Terrorism itself is not an ideology. It is an insurrectional strategy that can be used by people of different political convictions. For a detailed discussion of the concept, see LaqueurWalter, The Age of Terrorism (London: Little Brown, 1987), pp. 3–11.
2.
See AbrahamianErvand, “Ali Shari'ati: Ideologue of the Iranina Revolution”, MERIP Reports, January 1982, pp. 25–28.
3.
For a survey of Muslim revivalist thinkers, see RahnemaAli (ed.), Pioneers of Islamic Revival (London: Zed Books, 1995).
4.
For an analysis of the Islamic discourse in the Arab world, see IsmailSalwa, “Confronting the Other: Identity, Culture, Politics, and Conservative Islamism in Egypt”, International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 30, 1998, pp. 199–210.
5.
For a critical assessment of Maududi's works, see FakshMahmud A., The Future of Islam in the Middle East: Fundamentalism in Egypt, Algeria, and Saudi Arabia (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1997), pp. 11–13. Also see, Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991).
6.
QutbSayyid, Islam and Universal Peace (Indianapolis: American Trust Publications, 1993), p. 10. Qutb was the leader of the Muslim Brethren, which split from President Nasser's secular socialist revolution in 1954. Consequently, he spent most of his remaining life in prison until he was executed in 1966. His brief stay in US in the 1940s seems to have sharpened his anti-Western militancy and his contempt for Muslim modernists.
7.
QutbSayyid, The Religion of Islam (Kuwait: Holy Koran Publishing, 1988), pp. 9–10.
8.
For an discussion of Faraj's ideas on holy war, see JansenJohannes J.G., The Neglected Duty, the Creed of Sadat's Assassins, and Islamic Resurgence in the Middle East (New York: Macmillan, 1986).
9.
For the English text of bin Laden's fatwa originally published in al Quds al Arabi, see LewisBernard, “License to Kill: Usama bin Laden's Declaration of Jihad”, Foreign Affairs, vol. 77, no. 6 (November/December 1998), pp. 14–19.
10.
The right to rebel against a ruler who compromises with Islam is justified by the Shiite traditional teachings, partly due to the injustice done to the House of Ali, the fourth Caliph, and partly, the spiritual political status of the Ulama. See SivanEmmanuel, “Islamic Radicalism: Sunni and Shiite” in SivanE.FriedmanM. (eds.), Religious Radicalism and Politics in Middle East (New York State University, 1990), pp. 39–46.
11.
See RahmanFazlur, Islam (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1966), pp. 1–09–14.
12.
See DoranScott Michael, “Somebody Else's Civil War”, Foreign Affairs, vol. 81, no. 1 (January/February, 2002), pp. 23–24.
13.
TibiBassam, The Challenge of Fundamentalism: Political Islam and the New World Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), pp. 54–55.
14.
AhmadAkbar S., Postmodernism and Islam (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1993), pp. 42–43.
15.
Rahman, Islam, p. 37.
16.
For a critical assessment of Wahhabism, see Al-AzmehAziz, Islam and Modernities (London: Verso, 1993), pp. 104–20.
17.
AyubiNazih N., Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Arab World (London: Routledge, 1991), pp. 104–109.
18.
See EspositoJohn L., Islam and Politics (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1984), pp. 33–35; also see Youssef M. Choueiri, Islamic Fundamentalism (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1990), pp. 53–68.
19.
HolsingerDonald C., “Islam and State Expansion in Algeria: Nineteenth Century Saharan Frontiers”, in RuddyJohn (ed.), Islam and Secularism in North Africa (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994), pp. 6–10.
20.
ToprakBinnaz, Islam and Political Development in Turkey (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981), pp. 58–67.
21.
LewisBernard, “The Return of Islam”, Commentary, vol. 61 (January 1976), pp. 44–46.
22.
Colonel Gadhafi of Libya, for instance, often emphasized in his speeches, “any contribution to liberate the world from imperalism should be considered an integral part of jihad”. Quoted in Ronald Bruce St. John, Qaddafis's World Design: Libya's Foreign Policy, 1969–1987 (London: Saqi Books, 1987), p. 36. Also see, Jacques Waardenburg, “Islam as a Vehicle of Protest” in Ernest Gellner, Islamic Dilemmas. (Berlin: Mouton Publishers, 1985), pp. 24–26.
23.
For a discussion of the struggle between the West and Islam over who will provide the definition to the post-Cold War world order, see KelsayJohn, Islam and War: The Gulf War and Beyond (Louisville: John Knox Press, 1993), Chap. 5.
24.
Laqeur, The Age of Terrorism, p. 15.
25.
For a detailed account of such violent movements see KostinerJoseph, “The Rise and Fall of Militant Opposition Movements in the Arabian Peninsula” in KurzAnat (ed.), Contemporary Trends in World Terrorism (The Jafee Center for Strategic Studies, Tel Aviv University: Mansell Publishing Limited, 1987), pp. 75–92.
26.
The term fedayeen is used basically to describe various Palestinian guerrilla/commando groups that became part of the PLO in the mid-1960s. See RubinBarry, “The Origin of the PLO's Terrorism”, in RubinB. (ed.), Terrorism and Politics (London: Macmillan, 1991), pp. 148–49.
27.
See O'BallanceEdger, Terrorism in the 1980s (London: Sterling, 1989), pp. 3–4.
28.
See PipesDaniel, “Terrorism: The Syrian Connection”, The National Interest (Spring 1989), pp. 20–28.
29.
For details, see SimonsGeoff, Libya: The Struggle for Survival (London: Macmillan, 1993), pp. 286–302. According to US intelligence reports, Libya committed 5 anti-Western terrorist acts and 46 against Arab and African targets between 1980–86, which provoked Washington to break off diplomatic relations in 1986 and attack Libyan cities killing 36 civilians including Gadhafi's adopted infant daughter. Two years later, his operatives were involved in the bombing of the Pan Am flight 103 which crashed over the Scottish town of Lockerbie. Milton Viorst, “The Colonel in His Labyrinth”, Foreign Affairs, vol. 78, no. 2 (March-April 1999), pp. 59–75.
30.
ColvinMarie, “The Ambiguous Yasir Arafat”, The New York Times Magazine, December 18, 1988, pp. 60–64.
31.
See RanstorpMagnus, “Terrorism in the Name of Religion”, Journal of International Affairs, vol. 50, no. 1 (Summer 1996), pp. 49–55.
32.
On the Shi'ite radical organization, see ShapiroShimon, “The Origins of Hizballah”, Jerusalem Quarterly, vol. 46 (Spring 1988), pp. 115–30. For the Iranian connection, see O'BalanceEdgar, Islamic Fundamentalist Terrorism, 1979–95: The Iranian Connection (London: Macmillan, 1997).
33.
MohapatraAswini K., “The Islamic Genie: Why Hamas Poses Threat to PLO”, The Statesman, 9 July 1993.
34.
MitchellRichard P., The Society of the Muslim Brothers (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 4–8.
35.
See AnsariHamid, “The Egyptian Militants in Egyptian Politics”, International Journal of Middle East StudiesVol. 16 (March 1984), pp. 131–134. Also, see Gilles Kepel, Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and the Pharaoh (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).
36.
On Egyptian state response to an escalation of jihadi activities, see AbdaliaAhmed, “Egypt's Islamists and the State: From Complicity to Confrontation”, Middle East Report, No. 183 (July-August 1993), pp. 28–31.
37.
On the bloody conflict in Algeria, see WillsMichael, The Islamist Challenge: A Political History (Reading, England: Ithaca Press, 1996), Chap. 2.
38.
RodmanPeter W., “Don't Look for Moderates in the Islamist Revolution”, The Washington Post, 3 January 1995.
39.
Cited in RashidAhmed, Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2000), p. 166.
40.
It is the biggest madrassa or Islamic school in Pakistan run by the leader of a breakaway faction of the JUI where Taliban leader Mullah Omar studied. FriedmanThomas L., “Pakistan's Children are Schooled to Hate America”, International Herald Tribune, November 14, 2001.
RoyOliver, The Failure of Political Islam (London: I.B. Tauris, 1994), p. 109.
44.
See Al-RasheedMadawi, “Saudi Arabia's Islamic Opposition”, Current History, vol. 95, no. 1 (January 1996), pp. 16–22.
45.
On the link between the West Asian Islamic militants and Pakistan, see AhmedSamina, “The (Un) holy Nexus?”, Newsline (Karachi), Vol. 10, no. 3 (September 1998), pp. 31–34.
46.
HubandMark, Warriors of the Prophet; The Struggle for Islam (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1998), pp. 2–3.
47.
The sheikh was the chief theological guide of the Egypt-based Islamic Gama'a who established a small mosque in New Jersey from where he began to assemble the Islamic activists from several West Asian countries. For details, see JuergensmeyerMark, Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religions Violence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), pp. 66–68.
48.
BruceJames, “Arab Volunteers of the Afghan War”, Jane's Intelligence Review, Vol. 7, no. 4 (April 1995), pp. 175–79.
49.
JansenGodfrey, “The Afghans—an Islamic Time Bomb”, Middle East International, 20 November 1992, p. 16.
50.
IgnatiusDavid, “Qaida Agents in the West Wait Quietly for Orders”, International Herald Tribune, November 19, 2001.