Abstract
It has been several decades since international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) emerged in the global development arena, swiftly rising in prominence to appear as the veritable right hand of foreign aid donor agencies. With their expanding role in international development, INGOs have come to represent a common unit of analysis among development scholars, and they have been assessed through myriad lenses. Their impact, capacity, effectiveness, and accountability represent just some of the areas that have come under scrutiny over the last few decades (e.g., see Koch et al., 2009; Mascarenhas, 2017; Swidler &Watkins, 2017).
The majority of INGO studies, however, tend to lean heavily on information related to large INGOs; those that consistently acquire big foreign aid grants from government agencies, have a large presence across the globe, and might be considered household names: Oxfam, Save the Children, World Vision.
Yet, as Schnable rightly points out in her book, Amateurs without Borders, these development behemoths only represent a small fraction of INGOs. In the United States, she notes, only 8% of international development organizations can claim an annual revenue of $1 million or more (p. 3). The rest of the INGO actors are actually much smaller. Despite this fact, these smaller INGOs too often fall outside the purview of international development scholars; researchers tend to turn more readily to larger organizations on account of the sheer abundance of publicly available information over these smaller entities. Schnable’s book corrects this oversight.
Rather than center her study on large INGOs, or even just the broader categorization of “INGO,” Schnable narrows her focus to look solely at those U.S.-registered international aid organizations that claim an annual revenue of $250,000 or less; or, as she calls them, grassroots INGOs. In a nutshell, she argues that through personal gumption and a spirit of volunteerism, everyday American citizens have created a litany of small INGOs. Her book provides readers with a rich understanding of these entities at work in the global development arena.
The book opens with a descriptive introduction of five case studies, followed by a comprehensive and systematic website analysis of projects, recipients, regions of operations, and volunteers associated with grassroots INGOs. This summary, captured in Chapter 2, represents the first published descriptive statistics from a representative sample of American grassroots INGOs and is a must-read for any development researcher or practitioner who might be interested in the INGO terrain.
Schnable paints her understanding of grassroots INGOs against the backdrop of globalization, noting that increases in global travel, migration, and communications have enabled ordinary American citizens to establish themselves within the international development sphere through the creation of grassroots INGOs. She notes that this trend has been mirrored by an increasing professionalization of larger INGOs, who now only hire individuals with relevant degrees and experience. American citizens who possess merely a heart full of compassion and a drive to help those in need have been crowded out of larger development circles but can find a home within the grassroots INGO space.
Schnable’s book provides a masterclass in elegant mixed-methods research design. To effectively analyze the vast universe of grassroots INGOs, Schnable captures “snapshots [of data] at different focal lengths” (p. 19). For the “landscape” view, she enumerates a list of 10,684 international relief, development, and human rights organizations using publicly available IRS records. The “medium-range” narrows the focus by analyzing website data from a random sample of 150 grassroots INGOs, while the “closeup” snapshot consists of five in-depth case studies. All of the case-study organizations selected operated in East Africa, but varied in terms of budget, development sector, and where they were based within the United States.
Contrasting grassroots INGOs to their larger, more professionalized counterparts, Schnable notes that these smaller entities tend to limit their development interventions to the direct provision of items or support, such as handing out food and clothing or paying for school fees, rather than engaging in more complex behavior-changing development undertakings. Coordination with local government is limited and very few grassroots INGOs tend to involve themselves in any work that would address long-term structural or societal changes. Rather, the work of these entities tends to center on providing a tangible item or service to an individual within the Global South with the understanding that this will be sufficient to change their life.
The ethos of individualism captured within Schnable’s findings bear a striking resemblance to long-standing U.S. cultural tropes associated with achieving the “American Dream.” Her narrative points to a belief among grassroots INGOs that, with just a little help from American volunteers, individuals living in the Global South will be able to effectively write their own rags-to-riches story.
Readers may detect a shade of criticism as Schnable points to the potential frivolity of grassroots INGO activities, noting their limited scope and volunteer-driven objectives, which at times serve to undermine structures and capacities within recipient communities. For instance, these small organizations might not coordinate efforts with formal institutions, but instead create parallel systems; they might also neglect to consider local knowledge in their effort to transmit their American “know-how.” She notes that grassroots INGOs are not held to account in the same way as large INGOs and thus can be more nimble and less beholden to donor demands. This should not be confused with efficiency or effectiveness, however, as she clearly underlines the fact that their work is not directed to those areas most in need and their priorities do not align with those of the U.S. government concerning official development assistance.
The framework associated with grassroots INGOs appears to be built on a deeply personal narrative; individual volunteers are compassionate heroes in action, while aid recipients are poised to receive the good or service that will form the catalyst needed to kick-start their upward socioeconomic mobility. Schnable notes the danger that exists herein. The oversimplified messaging embodied within this approach has the ability to take root within the minds of those Americans involved in or interacting with these grassroots INGOs, leaving them with a shallow understanding of development and inequality. This misdirected attention may at best leave existing structures of inequality untouched and at worst exacerbate development challenges.
An interesting layer of analysis covered within this book is a deep dive into the realities associated with religious grassroots INGOs (found in Chapter 7). As the United States represents one of the most religious countries within the Global North, this chapter indeed provides an essential delineation to our understanding of INGOs based in that country. Of note, Schnable points to the unique capacity of these entities to tap into existing religious networks within the Global South, as well as their ability to lean on religious understandings as a way of justifying their work.
As a whole, Schnable steps beyond classic descriptions of INGOs and the playing field within which they operate and instead makes moves to flip the narrative gaze. She diverts readers away from grassroots INGOs’ development impact and instead emphasizes the needs and desires these organizations fill within the lives of the Americans involved in these ventures. She notes, in particular, three things that grassroots organizations provide to Americans: (a) a chance to share their skills with others; (b) in-person connections with project beneficiaries; and (c) a means of dispensing their personal doctrine and share stories regarding their own—albeit American—journey of improving their socioeconomic status.
Throughout the book, Schnable returns time and again to the deeply personal or individual dimension of grassroots INGO work—these organizations are led by key individuals, drawing from personal networks, relying on individual American volunteers to improve the lives of individuals living in the Global South. Given the cultural embodiment of individualism that is so often portrayed in the American context, one must question whether Schnable’s findings would ring true among other countries’ contingencies of grassroots INGOs. For instance, do grassroots INGOs outside the United States adopt a similar bootstrap approach to development, or are they motivated by different values, for instance, global citizenship, solidarity, or decolonization?
Schnable offers a strong contribution to the study of INGOs working in the field of global development. She widens the lens on what an INGO looks like and what sparks its existence by diverting attention away from overstudied large INGOs to American-founded grassroots INGOs. She delves into the motivations, philosophies, and activities of these organizations and helps us gain a deeper understanding of the myriad colors that paint the picture of global development at work today.
