of social revitalization, collective resources, and connectedness while allowing for difference and diversity.

Significant mental health impacts among young people and a lack of appropriate services were reported as a key concern for the community. Although the perspectives of children and adolescents were not captured in the current study, many community members reported that the fire had long-lasting implications for young people. For older adolescents, this was discussed specifically in the context of school, where they faced challenges related to academic pressures, dealing with stigma associated with homelessness and economic hardship after the fire, and concerns about climate change. This aligns with findings in international contexts, whereby children and adolescents report significantly higher risk of anxiety and depression post-disaster (Kar & Bastia, 2006; Newnham, Mergelsberg, et al., 2022; Tanaka et al., 2016), and vulnerability to adversities in the post-disaster environment (Gibbs et al., 2015; Newnham, Gao, et al., 2022). These experiences were also inextricably linked to the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic, which was reported to have adverse impacts on resilience in Australian youth populations (Evans et al., 2020; Grove et al., 2023). Moreover, young people have reported significant concerns regarding the growing threat of climate change and the impacts that inertia in government policy is having on climate disaster-risk reduction, health, and education (Clemens et al., 2022).

Despite the level of need, agencies struggled to engage young people in recovery activities, as events were reported as poorly attended. Youth have the capacity to be agents of change and shape their community, as evidenced in the context of the 2010/11 Christchurch earthquakes (Freeman et al., 2015), Canadian fires (Pickering et al., 2021), and earthquakes in Nepal and China (Newnham et al., 2019). In rural settings in particular, social cohesion is thought to be associated with a willingness to help others and become active members of the community in accessing support (Wilson et al., 2015). Future recovery efforts must foster social cohesion and disaster resilience for young people through youth-led initiatives. Co-design of mental health supports for young people has potential to build community connectedness, resilience, and household disaster preparedness (Mutch, 2014; Newnham, Dzidic, & Kelly, 2023; Ronan et al., 2015, 2016) and should be explored further.

Theoretical Implications

The findings lend support to the SIMIC (Cruwys et al., 2024; Haslam et al., 2021). SIMIC posits that a person’s capacity to cope well with life changes will be enhanced to the extent that they have access to new or continued, psychologically meaningful, and fulfilling group memberships (Haslam et al., 2021). A disaster creates potential disruption to social identity enacted through loss and the experience of trauma, which may be individual or perceived as shared, consistent with the experiences reported by community members in the current study who noted the shared experience of repeated bushfire exposure. Conversely, disasters present an opportunity for community members to support one another to promote recovery (Ali et al., 2021; Solnit, 2010). In communities where deep relationality is supported, recovery is embedded in healing processes that support connection to Country and place (McMahon, 2025; Quinn et al., 2022; Wright et al., 2024). The current findings indicate that formal and informal recovery processes fostered continued and new social connections, that built a sense of community identity and belonging, and often fostered well-being. Growing evidence suggests that more group memberships support stronger well-being after disaster (Cruwys et al., 2024), although engagement in too many groups has potential to create a psychological burden (Gallagher et al., 2019). Our findings support this notion and indicate links between social connectedness and mental health after disasters, increasing sense of belonging in a community which supported individual and collective recovery. The roles of personal resilience, psychological flexibility, and capacity for group memberships after disasters require further exploration.

Limitations

Several limitations must be noted. First, qualitative reports provide deep insight into the experience of disaster-affected communities but do not quantify prevalence of psychological difficulties. These findings complement recent reviews of quantitative data highlighting the long-term mental health effects of major disasters (Beaglehole et al., 2018; Macleod et al., 2024; Newnham, Mergelsberg, et al., 2022) and multiple hazards (Leppold et al., 2022), by exploring mental health experiences in the years following compound disasters, and extend nuanced understanding of the relationships between bushfire exposure, social connection, and mental health. Second, as a result of public health restrictions and geographical isolation, Western Australia experienced fewer effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in comparison to other Australian states and international settings (House et al., 2023). As such, the community experiences in the current study differ from other settings affected by bushfires and pandemics, where social connection was highly dislocated due to ongoing restrictions (Cowlishaw et al., 2024). Third, participants in the current study were initially nominated by Australian Red Cross staff, although recruitment broadened in the second year. The sample comprised mainly women and was older in age than the average community demographic, and as such, experiences described should not be considered reflective of the broader communities’ perspectives. It was not possible to determine the extent to which community members’ social identities and number of social memberships directly mitigated the negative consequences of disaster exposure, but given participants’ perceptions of community membership as a protective factor, further quantitative and qualitative research should explore this hypothesis. Further examination of mental health impacts after repeated disasters, in particular from younger and more diverse groups, is needed to inform inclusive mental health supports.

Conclusions

The 2021 Wooroloo Bushfire had significant ongoing social and mental health impacts for the community. The current study contributes nuanced reports of the mental health experiences reported by communities affected by repeated and compounding disasters, including individual and collective experiences of traumatic stress, grief, anger, and resilience. Increased social connectedness after the disaster was perceived as critical in supporting community recovery. Although positive reports of increased group memberships were common, these were juxtaposed against a sense of loss when neighbors were displaced, and frustration with uneven distribution of resources or lack of engagement in disaster preparedness within the community. Sustainable mental health services, currently lacking in high-disaster-risk areas across Western Australia, are urgently needed to support the ongoing and future mental health risks arising from emergencies.