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References
1.
1 See Ni Xiaoquan and Luobote Luosi, eds., Meizhongsu sanjiao guanxi (The Triangular Relationship between the United States, China and the Soviet Union), (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1993).
2.
2 Rex Li, `Chinese Perspectives on the New World Order', paper presented at the London China Seminar held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 11 March 1993.
3.
3 See, for example, Zhang Zhenping, `Some Thoughts on Gorbachev's Reform of the Soviet Power System', Dongou zhongya yanjiu (East European and Central Asian Studies) [Beijing], no. 2 (April 1993), pp. 12-17; Tong Baochang, `The Lessons of the Drastic Change of the Soviet Union', ibid., no. 3 (June 1993), pp. 8-12, p. 79; Pan Qingsen, `A Comment on Gorbachev's Reform of the Soviet Political System', ibid., no. 4 (August 1993), pp. 3-11; Liu Hongchao et al., eds, Sulian yijiubawunian zhi yijiujiuyinian de yanbian (The Evolution of the Soviet Union between 1985 and 1991), (Beijing: Xinhua chubanshe, 1992), especially pp. 205-213, pp. 222-226.
4.
4 There have been numerous articles criticizing and challenging this American vision of a new international order in Chinese newspapers, magazines and academic journals since 1991.
5.
5 Pan Tongwen, `New World Order - According to Mr. Bush', Beijing Review , 28 October-3 November 1991, p. 9. See also Pan Tongwen, `A Preliminary Analysis of Bush's New World Order', Guoji wenti yanjiu (Journal of International Studies) [Beijing], no. 4 (1991).
6.
6 Some US scholars support the view that what has emerged from the ashes of the Soviet collapse is a unipolar system dominated by one single superpower, the United States. Charles Krauthammer, for example, describes the USA as the `center of world power', an unchallenged superpower `with the military, diplomatic, political and economic assets to be a decisive player in any conflict in whatever part of the world it chooses to involve itself'. See Charles Krauthammer, `The Unipolar Moment', Foreign Affairs , vol. 70, no. 1 (1990/91), pp. 23-33.
7.
7 For realist/neo-realist works, see, for example, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Knopf, 1948); Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1979).
8.
8 Many realist works written by Western scholars have been translated into Chinese, apparently with great influence on the thinking of Chinese international relations analysts. It must be pointed out, however, that a small number of scholars are now seriously exploring other approaches and perspectives as well. See, for example, Wang Yizhou, `Some Issues in Contemporary International Relations', Ouzhou (Europe) [Beijing], vol. 11, no. 5 (October 1993), pp. 6-13; Wang Yizhou, `State Sovereignty in the Contemporary Intemational Political Conditions', ibid., vol. 11, no. 6 (December 1993), pp. 6-16.
9.
9 See Samuel S. Kim, `Mainland China and a New World Order', Issues and Studies , vol. 27, no. 11 (November 1991), pp. 4-9.
10.
10 Ian Cook and Rex Li, `The Future of China: Unity or Division?' in Rex Li et al., eds., Regional Integration and National Disintegration in Pacific Asia (Aldershot, Hampshire: Avebury, forthcoming 1996).
11.
11 This article focuses on China's external security concerns. Obviously, internal security concerns such as minority problems, regional disparities, social inequality, corruption, rural discontent and economic crime are also important to Chinese leaders. See, for example, Ian Cook & Rex Li, `The Transformation of China's Cities: The International Dimensions', paper presented at the RUSI Asia Forum, Royal United Services Institute for Defence Studies, Whitehall, London, 20 January 1994.
12.
12 Yao Wang et al., eds., Kua shiji duihua (A Dialogue Standing on the Century-dividing Point), (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1992), p. 8.
13.
13 Jin Junhui, `An Analysis of the Clinton Administration's Foreign Policy', Guoji wenti yanjiu (Journal of International Studies) [Beijing], no. 2 (1994), pp. 1-6; Zhou Zhongfei and Jiang Xiyuan, `A Brief Analysis of the Clinton Government's Policy Towards China', Shijiejingii yanjiu (World Economy Study) [Shanghai], no. 1 (1994), pp. 7-10.
14.
14 Guo Xianggang, `Readjustment of US Strategy Towards Asia and the Pacific', Guoji wenti yanjiu (Journal of International Studies) [Beijing], no. 2 (1992), pp. 41-45; Wu Guifu, `The Trend of US Readjustment of Its Strategy Towards Asia and the Pacific', Yatai yanjiu (Asia-Pacific Studies) [Beijing], no. 5 (1992), pp. 56-65; Huang Renwei, `A Tentative Study of US Strategic Choice in the Asia-Pacific Region', Shijiejingii yanjiu (World Economy Study) [Shanghai], no. 1 (1994), pp. 3-6.
15.
15 Zhao Jieqi, `New Trends in Japan's Asia Diplomacy', Yatai yanjiu (Asia-Pacific Studies) [Beijing], no. 2 (1993), pp. 29-34, p. 49; Zhang Dalin, `An Analysis of Japan's Strategy of Returning to Asia', Guoji wenti yanjiu (Journal of International Studies) [Beijing], no. 1 (1994), pp. 17-21, p. 12.
16.
16 See, for example, Feng Tejun, ed., Dangdai shijie zhengzhi jingii yu guoji guanxi (Contemporary World Politics, Economy and International Relations), (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 1993), pp. 88-117, pp. 329-332.
17.
17 Yao et al., eds., Kua shiji duihua , p. 12.
18.
18 For more details, see Wang Houkang & Jin Yingzhong, eds, Guoji geju (International Structure), (Shanghai: Shanghai shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 1992), chapters 13 and 14.
19.
19 See Zhao Longgeng, `The Russian Federation: Ever Increasing Regional Separatism', Xiandai guoji guanxi (Contemporary International Relations) [Beijing], no. 9 (September 1993), pp. 20-23; Yan Julu, `The Historical Entanglement Between the Russian Federation and Some of the Former Soviet Republics', Dongou zhongya yanjiu (East European and Central Asian Studies) [Beijing], no. 5 (October 1993), pp. 26-31.
20.
20 Yao et al., eds., Kua shiji duihua , pp. 109-110.
21.
21 Their official interactions and exchanges will not be documented here because of space constraints. See Bin Yu, `Sino-Russian Military Relations: Implications for Asian-Pacific Security', Asian Survey , vol. 33, no. 3 (March 1993), pp. 302-316.
22.
22 Yao et al., eds, Kua shiji duihua , p. 104.
23.
23 Peter Ferdinand, `The New Central Asia and China' pp. 95-107 in Peter Ferdinand, ed., The New Central Asia and Its Neighbours (London: Pinter Publishers/RIIA, 1994).
24.
24 Li Xiangwen, `The Prospects for Peaceful Reunification of Korea', Yatai yanjiu (Asia-Pacific Studies) [Beijing], no. 1 (1992), pp. 51-56. See also Cheng Yujie, `The Nuclear Issue in the Korean Peninsula', Xiandai guoji guanxi (Contemporary International Relations) [Beijing], no. 9 (September 1993), pp. 17-19.
25.
25 Sun Lujun, `The Development of and Prospects for Sino-Korean Economic and Trade Relations', Yatai yanjiu (Asia-Pacific Studies) [Beijing], no. 3 (1993), pp. 22-25.
26.
26 Taiwan wenti yu zhongguo de tongyi (The Taiwan Issue and the Reunification of China), (Beijing: Guowuyuan Xinwen bangongshi, 1993).
27.
27 Renmin ribao (People's Daily), 31 January 1995.
28.
28 See, for example, Spokesman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, `Facts About a Few Important Aspects of Sino-British Talks on 1994/95 Electoral Arrangements in Hong Kong', Embassy of the People's Republic of China, London, Press Release, no. 94003, 1 March 1994.
29.
29 Chinese claims to the islands in the South China Sea are documented in detail in Han Zhenhua, ed., Woguo nanhai zhudao shiliao huibian (Historical Documents of Our Country's Islands in the South China Sea), (Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1988).
30.
30 Chen Jie, `China's Spratly Policy', Asian Survey , vol. 34, no. 10 (October 1994), pp. 893-903. See also Chi-kin Lo, China's Policy Towards Territorial Disputes: The Case of the South China Sea Islands (London: Routledge, 1989).
31.
31 International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance 1994-1995 (London: Brassey's for IISS, 1994); Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, SIPRI Yearbook 1994 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
32.
32 James C. Hsiung, `China in the Postnuclear World' in James C. Hsiung, ed., Asia Pacific in the New World Politics (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1993), p. 83.
33.
33 David Shambaugh, `Growing Strong: China's Challenge to Asian Security', Survival , vol. 36, no. 2 (Summer 1994), p. 56.
34.
34 Yao et al., eds, Kua shiji duihua , pp. 105-106.
35.
35 Jiang Zemin, `China's Relations with Surrounding Countries Are Sound', Renmin ribao (People's Daily), overseas edition, 27 December 1991, cited in Hsiung, `China in the Postnuclear World', pp. 87-88.
36.
36 For China's view of security arrangements in the Asia-Pacific region, see, for example, Liu Jiangyong, `The Establishment of a Multilateral Security Mechanism in the Asia-Pacific Region in the 90s', Yatai yanjiu (Asia-Pacific Studies) [Beijing], no. 5 (1993), pp. 3-11; Yan Xiangjun & Huang Tingwei, `Asia-Pacific Security Situation and Conceptions of Security Mechanism by the Parties Concerned', Xiandai guoji guanxi (Contemporary International Relations) [Beijing], no. 5 (May 1993), pp. 1-5. See also Banning Garrett & Bonnie Glaser, `Multilateral Security in the Asia-Pacific Region and Its Impact on Chinese Interests: Views from Beijing', Contemporary Southeast Asia , vol. 16, no. I (June 1994), pp. 14-34.
37.
37 Far Eastern Economic Review , 11 August 1994, p. 18.
38.
38 Renmin ribao (People's Daily), 22 November 1994.
39.
39 Yazhou zhoukan (Asia Weekly) [Hong Kong], 16 April 1995, p. 19.
40.
40 Garrett & Glaser, `Multilateral Security in the Asia-Pacific Region and Its Impact on Chinese Interests', pp. 27-31.
41.
41 For useful discussions on the rise of regionalism in China and the possibility of the breakup of the country, see, for example, Peter Ferdinand, `Russian and Soviet Shadows over China's Future', International Affairs , vol. 68, no. 2 (April 1992), pp. 279-292; Gerald Segal, China Changes Shape: Regionalism and Foreign Policy , Adelphi Paper 287 (London: Brassey's for IISS, 1994); David S.G. Goodman & Gerald Segal, eds, China Deconstructs: Politics, Trade and Regionalism (London: Routledge, 1994); Shaun Breslin, China in the 1980s: Centre-Province Relations in a Reforming Socialist State (Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1995); Cook & Li, `The Future of China: Unity or Division?'.
42.
42 See, for example, Zhang Pan, `Economic Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific Region and China's Open Door Policy', Yatai yanjiu (Asia-Pacific Studies) [Beijing], no. 1 (1992), pp. 6-9, p. 29; Ji Chongwei, `Enhance the Economic Cooperation between China and the Asia-Pacific Economies', ibid., no. 1, (1992) pp. 10-14, p. 68; Chen Luzhi, `China and the Asia-Pacific Region', ibid., no. 2 (1992), pp. 3-7, p. 12; Huang Fanzhang, `The Development and Prospect for Cooperation of the East Asian Economies and China's Strategic Considerations', ibid., no. 4 (1993), pp. 3-8, p. 21.
43.
43 For detailed analyses of Jiang Zemin's speech on Taiwan and the response from the Taiwanese President, Li Teng-hui, see Jiushi niandai (The Nineties) [Hong Hong], no. 302 (March 1995), pp. 52-53; ibid., no. 304 (May 1995), pp. 78-79.
44.
44 John W. Garver, `China's Push Through the South China Sea: The Interaction of Bureaucratic and National Interests', The China Quarterly , no. 132 (December 1992), pp. 999-1028; Michael Leifer, `Chinese Economic Reform and Security Policy: The South China Sea Connection', Survival , vol. 37, no. 2 (Summer 1995), pp. 44-59.
45.
45 Obviously, how Western and Asia-Pacific countries perceive and respond to an increasingly strong, confident and assertive China will also play an important part in shaping the future of the Asia-Pacific region. But that is beyond the scope of this article and will be dealt with elsewhere.
