Providing Relief or Promoting Democracy?

1 Alcide De Gasperi in fact first won political office in Austria, where he was in 1911 elected member of parliament as an Italian representative. Later, following the fall of the Austrian empire and the world wars, De Gasperi rose to become the prime minister of Italy, 1945-53. Konrad Adenauer was German chancellor from 1949 to 1963, and Robert Schuman served as minister in France from 1946 to 1956, including a period as prime minister (1947-48) and one as foreign minister (1948-52).

2 Jean Monnet, Memoirs (London: Collins, 1978), p. 282.

3 Ernst B. Haas, The Uniting of Europe (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1958); David Mitrany, A Working Peace System (Chicago, IL: Quadrangle, 1966).

4 `Petersberg' has become the label because the WEU agreement of June 1992 was produced in Petersberg, next to Bonn. According to the WEU declaration, the allies agreed that `military units of WEU member states, acting under the authority of WEU, could be employed for: humanitarian and rescue tasks; peacekeeping tasks; tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking'. WEU Council of Ministers, Western European Union Council of Ministers Petersberg Declaration, Bonn, 19 June 1992, available at http://www.weu.int/eng/documents.html.

5 For a discussion of these options, see Stanley Hoffmann, `The Politics and Ethics of Military Intervention', Survival, vol. 37, no. 4, Winter 1995-96, pp. 29-51, especially at pp. 43-44.

6 European Council, Actes legislatifs PESC: liste thematique [CFSP legislative acts: thematic list], 5 July 2000, available at http:/ue.eu.int/pesc under `Legislation in the Area of the CFSP'.

7 The Cologne June 1999 and Helsinki December 1999 conclusions are available at http://ue.eu.int/en/Info/eurocouncil/index.htm.

8 See especially the introduction to Annex IV of the Helsinki Presidency Conclusions (note 7 above). The Annex contains two reports that deal with `Security and Defence' and `Non-Military Crisis Management'.

9 Jacques Chirac, `Discours', 29 March 1999, available at http://www.liberation.fr/kosovo/actu/discchirac.html.

10 Javier Solana, `The Development of a Common European Security and Defence Policy: The Integration Project of the Next Decade', 17 December 1999, available at http://ue.eu.int/pesc under `Speeches and Statements'.

11 For a more general discussion of the interaction between civilian and military dimensions of crisis management, see Michael Pugh, `Civil-Military Relations in the Kosovo Crisis: An Emerging Hegemony?', Security Dialogue, vol. 31, no. 2, June 2000, pp. 229-242.

12 The `Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe' from 10 June 1999 is found in the conclusions of the European Council at http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/see/stapact/10_june_99.htm. The quote is taken from Section III, `Objectives', paragraph 11.

13 Most European governments strongly supported the Vance-Owen plan, while the USA opposed it on the grounds that it was unjust to the Bosnian Muslims. The irony is that the USA ended up sponsoring another agreement, Dayton, which, as the analysis here points out, was premised more on balance-of-power politics than on the idea of multiethnic democracy. See James Gow, Triumph of the Lack of Will: International Diplomacy and the Yugoslav War (London: Hurst, 1997).

14 Warren Bass, `The Triage of Dayton', Foreign Affairs, vol. 77, no. 5, September/October 1998, pp. 95-108, at pp. 96 and 106-107.

15 `U.N. Official Warns of Losing the Peace in Kosovo', New York Times, 3 July 2000.

16 Richard Holbrooke, To End a War (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 363.

17 Kalevi Holsti, The State, War, and the State of War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 196.

18 David Chandler, Bosnia: Faking Democracy After Dayton (London: Pluto Press, 2000), p. 195.

19 Ibid.

20 International Crisis Group, War Criminals in Bosnia's Republika Srpska: Who Are the People in Your Neighbourhood?, 2 November 2000, available at http://www.crisisweb.org/projects/showreport.cfm?reportid=1.

21 Zlatko Dizdarevic, `Bosnian Democracy in Ruins', Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 28 November 2000, available at http://www.iwpr.net/index.p15?archive/bcr/bcr_20001128_3_eng.txt.

22 For the impact of local elections, see `Kosovo valgte moderat', Information, 30 November 2000; for Kouchner, `Aide Takes Stock of U.N. in Kosovo', New York Times, 17 July 2000.

23 `L'UE exerce son pouvoir d'attraction sur les pays de la région' [The EU uses its powers of attraction on the countries in the region], Le Monde, 26-27 November 2000. The summit was unprecedented because it brought together all EU and Balkan countries, including, as noted, Yogoslavia. The EU used the occasion to emphasize the role of the EU-sponsored `Stability Pact' for the Balkans and the way in which it holds the promise of closer relations with the EU if the countries of the region manage to sustain and deepen their political and economic cooperation.

24 Timothy Garton Ash, `Anarchy and Madness', New York Review of Books, vol. 47, no. 2, February 2000, pp. 48-53, at p. 53.

25 Holsti (note 17 above), p. 201.

26 See Michael Joseph Smith, `Liberalism and International Reform', in Terry Nardin & David R. Mapel, eds, Traditions of International Ethics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 201-224 at pp. 212-215.

27 Hubert Védrine, at the conference `Vers une communauté des démocraties' [Towards a community of democracies], Warsaw, 26 June 2000; quoted in `Hubert Védrine réfute les leçons de démocratie de Washington' [Hubert Védrine counters the democratic lessons of Washington], Le Monde, 28 June 2000.

28 The Common Strategies were formally created with the 1998 Treaty of Amsterdam. Since then, three strategies have been articulated by the EU member-states: vis-a-vis Russia, the Ukraine, and the Mediterranean.

29 `Europe's Strategic Ambitions: The Limits of Ambiguity', Survival, vol. 42, no. 2, Summer 2000, pp. 5-15, at pp. 9-10.

30 See the Treaty of Nice, available at http://ue.eu.int/cig/nice.