‘Inclusivity for who’?: An analysis of ‘race’ and female fandom at the 2022 UEFA European Women's Championships

Abstract

This article explores the experiences and identities of minority ethnic women at the UEFA Women's Euros (UWE) held in England in 2022. It does so at a time when women sports fans have become more visible in the historically male-dominated environs of football fandom, particularly in the United Kingdom (UK), and when questions of ‘race’, ethnicity and gender are longstanding, contested elements of British culture and society. Through a Black feminist thought methodology allied to critical race theory principles, the study contributes an essential intersectional account of minority ethnic women's sports fandom experiences at a major international event. The findings confirm that the growth of women's football in the UK, motivated minority ethnic women to attend the UWE. However, the current visibility and inclusivity of professional women's football demonstrates a lack of diversity and cultural sensitivity, which often inhibits minority ethnic women from presenting their identities to further engage with and support the game's growth.

Introduction

This article aims to explore the experiences of women from a minority ethnic background when attending the 2022 UEFA Women's Euros (UWE). The UWE hosted in England took place between the 6th–31st July 2022 in eight host cities and included 16 teams and 10 venues (The Football Association, 2022). The event witnessed record-breaking attendance. The previous record attendance for a UWE match was 43,301. However, at the 2022 UWE, the opening match attracted 68,871 spectators, and the final, 87,192 spectators (UEFA, 2022a). Each city hosted fan zones featuring a range of arts, heritage and music activities to entertain fans before matches. These areas were an opportunity for fans to engage in football-based activities, consume food and drink, observe performances, and engage with tournament partners (UEFA, 2022b).

The study draws upon responses from 51 minority ethnic women. Data was obtained through online surveys and three focus groups comprising a total of 10 participants. The discourse surrounding the women in this study and their experiences as fans encourages the reader to comprehend the multi-layered socio-cultural, religious, and racialised structures that stem from colonialism, imperialism, and migration to the United Kingdom (UK). The findings explore five key themes; (i) engagement with the UEFA Euro 2022 tournament (ii) the impact of racism (iii) male football culture (iv) women's football as a safe and inclusive space, and (v) the importance of representation. Women are not a homogenous group therefore, critical reflections are required when constructing the lived experiences of minority ethnic women and a greater emphasis is required in relation to sport.

This study centralises ‘race’ and ethnicity which are social constructs. ‘Race’ is a multifaceted concept that concerns physiognomical characteristics that enforce categorisation and is often used to racially minoritise people based on how they look (Carmichael-Murphy and Gabi, 2021). Ethnicity entails wider concepts related to an individual's heritage alongside cultural markers, such as language and religion (Evans et al., 2020). Studies of ‘race’ and gender in British society frequently convey the historical principles of imperialism and colonialism, where gender essentialism and racialised structures are subjugated for minority ethnic women (Ali, 2009; Scraton et al., 2005). These power relations, as evidenced by Collins (2008), guide the social cleavages pertaining to gender and ethnicity through the lens of Black feminism principles. A critical ‘race’ theory (CRT) approach, which positions the social construction of ‘race’ as central to further analysis is adopted in the study (Crenshaw et al., 1995; Hylton, 2010). Traditionally, the work of CRT is historically positioned in the United States of America, whereas the UK context of ‘race’ and ethnicity often sparks further consideration. This is due to imperialism and colonialism fuelling prejudice around migration and multiculturism which have exploited forms of socio-economic inequity. Such principles encourage inquiry into how society influences points of oppression, the UK context enforces inquiry into ethnicity as a key component alongside other areas (including gender, race, and other aspects of people's identities) of marginalisation and where political Blackness is often actuated (Collins, 2000; Mirza, 1997). For example, work by Ratna (2011, 2014) and Leslie-Walker et al. (2022) explore how pre-conceived ideas of minority ethnic women's engagement in sports can often spark racialised stereotypes. Subsequently, intersectionality as articulated within the company of CRT by Crenshaw (1989), allows multiple axes of identities that may present powered discourses where racialised women are ‘othered’ and hegemonic whiteness is recentred. This is evidenced by Collins (1991) when providing consciousness around oppressive spaces and their formulation of ‘outsiders’ due to their identity and gender.

Exploring ‘race' in women's football fandom

Women have sat on the sidelines cheering for their teams for decades. Despite the notion of sport as a male preserve (Dunning, 1986; Theberge, 1985), in some sports like Australian rules football and American football, organisers actively encouraged women as spectators as early as the late 19th century (Hess, 2000; Taylor, 2020). However, until recently, academics have overlooked women fans, focusing instead on men (Mewett and Toffoletti, 2012; Pope, 2014, 2017). Consequently, sports fandom communities have long been exclusionary to women and ‘bastions of male privilege’ which have subsequently normalised power relations and gender hierarchies (Esmonde et al., 2015: 23).

There is a growth of literature on women's experiences as fans and how they negotiate this gendered space (Chiweshe, 2014; Dunn, 2012; Ginhoux, 2018; Gong, 2017; Jones, 2008; Kossakowski et al., 2022; Lenneis and Pfister, 2015; Pfister et al., 2013; Pope, 2010; Symons and McGowan, 2023; Zuaneti et al., 2022), however little considers the intersectionality of ‘race’, ethnicity and cultural sensitivity. Football mega-events such as the UWE, have the capacity to form community and develop a sense of national identity or national pride (Gassmann et al., 2020; Vincent and Harris, 2014). The work of Meier et al. (2019) denotes the German national football team could develop a more ‘open civic concept of national identity’ however also serves as a form of ethnic exclusionism (p. 477). Similarly, the supporters of the English national team with far-right political affiliations used the team to demonstrate pride in their national identity (Abell et al., 2007), with some supporters questioning the commitment of Asian fans because of their absence at away matches. Moreover, Ratna (2014) confirms there is a greater acceptance of British Asian fans when they attend away matches, however their loyalty is still regularly questioned, creating a sense of otherness. Evidence from African football found that victory by a country's national team, made people ‘30 percent more likely to trust other ethnicities’ (Depetris-Chauvin et al., 2020) and could reduce interethnic violence. However, Van Sterkenburg's (2013) research on the Dutch national team identified that this differed depending on ethnic background. While some White European-Dutch viewers stated they would identify less with the national team if there were several minority ethnic players, Moroccan-Dutch respondents felt the presence of Ibrahim Afellay promoted the integration of other Moroccan-Dutch individuals into society.

It is also the case that stereotypes may serve as a form of exclusion. Stereotypes in football commentary often revolve around Black athletes being naturally athletic, powerful and a notable scarcity of praise for Black players’ intellect, whereas White players are viewed as working hard and being more mentally skilful (Campbell and Bebb, 2022; Van Sterkenburg and Spaaij, 2015). These media portrayals privilege the majority and disadvantage minority ethnic groups, which results in pervading public consciousness, enforcing stereotypical viewpoints (Buffington and Fraley, 2008; McCarthy et al., 2003; Van Sterkenburg and Knoppers, 2004) and constructing sport as an uncomfortable space for minority ethnic fans.

Racism of all types remains persistent in men's football both in the stands (Burdsey, 2020; Burdsey and Randhawa, 2012; Kilvington, 2013) and online (Cable et al., 2022). In some instances, this is due to a colour-blind ideology where the governing authorities (at all levels of the sport) are ignoring the extent of the problem and ‘reluctant to challenge racist behaviour’ (Cleland and Cashmore, 2014: 646; Kassimeris et al., 2022; Lusted, 2009). While there is some evidence that overt racism has decreased, more nuanced and covert racism remains, including on social media (Cleland and Cashmore, 2014; Kassimeris et al., 2022). The organisation ‘Kick it Out’ is the leading organisation for reporting football discrimination across England, Wales and Scotland in the professional and grassroots game (Kick it out, 2023).

Understanding why minority ethnic fans attend is key. Some academics have used the Sport Fan Motivation Scale questionnaire (Armstrong, 2002b; Bilyeu and Wann, 2002; Wann et al., 1999). Some of the factors motivating minority ethnic fans’ attendance included identification with the athletes representation on the field of play (Brown and Bennett, 2015), the perceived level of excitement/entertainment of the sport (Blank et al., 2014; Brown and Bennett, 2015), family appeal (Armstrong, 2008), atmosphere (Blank et al., 2014), cost (Blank et al., 2014) feeling unwelcome (Brown and Bennett, 2015), and fears of experiencing racism (Burdsey and Randhawa, 2012). Components of the above research tried to identify gender differences within these groups of fans, finding that African-American women were less likely than Euro-American women to see spectating as a family activity (Armstrong, 2002a) and economic and aesthetic factors are less important to women (Armstrong, 2002b). However, Bilyeu and Wann (2002) found contradictory evidence regarding spectating as a family activity. Though participants’ gender is recorded in some research, the analysis is not broken down (Armstrong, 2008; Brown and Bennett, 2015) and in most cases, women's voices are completely absent. This can be due to assumptions being made that their experiences are the same as minority ethnic men, or being the same as White women (Ratna, 2014). However, Andrijw and Richardson (2023) have specifically sought to explore the experiences of Black female ice hockey fans and disclose how ‘race’ impacted their respondents being marginalised. Findings suggest their racial minority status meant they were subject to exclusion, gender stereotyping and discrimination. Many participants felt they could not present their authentic selves and instead attempted to minimise their differences. Some participants believed that attempts by those who control the sport to encourage diversity had been ineffective.

Consultation with minority ethnic fans is critical as is considering religious observances (Burdsey and Randhawa, 2012). What is needed is to explore why there is a lack of racial and ethnic diversity in football fandom (Radmann et al., 2022; Toffoletti and Palmer, 2017) and also what these women experience when they attend. This study addresses this research lacuna by investigating these underexplored multiple identities, without fear to generate critical inquiry. The research follows the advice of Collins (2008) who confirms the importance of ‘safe spaces’ for racially minoritised women to voice their opinions freely, in support of anchoring social justice and for purposes of permanence.

Methodology

Theoretical stance

The study employed an interwoven approach through the lens of Black feminist thought and critical ‘race’ theory (CRT). These approaches tackle systemic inequalities by identifying the perplexities and discarding the Euro-centric methodology that is often observed in gender-related studies, where ethnically diverse women are situated as ‘Other’ (Ratna and Samie, 2017).

Black feminist thought as coined by Collins (1986) notes three key themes; self-definition, simultaneity of oppression and reframing the Black woman's standpoint. Firstly, self-definition allows Black women to reclaim power that may have been shaped by the dominant culture and to deny external definitions which have historically been distorted unconstructively due to White privilege. Secondly, simultaneity affirms intersecting forms of oppression cannot be understood separately such as; gender, ‘race’, and religion which are explored in this study. Thirdly, reframing the power dynamic and resilience of Black women is necessary to gain authority in oppressive environments and to reject negative assumptions. Although Black feminist thought focuses on the positioning of ‘race’ and gender, CRT exhibits an understanding of ‘race’, racism and how legal advisories such as policies within sports governance can elicit change.

The four tenets of CRT as explained by Delgado and Stefancic (2017) indicate that racialised oppression derives from human interaction due to socio-political thinking and adverse acts due to racial differences within society. The systemic racialisation within legal works, regulatory bodies and cultural norms can perpetuate realms of internalised, interpersonal, institutional and structural racism where ‘meritocracy, colorblindness, “race” neutrality, and equal opportunity’ are exposed (Solórzano and Yosso, 2002: 26).

Therefore, CRT emphasises the importance of acquiring an awareness of the lived experiences of individuals and utilising innovative methods such as ‘counter-storytelling’ as pertinent ways to express the voice of minority ethnic individuals. Such frameworks are required due to the deficiency of intersectional research in the discipline of football fandom, that engages with gendered and racialised experiences.

Method

With the above theoretical lenses in mind, White privilege aims to regulate the lives of those who are racialised in society. Counter-storytelling is a praxis that fights for racial reform and a reduction of racial stereotypes (Delgado and Stefancic, 2017). Therefore, the adoption of CRT to employ data analysis enables theoretical sensitivity (Strauss and Corbin, 1990) and cultural intuition (Bernal, 1998). The counter-storytelling approach allowed the researchers to analyse the quantitative and qualitative data to copiously consume the voices of the women in the study. Respondents retrieved concepts of emotive expression and sharing of societal enforced oppression, challenges the majoritarian perspective (Solórzano and Yosso, 2002) by empowering and producing emancipation amongst respondents where cultural intuition is platformed.

A mixed-method approach was undertaken, incorporating an online survey and focus group. The survey collected demographic data as well as open questions to help formulate questions for the focus groups and foster thoughts, feelings, and meanings (Creswell, 2015). Following ethical approval from a university ethics panel, we recruited respondents via purposive stratified sampling through social media platforms, including Twitter and LinkedIn, in addition to utilising our personal networks.

The study consisted of two phases. Phase one consisted of a 46-point question online survey. This attracted 51 respondents (mean age of 33). Of the 51 respondents, 10 respondents agreed to participate in one of three semi-structured focus groups that lasted 60 min. The demographics considered within the survey were age, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and religion. Open responses to the survey covered various areas including respondents' pre-existing relationship with football, their fan biographies, and anticipating the future impact of the tournament. Discussion topics for the focus groups included pre- and post-match experience, crowd diversity, representation and identity which allowed respondents to share their lived experiences which are distinctive contributions to literature in this field of study. The authors adapted Nicholson et al.'s (2023) questionnaire for their research on women cricket fans’ motivation to attend The Hundred competition.

We used video and photo elicitation in the focus groups to provide context of fan zones and to stimulate reflection (Curry, 1986; Fernández-Prieto et al., 2019). This approach allowed the respondents to assimilate with and/or discard accounts of the materials provided depending on their personal experience of the UWE (Harper, 2002). The research team selected the ‘Our England: The Official England Squad Announced’ video (FATV, 2022) and four pictures (one of the England team, one of the France team and two of UWE 2022 fan zones).

Author 1 generated pseudonyms to ensure anonymity within the research, based on the respondents’ ethnic and religious characteristics. All respondents were forwarded the transcripts for confirmation and provided the opportunity to recommend an alternative name; however, no change requests were received. As explained by Lahman et al. (2015), the application of pseudonyms requires researcher reflexivity to ensure participant numbers or monikers do not imply an abuse of power. The authors analysed the data following Braun and Clarke's (2006) six-phase approach to reflexive thematic analysis. This approach is a strong fit with research that drives to improve social justice by ‘giving voice’ to socially marginalised participant groups (Okoko et al., 2023). In line with Braun and Clarke's work (2006), we do not claim that themes ‘emerged’ from our data. We recognise, as in constructivist grounded theory (Charmaz, 2000), that we contributed to our data – we designed the study and analysed the data through our personal lenses. Consequently, the reflexivity of the first author within the focus groups functioned as essential to eliminating any cultural assumptions and deciphering information clearly when probing (Hamilton, 2020).

Regarding positionality, the research team comprised a Black British woman of Caribbean heritage (first author) and two White British women (second and third authors). The first author shares membership with some of the participants in regard to gender, ‘race’, and ethnicity and therefore to some extent adopted an ‘insider’ perspective to draw on social realities during the focus groups (Campbell, 2015). The second author demonstrates a commitment to race equality and the third author works for a race equality organisation however both are racially categorised as an ‘outsider’ within this study.

Findings and discussion

The mean age of participants was 33 with the majority of respondents being aged 21–25 years (31%). Most respondents (40%) considered themselves South Asian, (30%) Black African/Caribbean, (22%) mixed/multiple ethnic groups and (8%) other. With regards to participants’ religion, the majority identified as Muslim (37%), Christian (20%), 6% were Hindu (6%), Sikh (6%), and Jewish (2%). Other participants either had no religion or preferred not to disclose.

Engagement with the UEFA Euro 2022 tournament

When respondents were asked whether they felt women's football functioned as an inclusive space for people from minority ethnic backgrounds, (20%) stated ‘far short of expectations’, (51%) felt the sport falls ‘below expectations’, whereas (19%) stated it ‘equals expectation’, (5%) ‘exceeds expectations’ and (5%) far exceeds expectations. In this case, such findings confirm the respondents were keen to engage as a fan, however, the majority acknowledged women's football existed as a non-inclusive space.

The survey aimed to uncover elements of fandom identity and understand how respondents’ identities may have impacted their fandom. For example, 15% of respondents claimed they prepared themselves physically or psychologically before watching the UWE compared to other events. This may have been due to women's football being seen as a ‘White space’ where racial profiling and/or judgement may reinforce expectations (Anderson, 2015). Moreover, Osborne and Coombs (2013) identify performative acts as; relational, contextual and negotiable. The respondents commented on how overt expressions of England fandom (flag, shirt) may have felt necessary to confirm their association with the England team. Notably, within the survey, five respondents confirmed they experienced discrimination at the UWE however, none reported the incidents.

The impact of racism and male football culture

The focus groups revealed challenges about the connection between football and racism that meant some minority ethnic women felt football, in general, remained an unwelcoming space. Eve stated that:

A lot of us have these pre-conceived ideas that big public football spaces aren’t for us, as Black and Brown women. For me, this was born about by seeing, from the distance of my home country (Africa), all the news reports, etc., about hooligans and racists, etc., when I was a teen.

This concern seemed not simply about fellow fans but the inherent culture of English football, including at the governance level and in the media. For example, Natalie specifically mentioned ‘the history of the FA. And, like a lot of racism that exists within English football’. Scholars have critiqued racism in English football (Burdsey, 2020) and how racist fandom culture is often a problem of wider societal constructs (Cleland and Cashmore, 2016). Significantly, Aaliyah acknowledged the disparities in how commentators refer to White and Black players, echoing the work of Campbell and Bebb (2022). These concerns regarding racism within football in England meant that both Natalie and Eve were uncomfortable wearing an England shirt. Thus, even if the participant has not directly experienced an act of racism, their perception of the sport may derive from others’ experiences (Williams, 2023).

Unfortunately, some of these women's difficulties with football resulted from overt racist acts. Eve explained that the ‘aggressive racist abuse’ she experienced early on put her off supporting the international team for a long time. Such racialised trauma aligns with the work of Lawrence and Davis (2019) who indicate that ‘supporting from afar’ is often a result of oppressive behaviours or negative media representation.

The racism that followed the England men's teams’ defeat in the 2020 Euros impacted Natalie, who feared that more men taking an interest in the women's team would mean that the women's tournament would become a similarly uncomfortable space. This concern led to ‘a lot of fear in going to watch international games at Wembley’. These reflections from Natalie and Eve call for clearer actions to eradicate racism from football. As outlined by Penfold and Cleland (2021), who discussed the views of 906 fans on anti-racism initiatives and noted that ‘three quarters of the White participants do not engage with any Kick It Out initiatives’ (p. 16). Their study recommended education in schools and for all clubs to endorse the usage of the ‘Kick It Out’ phone application, that enables a safe space for reporting all forms of discrimination.

There remained a definite belief that men's matches were a more uncomfortable space than women's matches. Aminah explained that she remained ‘not comfortable taking family members or friends that wear a headscarf to men's games’, confirming previous studies on Muslim women that to create ‘safe spaces’ there should be a consideration of safety, a consciousness of the family viewpoint, cultural sensitivity and a sense of belonging (Green and Singleton, 2007; Thorpe et al., 2022). Similarly, Sophie stated that she would not take her Black friends who are women to a men's match. However, that is not to say that there are no instances of sexist, homophobic, or racist comments at women's matches. Both Nasima and Sophie reflected on offensive comments made at matches during the UWE. In both cases, the women felt unable to challenge these comments due to fear of reprisal. Nasima commented that this left her ‘on edge the whole game, waiting for the next comment’. The fear of hostility and the threat of physical violence can prevent fans from attending future matches (Lawrence and Davis, 2019).

Women's football as a safer and more inclusive space

Despite some evidence of offensive comments and behaviours at matches during the UWE, Eve commented specifically on the atmosphere at one match she went to ‘was really just merry and a lot of jolly singing and all that kind of thing, and I have never felt like I had in some football games’. Salma referred to the culture of women's football as being ‘slightly more sort of civilised’. Nasima commented that she certainly sees ‘a difference in the atmosphere before a ladies’ game than I do at the guys’.

The women pinpointed diverse crowds as something that made them feel safer. Sandra, Vicky, and Sophie specifically mentioned the diversity of audiences at the UWE being more significant than male matches. Nazreen explained that the feeling of greater inclusivity ‘impacts … how you experience the game’ and commented that she ‘didn’t really feel as if there was any kind of threat or anything’. This comment suggests when attending or her understanding of attending men's matches, may impose an underlying fear for her safety.

This feeling of greater safety served as important in other ways, where a more inclusive space resulted in respondents more likely to invite others who may not usually go to matches. Aminah commented:

There was like an auntie behind me that had a headscarf, and she was with her kids and stuff. And honestly, I felt … I felt like … at that, that's like, this is a space that I could bring my mum because she wears a headscarf as well. … I just felt like, oh my God, like, this is a safe space, and this is something that I can encourage and push my mum, like to bring my mum into.

She also mentioned that when inviting friends to women's football matches, ‘no matter what's going on, 100% they’ll come’, unlike if the invite transpired to be to a men's game. Secondly, the safer space made Sophie reflect that she would be more likely to call out offensive language at a women's game. She stated that at a men's match, ‘you’d have to feel very, very, very safe in a space and with people you feel very, very, very safe with to consider it’, she also suggested that this feeling of inclusivity only works ‘if you fit into certain categories’, and there were still ‘huge strides to go’. This indicates some groups are still not entirely welcome, even in the women's football space, confirming that racism continues to be an issue and is present in the women's game (Cleland and Cashmore, 2014).

The importance of representation

The most salient theme discussed by focus group respondents was the importance of representation. There were two key elements to this. Firstly, how seeing people like you on the terraces impacts your experience, and secondly, how representation on the pitch affects your feeling towards a team. Sophie mentions the feeling of comfort when stating that greater diversity helped her relax and be less anxious ‘about maybe what might be said or what might happen’. Salma reflected on the ‘commonality’ that comes from seeing others like yourself and that ‘it does feel special’.

Although respondents felt that women's football seemed a safer space, several respondents commented on the lack of diversity in the crowds. Nasima, Aminah, Aaliyah, and Nazreen saw few minority ethnic women at the matches they attended. Eve made similar comments about a lack of diversity even though she is ‘always looking’ to see if there are women like her. However, Salma noted that at a fixture at Stadium MK, ‘there was more diversity that [she] expected’. Salma added that at professional club matches she attends, she is often the only minority ethnic woman there. The significance of identity is articulated by Ratna (2014) premising gender, ‘race’ and religion as key indicators when acknowledging identity in football terraces.

Connected to the representation in the terraces is the diversity of the players. ‘Football is supposed to be for everyone’, and there is a saying, ‘if you can see it, you can be it,’ stated Sandra, reflecting on the importance of a diverse team. Eve notes that the lack of diversity has not led to her feeling ‘less connected to the England team,’ but her concern is that opportunities seemed ‘to be disappearing for young Black people’. A lack of diversity turned out to also be reflected in the responses to the questionnaires. When asked to comment on the number of minority ethnic players participants seen on the pitch during the UWE, 15% saw ‘none’ minority ethnic players, 41% observed one, 28% observed two, 10% observed three, and only 6% observed four or more.

Salma's comment about ‘commonality’ occurred when she attended the France vs Netherlands match. This mention of France is critical as the French team's ethnic diversity turned out to be a frequent discussion point in the study and although not the origin national team, a sense of belonging was orchestrated. Team diversity and fan acceptance have been a noteworthy discussion due to migration across Europe. Van Campenhout and Van Houtum (2021) recall the story of Mesut Özil and the inclusion of the best players for the nation being accepted in national teams.

Multiple respondents mentioned other teams they followed more closely than England, due to the diverse nature of their squads. Sandra described the French team as ‘very important’ to her because she ‘can see [her]self in the France team’. Eve echoed these comments, stating:

Yeah, I love watching the French team. You know, I love watching France … in women's football and men's football … the reason is because there are so many Black women in this team and it's such a diverse team, and I can see … this team of skilled, powerful, talented Black women…

Similarly, Vicky mentioned that she picks out other teams to support ‘because they’re more reflective’, explicitly mentioning France. While Aaliyah wanted to ‘keep an eye’ on Iceland because they ‘had a player of colour in their team who's starting’.

Sandra mentioned that the England team ‘can’t be role models for the young people’ because they do not reflect the diversity of the UK population. She stated that:

If you've got players who look like the Black women out there, Black women will watch, and Black women will go … That's why … even if you don't think that you can play football, the energy is that feeling that you get that I can see my cousin, I can see my friend representing in women's football, and it's not just about playing, but it's about everything else that goes with it.

Nazreen concurred, suggesting that more diversity in the teams means that people ‘have that connection to look at’ and will engage more people as they can see themselves in that role.

The lack of diversity on the pitch has other impacts. Vicky mentioned that they know of people who ‘have actually started to watch the men's international team because there's connections with players like Saka and [other] Black players’. The under-representation of ethnic diversity witnessed on the pitch, relates to writing on the symbiotic relationship with the Lionesses team. Research by Gupta (2021) explores the inclusion of Sikh women from the diaspora community in global spaces and the importance of visibility and empowerment to inspire others to display an authentic identity. The discourse surrounding the underrepresentation of diverse ethnic communities is evidenced in other academic spheres of the academy such as coaching (Bradbury et al., 2018; Rankin-Wright and Norman, 2017) and sports governance (Bradbury, 2013; Fletcher and Hylton, 2018).

The lack of diversity on the pitch also caused some women to feel conflicted about supporting the Lionesses. Sophie mentioned a ‘tug of war’ feeling, wanting to support the women because ‘you are a woman’ but that ‘there's not many women who look like [her]’. As explored by Ratna (2014), who explains identities can be a ‘hybrid’ of their homeland and a presentation of the British culture mirroring this ‘tug of war’ concept. Similarly, Aminah reflected that they ‘love and support the Lionesses’ but also felt the same ‘tug of war’. Substantively, association with your country of heritage and your birth country can employ multiple emotions.

There are similarities to Burdsey's (2006) research where the historical lack of representation of British Asian men in the England team created feelings of alienation from national football, despite a general affiliation to the England team being present among minority ethnic individuals. Although representation on the pitch is a significant issue that will require change at all levels of the game, there is undoubtedly more that governing bodies can do to make football a welcoming space for minority ethnic women.

Conclusion

Our examination presents an original contribution that demonstrates the interplay of gender, ‘race’ and ethnicity in football fandom. The findings of the study supplement the theoretical stances outlined to acknowledge power relations, hierarchy, and oppressive notions. Minority ethnic women are required to be authentic with their identity whilst being faced with multidimensional forms of oppression (racism, classism, sexism, and heterosexism), that often provide momentum for the privileged and further subordinates the oppressed (Borland and Bruening, 2010). Utilising the theoretical lenses discussed within the methodology allowed multiple approaches to understand how societal forces, have shaped respondents’ lived experiences within women's football fandom.

Findings suggest some minority ethnic women who attend matches seek further belonging and acceptance within stadia. Structural challenges have negatively impacted ethnic diversity representation on the pitch, and the limited visibility of minority ethnic women may have resulted in the narrative of women's football being seen as a non-inclusive space. The increase of racialised discriminatory acts within women's football requires policymakers to review and clarify reporting mechanisms particularly for new audiences.

Clear recognition and awareness of the respondent identities were established, and cultural sensitivity functioned in the capacity of data collection to interpret the findings and ensure self-definition was presented. The exploration of ethnicity extends our understanding of intersectional scholarship, by detecting how power and privilege operate in society that further enforces the perpetuation of inequality.

With the presence of minority ethnic women attending women's football stadia, a reframing approach is necessary pertaining to cultural considerations such as prayer rooms, non-alcoholic zones and activities to improve the sense of safety and identity association. Therefore, by reflecting on the voices of the respondents in the study, we advocate for an increased, and heightened visibility, of minority ethnic role models across the global football landscape, particularly within geographical areas in England where ethnic diversity is highly concentrated.

This article recommends further consultation and partnerships with stakeholders such as The Football Association, The Football Supporters' Association (Representative body for supporters in England and Wales), Kick it Out (UK anti-discrimination in sport organisation) and The Fare Network (European anti-discrimination in football organisation). Collaborations and partnership work will develop an increased understanding of individuals’ experiences, whilst ensuring cultural sensitivity is adhered to and accessibility is attainable and sustainable.