US Impact on Japanese-Chinese Security Relations

1 James Shinn, ed., Weaving the Net: Conditional Engagement with China (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1996), p. 4. See also Peter Van Ness, `Alternative US Strategies with Respect to China and the Implications for Viet-nam', Contemporary Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 20, no. 2, August 1998, pp. 154-170, on p. 159; Zalmay Khalilzad, Congage China, Issue Paper (Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation, 1999).

2 Alastair Iain Johnstone & Robert S. Ross, Engaging China: The Management of an Emerging Power (London: Routledge, 1999), pp. xiv-xv.

3 Ibid., pp. 14-15.

4 Hideo Sato refers to Okabe Tatsumi and `other China experts in Japan' who advance this argument in `Japan's China Perceptions and Its Policies in the Alliance with the United States', Journal of International Political Economy, vol. 2, no. 1, March 1998, pp. 1-23, on p. 7, note 7.

5 Asahi Shimbun, 6 June 1998.

6 Sato (note 4 above), p. 17.

7 See Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Official Development Assistance Annual Report 1999, Tokyo, February 2000, p. 127.

8 On this conflict, see Phil Deans, `Contending Nationalisms and the Diaoyutai/Senkaku Dispute', Security Dialogue, vol. 31, no. 1, March 2000, pp. 119-131.

9 See Michael O'Hanlon, `Star Wars Strikes Back', Foreign Affairs, vol. 78, no. 6, November/December 1999, pp. 68-82.

10 Glenn H. Snyder, `Alliance Theory: A Neorealist First Cut', Journal of International Affairs, vol. 44, no. 1, Spring/Summer 1990, pp. 103-123.

11 See Chalmers Johnson, `Why American Troops Must Leave', Los Angeles Times, 16 February 1996.

12 See Qingxin Ken Wang, `Japan's Balancing Act in the Taiwan Strait', Security Dialogue, vol. 31, no. 3, September 2000, pp. 337-342.

13 Urayama Kori, `TMD o tai Chugoku gaiko no kado ni seyo' [TMD as a Diplomatic Card vis-a-vis China], Chuo Koron, April 2000, pp. 128-135.

14 Ralph A. Cossa & Jane Skanderup, `U.S.-Japan-China Relations: Can Three Part Harmony Be Sustained?' (Honolulu, HI & Washington, DC: Pacific Forum CSIS, October 1998), p. C-2.

15 Yoichi Funabashi, Alliance Adrift (Washington, DC: Council on Foreign Relations, 1999), pp. 401-407.

16 The USA now distinguishes (not very convincingly) between administrative rights and sovereignty. US forces continued to use some parts of the islands as a firing range and paid rent for this activity until 1979; the relevant rent agreement is still in force. See Sankei Shimbun, 21 September 1996.

17 Ming Zhang & Ronald N. Montaperto, A Triad of Another Kind: The United States, China, and Japan (New York: St. Martin's, 1999), p. 123. See also G. John Ikenberry, `Choosing Partners in Asia', Australian Journal of International Affairs, vol. 52, no. 3, 1998, pp. 229-232.

18 Asahi Shimbun, 6 June 1998.

19 Christopher B. Johnstone, `Japan's China Policy: Implications for US-Japan Relations', Asian Survey, vol. XXXVIII, no. 11, November 1998, pp. 1067-1085, on p. 1082.

20 See `Missing in Action', Regional Briefing, Far Eastern Economic Review, 25 June 1998, p. 18.

21 Bill Gertz, `Military Exchange with Beijing Raises Security Concerns', Washington Times, 19 February 1999.

22 See Allen S. Whiting & Xin Jianfei, `Sino-Japanese Relations: Pragmatism and Passion', World Policy Journal, vol. VIII, no. 1, Winter 1990-91, pp. 107-133, on p. 131; Chalmers Johnson, `Containing China: The United States and Japan Drift Toward Disaster', Japan Quarterly, October-December 1996, pp. 10-18, on p. 18.

23 Sato (note 4 above), p. 2.

24 See David Shambaugh, `China's Military Views the World: Ambivalent Security', International Security, vol. 24, no. 3, Winter 1999/2000, pp. 52-79, on p. 69; Michael Pillsbury, China Debates the Future Security Environment (Washington, DC: Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University, 2000), p. 116.

25 Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Press Conference, Tokyo, 16 October 1998.

26 Quoted in Shinkichi Eto, `Recent Developments in Sino-Japanese Relations', Asian Survey, vol. XX, no. 7, July 1980, pp. 726-743, on p. 732.

27 On 30 June 1998, Clinton officially confirmed that the USA would not support Taiwan's independence, its admission to the UN or the creation of two Chinas (these three points are known as the `Three Nos'); see James Mann, About Face: A History of America's Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York: Knopf, 1999), p. 366.

28 See Kokubun Ryosei, `The People Have to Lead the Japanese-Chinese Relationship in the 21st Century!', Asahi Shimbun, 18 November 1998.

29 Yoshifumi Nakai, `US-Japan Relations in Asia: The Common Agenda on the Taiwan Issue', 1999, available at http://www.nichibei.org/je/nakai.html.

30 Interview with a senior official of the Defense Policy Bureau, Defense Agency, 6 May 1999.

31 Personal interview, 6 May 1999.

32 Comparative Connections, 1st Quarter 2000, vol. 2, no. 1, April 2000, p. 10 (http://www.csis.org/pacfor/ccejournal.html). This was confirmed by the author's interview with a senior Defense Agency official in May 2000.