Abstract
Adolescence is a pivotal stage in career development, when youth begin to shape skills and adult identities. However, limited opportunities for at-risk youth, intensified for minorities facing cultural and structural barriers, often disrupt these processes. To address these challenges, we implemented a school-to-work transition program in seven schools with 11th-grade students from diverse cultural backgrounds. It was delivered in two versions: Successful Pathways to Employment for Youth at Risk (SUPER) for Jewish Hebrew-speaking students, and Young People Succeed at Work (BALASHNA) for Arabic-speaking students. Interviews with 24 participants were analyzed using qualitative content analysis guided by social-cognitive career theory (SCCT). Interview data were analyzed and organized into themes using the six categories of the SCCT framework. The findings highlight personal and social factors underlying gaps between participants’ perceptions and actual experiences and their evaluation of the STWT program’s contribution to career development.
Introduction
Adolescence is a crucial period for young people to initiate their future orientation, explore career interests, shape vocational identity, and develop essential skills (Coutinho & Blustein, 2014). During this period, they gain independence from their parents and enhance their abstract thinking skills, allowing them to consider their career aspirations and available opportunities (Carey et al., 2023; Demetriou et al., 2020). Recent literature has emphasized empowering adolescents by encouraging them to plan, set goals, experience, identify, and reframe obstacles, review goals, advocate for support, and celebrate small achievements toward their goals (Ivzori et al., 2020; Shunmugam et al., 2019). However, navigating their dreams in a competitive labor market can pose dilemmas and challenges (Tabolova et al., 2021). Studies in multiple cultural contexts have revealed that despite interventions to improve career development, youth still worry that their deficiencies in problem-solving and social skills will hinder their ability to seize job opportunities (Carey et al., 2023; Lai et al., 2024). At-risk youth face additional barriers that might impede or harm their career development. They frequently lack the skills and support to integrate into the dynamic work world (Deming, 2017; Karacan-Ozdemir & Ayaz, 2022; Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD], 2015).
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (“The Convention,” UN General Assembly, 1989) and OECD (2017) definitions of at-risk highlight risks that threaten adolescents’ development, wellbeing, and rights outlined in the Convention. The Convention’s 54 articles are grouped into four main risk categories: personal traits (e.g., gender, sexual orientation, disability, cognitive, and psychological factors), family circumstances (e.g., poor relationships, violence, poverty, and lack of parental support), community circle (e.g., negative peer influences, violence, harmful traditions, and inadequate schools and services), and societal–political factors (e.g., ineffective social and judicial systems, discriminatory norms based on race and culture, and political conflicts).
Most studies of at-risk youth focused on ages 15 to 17 years and their difficulties socializing, accepting authority, completing education, maintaining employment, following the law, and avoiding substance abuse (Etzion & Romi, 2015; OECD, 2017; Schmid, 2020; Szabo-Lael, 2017). However, most schools for at-risk youth aim to improve academic achievements rather than develop personal or social capacities for career development worldwide (e.g., self-esteem, empathy, self-awareness, interpersonal relationships, and building trust; Chair et al., 2023).
Given the collective social responsibility to reduce risks that impede adolescents’ rights to education and career development, support programs for them must be adapted to the cultural and social contexts in which they live (Blustein, 2011; Chair et al., 2023; Lai et al., 2024). To address this need, we developed and implemented the Successful Pathways to Employment for Youth at Risk (SUPER), a school-to work transition program (STWT).
The SUPER facilitates the transition to labor for at-risk Hebrew-speaking youth (Ivzori et al., 2020). The complex phenomenon of at-risk youth from diverse backgrounds led us to develop a second version of this STWT program, adapted for the Arabic-speaking minority population in Israel. The adapted version was named BALASHNA, meaning in Arabic, “Young People Succeed at Work” (Ivzori et al., 2025). Both program versions were based on three theoretical models, described in former articles (Ivzori et al., 2020, 2025). These articles provide a detailed description of both program versions, their evaluations and outcomes, and the principles and process of cultural adaptation (Ivzori et al., 2025). To support dissemination, the program’s description and comprehensive educational activities are freely available on a dedicated website (https://tep.haifa.ac.il/?lang=en), in three languages: Hebrew, Arabic, and English.
This article presents qualitative findings from interviews with at-risk youth who participated in the program at five schools in Jewish communities and two schools in Druze (Arabic) communities. We conducted the interviews after the program concluded, following the quantitative data collection. The interviews aimed primarily to explore shared and distinct experiences of diverse at-risk youth, identifying perceived support needs and the program contributions.
Theory and Background
Challenges At-Risk Youth Face
The definition of at-risk youth in this article is based on the UN Convention (1989) and the OECD (2017) definitions. Specifically, it aligns with the Israeli Government criteria (Israel Ministry of Labor, Welfare, and Social Services, 2018), identifying children and adolescents who meet two or more of the following seven conditions: age 12 to 18 year, typical cognitive functioning, no active psychiatric illness, engagement in risk behaviors, emotional difficulties, weak support system, and lack of integration into a formal educational framework. These criteria define the services and support they are entitled to receive. In our study, we included youth in small special education classes, with a special education team and adapted academic demands.
Most definitions in the literature relate to the UN Convention’s four main domains. For instance, the personal traits of at-risk youth, particularly those at risk of dropping out of school, often include attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, learning disabilities, and struggles with impulsivity, behavioral regulation, and emotional control (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). These adolescents frequently lack the mature executive functioning skills necessary for foresight and planning (Gogtay et al., 2004). Their behavioral disinhibition can negatively affect their relationships with peers and increase their vulnerability to family violence, deviant groups, substance use, and risky behaviors without adequate support (Clayton et al., 2018; Garcìa et al., 2021). Students with these traits could face problems setting realistic career-development goals, breaking them into small, realistic short-term objectives, evaluating their opportunities and circumstances, and using problem-solving strategies (Green et al., 2022; Toglia & Berg, 2013). Besides executive functions, Demetriou et al. (2020) stressed the need for self-awareness of cognitive processes in career development, including self-regulation through self-monitoring, reflection, and encoding results for future use.
The cognitive psychological counselors’ approach (Coutinho & Blustein, 2014; Flores et al., 2017) claims that self-evaluation—self-identity (Coutinho & Blustein, 2014), self-determination (Dean et al., 2017; Tabolova et al., 2021), and the ability to realistically assess oneself relative to performance and achievements (e.g., Demetriou et al., 2020)—can be developed. However, at-risk youth often struggle to distinguish between challenging and threatening situations, which influences how they perceive concerns and stress. This confusion and lack of performance self-awareness are associated with higher susceptibility to external negative feedback, which is vital in career development (Lai et al., 2024; Rith-Najarian et al., 2014). Karacan-Ozdemir and Ayaz (2022) showed that at-risk youth who feel positively about their future (even if accompanied by concerns) analyzed opportunities more realistically and took more actions aligned with their career expectations.
Although gender is a personal trait, cultural and social contexts affect gender differences in career expectations. Research has shown that girls from minority and low socioeconomic backgrounds often face adverse life events, such as sexual harassment, which can hinder their resilience and future planning (Leaper & Starr, 2019). In traditional patriarchal cultures, expectations for women to prioritize family over career can limit their opportunities (Azaiza, 2005; Seginer & Mahajna, 2018). Although some studies found no significant gender differences in career aspirations among at-risk youth (Ivzori et al., 2020; Karacan-Ozdemir & Ayaz, 2022), other studies highlighted how traditional family attitudes restricted Arab and Druze girls from developing essential vocational-oriented skills. These restrictions stemmed from a “double oppression” when the girls try to balance modern and traditional societal expectations (Ivzori et al., 2025; Amer & Davidovitch, 2020; Yachimowitz Cohen, 2016).
Family and community support are crucial for career development. Khampirat (2020) found strong relationships between parental education and support and at-risk youths’ career aspirations, particularly in traditional families. Other studies confirmed that parental support and socioeconomic status significantly shape youth ambitions (Akosah-Twumasi et al., 2018; Karacan-Ozdemir & Ayaz, 2022). Demetriou et al. (2020) showed how socioeconomic status significantly affects school performance, accounting for 15% of direct and indirect educational outcomes, which predict career skills and opportunities. An analysis of 47 studies revealed correlations between lower socioeconomic indicators and educational and vocational achievements, goal-setting, and persistence, mediated by self-efficacy and social support (Blustein, 2011; Flores et al., 2017).
The broader societal–political factor affects young people’s transition to employment. Youth are the future engine of social and economic growth. Thus, closing the gaps for at-risk youth, especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds, requires support services and policies promoting career development. Given at-risk youth’s vulnerability during their transition to employment, the social–political initiatives taken in Israel to date have not sufficiently addressed their needs (Schmid, 2020; Tūtlys et al., 2022). Existing programs often lack adequate context, such as funding, legislation, coordination between educational, employment, and welfare systems, as well as culturally sensitive services that address diverse minorities (Tūtlys et al., 2022; Wheeler et al., 2020).
To address the socio-political factor, our study context includes two distinct communities, the Jewish-speaking majority (79%) and the Arab-speaking minority (21%) of the total population. The latter has a higher rate of at-risk youth (23.0% compared to 17.0% of the majority (Hadad Haj-Yahya et al., 2021; Szabo-Lael, 2017), and the allocated budget to their services is approximately 40% smaller than that designated for at-risk Jewish youth (Israel Central Bureau of Statistics [ICBS], 2023; Knesset, 2016). Among the Arab minority, the Druze are a small traditional community comprising 1.6% of the Israeli population. At-risk Druze youth comprise 9.1% of all at-risk youth (Amer & Davidovitch, 2020; ICBS, 2023). The Druze society lives in large villages in northern Israel and has a separate Arab-speaking education system within the Israeli educational system (ICBS, 2023).
Theories and Frameworks
To interpret the experiences and insights at-risk youth expressed following their participation in the prevocational programs (SUPER and BALASHNA), we drew on two theoretical frameworks: the SCCT (Lent et al., 2002) and the future orientation model (Seginer, 2009). Both offer useful lenses for analyzing youth career development. They share common elements, such as goal-setting, self-efficacy, and planning. They also complement each other by emphasizing different aspects of the process: the SCCT highlights the interplay of cognitive, personal, and environmental factors, whereas future orientation model centers on motivation, aspirations, and future-directed behavior.
Figure 1 shows the SCCT’s six conceptual domains central to career development: self-efficacy, outcome expectations, personal goals, interests and values, environmental supports, and barriers (Lent & Brown, 2017). These domains resonate with our study. For instance, Demetriou et al. (2020) observed that adolescents who underestimate their abilities often disengage when facing difficulties, and those with inflated self-efficacy may pursue unrealistic paths, leading to discouragement. Although SCCT provides a solid foundation for understanding how career interests develop, it has notable limitations. Specifically, it was developed in Western contexts for typically developing populations and, thus, might have limited applicability to marginalized groups, such as at-risk youth from minority or collectivist cultures. Moreover, it provides little practical guidance for tailoring interventions to adolescents facing systemic and contextual barriers. Summary of the Six Main Domains of the Social Cognitive Career Theory Model
The future orientation model (Seginer, 2009) assumes that future planning emerges dynamically from present experiences and varies across life domains and sociocultural contexts. Adolescents tend to focus on three core domains—education, family, and career—of which the latter is central to our study. Seginer and Mahajna (2018) identified three motivational components of future orientation: (1) subjective expectancy (e.g., values, goals, and internal control), (2) cognitive representations (e.g., hopes and fears), and (3) behavioral engagement (e.g., planning, prioritizing, and seeking guidance). Research has suggested that adolescents with well-defined future orientations demonstrate better academic and career outcomes and greater life satisfaction (Coutinho & Blustein, 2014; Cabras & Mondo, 2018; Flores et al., 2017). Nonetheless, at-risk youth often report heightened fears, limited access to opportunities, and difficulty bridging the gap between aspirations and their lived realities (Lai et al., 2024). A recent literature review among Latinx adolescents revealed that most studies focus on aspirations rather than planning or awareness of abilities (Coulter et al., 2023), highlighting a gap which our study seeks to address.
The future orientation model has also informed the development of our programs (Ivzori et al., 2020). Integrating counseling, cognitive psychology, and occupational therapy tools, the programs provided dynamic experiences that enhance goal-setting, values clarification, self-efficacy, worker identity, and awareness of supports and barriers. The model’s behavioral dimension proves especially valuable during the internship phase, where participants apply their learning in real-life contexts with ongoing feedback regarding their behaviors, relative to their expectations.
By combining the SCCT’s structured conceptual domains with the future orientation model’s motivational and behavioral lens, our data analysis reflects a broader and more nuanced understanding of career development in at-risk youth. Although these frameworks provide a solid theoretical foundation, we acknowledge the need to adapt and expand them to better capture the intersection of risk status and cultural background in shaping youth realities, guiding more culturally responsive interventions for practitioners in counseling, education, and occupational therapy.
Purpose of the Study
This study aimed to (a) echo youth at-risk voices, representing their experiences, perceptions, development, and barriers to their career aspirations; (b) uncover common and unique challenges adolescents face from majority normative and minority traditional communities on their journey to employment; (c) better capture the theoretical implication of intersectional and cultural realities that shape the career development of at-risk youth; and (d) share with practitioners involved in the journey to employment the lessons learned regarding the types of support needed.
Method
Positionality Statement
The research team comprised three occupational therapists and one special education expert, each with extensive practical experience in healthcare and education, alongside academic and mixed-methods research expertise. While these professional backgrounds enriched our understanding of future orientation and career development among at-risk youth, we recognize the potential for bias in interpreting participants’ experiences. To mitigate this, we employed peer debriefing, multiple coding, and cultural consultants, and ensured interviews were conducted in participants’ native languages—an especially important step given the cultural diversity of the Jewish and Druze youth involved.
This current study is the sequential qualitative research of a larger mixed-methods study. It aims to deepen understanding by complementing earlier quantitative findings, capturing the participants’ voices to through their experiences, in-person feedback, explanatory insights, and illustrative examples (Creswell, 2021). The Head Researcher of the Israeli Ministry of Education and the University of Haifa Ethics Committee, Faculty of Health and Welfare Studies, approved the research.
Procedure
The SUPER and BALASHNA versions of the STWT program were implemented over 4 years in five Jewish schools and two Druze schools, all with 11th-grade classes designated for at-risk youth, as defined by the Israeli Ministry of Education. They attended small classrooms supported by multiprofessional teams that provide emotional and academic assistance, including individualized adaptations in teaching and assessment.
The program ran for 18 to 20 weekly sessions. It included lectures and workshops on workplace-related topics such as teamwork, workers’ rights, safety, attendance, and persistence. Students also participated in simulation exercises, guided discussions, site visits, and internships in real workplaces. The BALASHNA version was culturally adapted through Arabic translation and consultation with local staff and parents to tailor materials and activities to Druze students, including workplace placements aligned with parental preferences. A separate article (Ivzori et al., 2025) details this cultural adaptation process and offers guiding principles for future adaptations to various contexts.
At the end of each program, external research assistants conducted individual, face-to-face interviews (30–45 minutes), in the participants’ language (Hebrew or Arabic). All interviews were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and anonymized using pseudonyms. Each participant received a token of $15 in appreciation.
Study Participants
At the end of each program, the educational staff invited all students to share their work practices, perceptions, and experiences of participating in the program through personal interviews. These researchers had not been involved in participant selection and did not influence participants’ voluntary decision to consent to interviews. The students who agreed to be interviewed and their parents signed informed consent forms. In total, 24 students participated in the interviews: 17 had attended the SUPER (28.3% of all programs), and seven attended the BALASHNA (17.0%). In the following sections, interviewee refers to these 24 study participants.
The SUPER (SUP) interviewees came from diverse family backgrounds and had varied experiences, including attending boarding schools, changing schools frequently, and dealing with academic, behavioral, and mental challenges. They described complex family situations, such as being adopted, living with a divorced parent and having no relationship with the other parent, or other conditions that led some of them to a boarding school at a young age, through either their family or the welfare system.
Interviewees’ Characteristics
Semi-Structured Interview Protocol
The semi-structured interviews for both groups followed the same interview guide the researchers had developed based on a review of career development literature and prior quantitative data analysis. The interview included introductory questions (e.g., “Tell me a little about yourself, your hobbies, and your family”) and questions about work experiences (e.g., “Have you worked before? If so, please share your work experience”). Other questions addressed the program’s impact (e.g., “What do you think you gained from the program, and what would you recommend adding? If so, can you describe in what ways?”) and career plans after and within 5 years of graduation (e.g., “What are your plans after finishing school and in 4 to 5 years?”). The interviewers led the session following those main topics, according to the phenomenological approach (Creswell, 2021), accompanied by probes to obtain deeper insights and examples, with a flexible order and pace led by the interviewees.
Data Analysis
We conducted a qualitative content analysis based on Graneheim and Lundman’s (2004) framework to explore students’ perspectives on their transition to employment. First, all four researchers independently read the 24 interview transcripts to develop a general understanding of the participants’ experiences. Next, two researchers collaboratively condensed meaningful units while preserving their core meaning, followed by open coding and refinement through team discussions. In the final mapping phase, the codes were organized according to the SCCT’s six domains (Lent et al., 2002). We selected the SCCT for mapping after reviewing the transcripts because it provided a useful lens for interpreting the data. This coding approach aligns with the categorical coding guidelines outlined in the APA Journal Article Reporting Standards for qualitative research (https://apastyle.apa.org/jars/qual-table-1.pdf).
To ensure trustworthiness, the multidisciplinary team engaged in peer debriefing, maintained reflective notes, and collaboratively reviewed the emerging themes to reduce bias. Trustworthiness was enhanced through the use of thick descriptions and illustrative quotes. In addition, the analysis was presented to school staff (a teacher and a counselor), who confirmed the themes’ relevance and accuracy based on their professional experience.
Results
Figure 2 summarizes the interview data, analyzed and organized into themes using the six categories of Lent et al.’s (2002) SCCT framework. The last theme (outcomes toward career development) reflects the students’ evaluation of their participation in both versions of the STWT program. The Hebrew- and Arabic-speaking interviewees openly described their personal and family backgrounds, future perceptions and aspirations, and areas of interest. Therefore, the first theme presents the students’ interests and values, followed by the other five themes. SCCT Framework Categories Across SUPER & BALASHNA Interviewees (N = 24)
Occupational Interests and Values
Participants were asked about their values and interests related to their future career. Some interviewees demonstrated unawareness or ambivalence about their areas of interest, sometimes followed by big dreams and ambitions for professions considered prestigious in Western society, such as doctors, lawyers, or computer specialists. Other interviewees chose fields that fit the reality of their lives and educational backgrounds, integrating professional training with actual priorities.
Thus, there was a dichotomy. On one end were adolescents with no idea of their future career orientation or concerns about their choices that impeded action to attain their goals. For instance, Iman (BAL) said, “I don’t know what I want. Last year, we studied Psychology, and I connected with it, but I don’t know if it will help me in the future to study academically.” On the other end were fantasies and dreams typical among adolescents and essential for future career orientation. For instance, Ilana (SUP) said, “[Being a surgeon] interests me most.” Shahed (BAL) added, “I wished to be a female surgeon.” Avi and Avraham (SUP) shared a desire to specialize in computers. Avi said, “I want to study computer science and work in the high-tech industry.” Avraham said “I want a position in ICT computers.”
Family expectations led some interviewees to express interest in higher education for a better career (prestigious profession) or a job that offered higher income for less work. Ali (BAL) said, “I want to continue studying to become a lawyer. My parents tell me I should have a regular job [in an office with] air conditioning, not work hard in construction like my father.” Dima (SUP) presented his priorities, despite his family’s expectations: “I would like to finish my studies, then find a regular job with a respectable salary. Then, if there is enough money, maybe get engaged and get married.” Additionally, parents in the traditional Druze community often guided their children toward careers within the family business. Razi (BAL) said, “My father works in construction renovations. Ever since I was a kid, I’ve been coming to work with him every day after school. I have to help him. All my brothers help Dad.”
The third area of interest is the participant’s current reality and life priorities. Some interviewees were confident, proactive, and aware of the circumstances and difficulties in making decisions and examining their actions toward their career development. This awareness led them to realistic plans to combine study with work, although the plan may be difficult to execute: “This is very hard, but I will try to adapt to it and find a job in the afternoon to study and work” (Ali, BAL). Jenny (SUP) envisioned a future in pastry arts and was taking steps toward this goal: “I want to save money for pastry studies because I want to work in that field. That’s why I work whenever I have free time.” Razi (BAL) planned to establish a family horse farm and began making this dream a reality with his family’s help: “I ride horses and really enjoy it. It’s a family tradition since my father and late grandfather also rode. I bought some land, and we will build a riding farm on it.”
Self-Efficacy Belief
Most interviewees expressed a high sense of their ability without ignoring expected difficulties. They sometimes claimed they could do anything if they invested and tried harder. Razi (BAL) said, “When a person constantly tells himself, ‘I can,’ he succeeds. And if you say, ‘That’s it, I can’t do it anymore,’ you cannot continue. I always say, ‘I can.’ Sometimes, I even go for something I’m not sure about.” Jenny (SUP) said, “When you want something, you need to work for it. You have to try, even when it is difficult, and then you will succeed.”
Five interviewees focused on self-efficacy beliefs based on personal performance, experiences, and accomplishments. Despite their challenges, they believed their successful attempts at school or work would serve them well. Nadya (BAL) said, “The studies are going well. I passed all my exams so far, thank God. I am hopeful and confident I will continue to succeed in the future.” Mahmoud (BAL) shared feeling that he could handle any job because of his experience: “I worked in many places; I tried several jobs, and every time I went to a workplace, they wanted me more and more because those who work properly can continue in any job they want.”
Four interviewees expressed a strong sense of their abilities derived from indirect environmental factors, such as the support of people around them and the environment, acknowledging their abilities. Razi (BAL) said, “People trust me and want me to work for them.” These citations highlight the importance of positive feedback following even small achievements, especially among at-risk youth.
Five interviewees were aware of their at-risk and attention deficit characteristics, emotional difficulties, low frustration thresholds, and impulsivity. Razi (BAL) said, “I am very nervous. … I mean, sometimes someone talks to me and raises their voice. I go crazy, and I try to calm myself down as much as possible.” Nadya (BAL) noted, “I get stressed and anxious quickly by anything, cry a lot. When I’m stressed, I do not know what to do; I am speechless.” Shir (SUP) talked about her attention disorder: “I am hyperactive, so I’m constantly doing things and must move and be in motion.” Dima (SUP), who has ADHD and a learning disability, expressed a need for support but rejected the label assigned to him. He summed up: “I know what at-risk youth is, but I don’t like this title. … These children have a difficult past with their family. I don’t want to be called an at-risk youth.”
Personal Goal-Setting
Many interviewees discussed their short- and long-term goals and how they planned to achieve them. Eliyahu (SUP) referred to short-term goals: “I want to leave the house and start living independently. That’s why I’m joining a program for young people where I will stay overnight and volunteer.” Nadia (BAL) said, “I hope to take the theory tests as soon as possible because I want to get a driver’s license and buy a car, which will improve my life.” Most interviewees aimed to obtain higher education and employment, such as integrating into the high-tech industry, acquiring a profession, or opening an independent business. Avi (SUP) said, “I think I can also be accepted to work in high-tech. If I invest in education beyond my current studies, I might also end up in high-tech.”
Some goals in this area appeared set, regardless of the reality of the interviewees’ lives or ability to achieve the goals. For example, Jonatan (SUP) explained, “My goal is to become a surgeon. I don’t know where I will live, but I want to be a surgeon. It does not belong to what I do today because I work in a banquet hall today.” Shahed (BAL) also wished to be a surgeon but, despite her family’s support and encouragement, her daily function and priorities did not fit her goal: “My mind was not in studies at all; almost all the time with my friends in the pools.” Alternatively, Machmud (BAL) shared his dream of opening his own business renting apartments. However, he shared, he has difficulty keeping any discipline and routines: “I was thrown out of school, I had some problems, and the hardest thing for me is to wake up in the morning.”
Unlike those examples, more than half the interviewees described how they could realistically achieve their goals based on their inner strengths. Despite their present academic difficulties, they showed determination and belief that they would achieve higher education through hard work, financial planning, and gradual steps toward achieving their goal. Avraham (SUP) understood the requirements he must first meet: “I want a position in ICT computers, doing 10 units in the matriculation in ICT and mathematics to be accepted as a worker.” Like many other interviewees, Dima (SUP) considered the lack of finances to access higher education and how to deal with it: “My ambition is to go to higher education. But first, I must work for it, then open a bank account, and all these things. But okay, little by little.” David (SUP) added, “I will open a bicycle shop with my brother, which is why I have been working in my friend’s bicycle shop for the last 2 years, learning and gaining experience.”
Some SUPER interviewees viewed military or civil service as a possible route to acquire a future profession. Ilana, who wanted to be a surgeon, said, “Next year, I hope to do civil service that is equivalent to the Red Cross first aid organization or in a hospital. They will help me get used to the work of a doctor.” Similarly, David said, “I hope to get a job in the Army in computers. I deal with computers and study computer languages. It will interest me and help me in the future.”
Environmental Barriers/Challenges
Both groups mentioned social attitudes as a barrier to employment. However, BALASHNA interviewees commented on social and cultural attitudes within their families, whereas SUPER interviewees discussed social attitudes toward at-risk youth in their environment. Shahed and Nadia (BAL) specifically mentioned their families’ traditional restrictive attitudes toward women. Shahed said, “I assured my father I would work. However, he encouraged me to let go of this idea. He won’t let me work in a place he doesn’t know. It should be in our village, not in Haifa [the closest big city].” Nadia shared the dilemma of her parents’ attitudes as an obstacle to her dream of being a tour guide: “My parents may not accept that I will be a guide abroad; they may not agree that I will travel alone.”
Shir and Dima (SUP) described feeling exclusion, contempt, and disrespect from the broader social environment. Shir said, “I don’t attend youth activities. … Everyone there, except for me, is a snob with a lot of money. But I ignore them and don’t hang out with these friends.” Dima did not want to disclose his personal or family background to prospective employers: “I did job interviews for work at McDonald’s and Burger Ranch, but in the end, I left out details, and people looked down on me.” Both Shir and Dima demonstrated how social exclusion reduced their opportunities due to their life situations rather than who they were or their abilities and activities.
In addition to social attitudes, unique barriers arose for each group. BALASHNA interviewees highlighted financial obstacles; SUPER interviewees raised the issue of sexual harassment toward women. Ali (BAL) expressed the need to rely solely on oneself when family or surroundings cannot financially assist in achieving goals. “I want to study, but I need to save a lot of money for my education. I must rely only on myself. It will be very difficult if I don’t rely on myself because no one can help me.” Rina and Shir (SUP) discussed experiences with sexual harassment, identifying it as a unique barrier they faced. Rina stated, “I know firsthand what sexual harassment is because I experienced it, and it is extremely frightening.” Shir added, “Many boys at work constantly bother me. However, the boss helps me and does not allow them to harass me. He separates us.”
Socioenvironmental/External Support
The BALASHNA interviewees mentioned the nuclear and extended family that supports, encourages, directs, advises, and guards them. They called it the other side of the coin from the traditional interfering and restricting community. Nadia said, “There are always family members who help me with my studies and advise me in making decisions in the future.” Fatma talked about her fiancé’s involvement in her decision-making: “He advises me on what would be worthwhile and what would not, and what conditions each place would provide. I value his input, and it helps me make better decisions.” Family members also guard them against temptations and entanglements with the law. Mahmoud said, “My parents are always there for me. They advised me not to smoke hookah, not to drink alcohol, and not to associate with people who use drugs.” Razi talked about what helps him avoid trouble and control his anger: “My cousin calms me down when I get angry and get into fights. So, 24 hours a day, he keeps telling me. ‘Count to 10, do not make trouble, be careful, do not get close to them, pay attention.’”
Unlike the BALASHNA interviewees, those from the SUPER mentioned receiving support from school staff, therapists, and sometimes employers. Ilana described support from various sources: “The school service associations and my employer, who also taught me how to use Excel and calculate my salary, are just a few of the many people who help me.” Jonatan described the school as an institution supporting success in the future, even after graduation. Dima talked about the boarding school staff members who loved and supported him: “I like the art therapist and the director of the boarding school. They know me well and know almost everything about me—about my family situation, about me personally, and they help me.”
Outcomes Toward Career Development
Towards the end of the interview, participants were asked what they thought they gained from the program. The first outcome participants mentioned was a change in the workplace and job search behavior. Participants explained that during the program, especially the internship experiences, they opened up to people different from themselves, adapted to new environments, accepted their manager’s authority and instructions, and gained confidence in job searching, even in unfamiliar workplaces. Fatma (BAL) said, “I’ve learned to adapt to a new workplace, step out of my comfort zone, and not give up, even when facing challenges. I hesitated to take instructions in the past, but now I understand it’s normal.” Iman (BAL) said, “The program positively impacted my viewpoint on life. I used to react negatively when meeting new people, but now I’ve learned from work experience that this behavior doesn’t benefit me while working.” Ali (BAL) emphasized the importance of new relationships: “I made many friendships with the employees who were there and the people who came from outside. I broadened my horizons in the village where I live.” Ilana (SUP) summarized the primary outcome of initiating and reaching out to find a job: “The program gave me a lot of confidence. It was important for me to find a job, so after the program, I forced myself to go and ask—go into the store where I wanted to work and ask.”
The second outcome interviewees mentioned was their enhanced knowledge of workers’ rights, such as hourly wages, breaks, expense reimbursements, and tools to apply in different situations and advocate for themselves in their current and future work. John (SUP) described learning about his rights when he worked for a municipality. “The municipality wanted to give me a salary below the minimum wage. I told them that the minimum is what I can get, but I also want breaks and travel expenses.” Alice (SUP) addressed her babysitting job: “They didn’t always pay me. I made a little diary and wrote how many hours I worked daily. Ultimately, I showed them the diary, and they paid me what I deserved—as I learned in the program.” Ali (BAL) explained how knowing his rights prepared him for future jobs: “If I start working for a company, I now know the laws, what they have to provide me, and what I am entitled to.”
Only the female SUPER interviewees mentioned feeling empowered and confident to work after a workshop on protection from sexual harassment held as part of the program. Shir talked about the importance of a workshop on preventing sexual harassment. Alice added that knowledge empowered her to speak up after her own experience. “If someone is sexually harassed, they shouldn’t remain silent. However, many [do]. It’s important to know there is someone to turn to and speak up and not let it go.”
The third outcome was feeling more prepared for a job interview. Participants remarked that the program’s simulations helped them gain confidence to apply for jobs now and in the future. Iman (BAL) said, “During [the bakery] interview, I showed self-confidence. I even started recalling what was said to us during the classroom simulation.” Alice (SUP) added a crucial pre-employment venue of volunteer work: “I wanted to volunteer, and I had to pass an interview to show I’m good with children. The experience in the program interview gave me much more confidence.”
The fourth outcome emerged after the tours and workplace familiarization during the program. Interviewees claimed they broadened their perceptions of career options, learning they could develop and integrate into workplaces even if they were not experts in a particular field or did not excel in school. Alice (SUP) noted, “During a workplace tour, I learned that even high-level managers started at entry-level positions.” This insight reduced the stress of aspiring to such positions and demonstrated the steps to take to develop a career. Similarly, Johnny (SUP) shared a change in his future orientation: “The workplace visits opened new opportunities. I’d always thought of working in a garage, but after the tours, I dreamed of working in a high-tech field. I saw high-tech jobs where you don’t need top-level math or physics skills.”
Discussion
This study focused on the perspectives of at-risk youth from two Israeli communities: Jewish and Druze. It examined their outlooks on career development, future orientation, dreams and ambitions, confidence in achieving their dreams and goals, and obstacles they face. The study also investigated the impact of the STWT program on at-risk Jewish and Druze youth in seven schools (Ivzori et al., 2020; 2025).
Similar to Cinamon et al. (2016), we found that the SCCT (Lent & Brown, 2017; Lent et al., 2002) provided a solid framework for interpreting our findings. The SCCT encompasses central career development indicators—self-efficacy, work expectations, goals, values, occupational interests, supports, and barriers—and enabled us to structure inductive findings from 24 interviews into clear conceptual categories. This facilitated a comprehensive understanding of at-risk youths’ career development while highlighting cultural influences.
The future orientation framework added depth by capturing motivational and behavioral dimensions, including how youth express hopes and fears in pursuing their aspirations. This framework also guided the integration of tailored program activities for culturally diverse at-risk youth, with educational resources freely available in Hebrew, Arabic, and English. Together, the SCCT’s structured domains and future orientation model’s dynamic perspective offered a more nuanced understanding of career development. The present research analysis calls for expanding the conceptual framework to address the intersectional and cultural realities of at-risk youth and inform more context-sensitive interventions in counseling, education, and occupational therapy.
Overall, both genders expressed similar perceptions of their professional future. Boys and girls alike demonstrated a sense of personal responsibility for their career development, emphasizing the importance of completing school, pursuing higher education, and acquiring a profession. Such motivation has been described as stemming from internal traits rather than external pressures from family or community (Hyde et al., 2020; Leaper & Starr, 2019). However, gender differences also emerged in the current study: Two of the seven girls from the Druze community reported experiencing restrictions from their families, particularly from fathers who did not permit them to work outside the village, thereby limiting career options in larger cities. These findings align with our recent quantitative research (Ivzori et al., 2025), which revealed that girls scored lower than boys in knowledge of the world of work and future behavioral orientation. The literature underscores these patterns. Cinamon et al. (2016) highlighted the complex role of the Arab family in women’s career development, describing it as both empowering and inhibiting. Family members were frequently mentioned by our participants as sources of encouragement and support but also as agents of restrictions and barriers. This dual influence is particularly salient in traditional communities, where collective family expectations strongly shape young women’s opportunities for professional development.
This study aimed to explore cross-cultural differences in how at-risk youth perceive career development and future orientation. The literature provided evidence for the influence of cultural background and environment on self-efficacy, vocational identity, career barriers, goal-setting, persistence toward achieving goals, and range of opportunities (Blustein, 2011; Demetriou et al., 2020; Flores et al., 2017). Studies have even emphasized the need to consider the cultural context in measuring and evaluating perceptions of the future and the environment’s influence at the micro, meso, and macro levels (Coulter et al., 2023; Rawatlal, 2021).
Interestingly, our study found no cultural differences in personal domains, such as occupational interests, goal types, confidence, or motivational components. Across both groups, interviewees described varied approaches to navigating their futures: Some proactively prepared, others adapted to present realities, and a few avoided confronting challenges. Despite these differences, most participants demonstrated strong self-efficacy and confidence in their ability to manage future demands. Their goals often reflected Western social values, sometimes disconnected from the participants’ circumstances. However, the difficulties of being at-risk did not diminish their aspirations. Young people’s future perceptions focused primarily on higher education and careers. Consistent with Seginer and Mahajan’s (2018) findings, our participants’ values, interests, and plans resembled those of adolescents in broader Western society. Importantly, their at-risk status did not alter the way they defined ambitions, values, or plans compared to peers their age.
However, our findings also indicate that cultural background and environment significantly influence at-risk youth’s perceptions of their future and career development. Factors include career barriers, support, and opportunities. Like Sulimani-Aidan and Melkman (2022), our study revealed that primary support in Druze society comes from the nuclear and extended family. In contrast, support among Hebrew-speaking Jewish interviewees comes primarily from educational and therapeutic staff. Social attitudes were the main barrier in both groups. However, obstacles were from within the family in Druze society, but from social attitudes in the Jewish society’s residential and social environment. These differences may be attributed to the traditional Druze society, where young people are raised in extended families that emphasize traditional values and play a central role in decision-making. At-risk youth in Jewish society may lack family support but have better social and educational services. Hence, they are more exposed to environmental influences, such as school and neighborhood. Using Seginer’s (2009) and Seginer and Mahajan’s (2018) model, we distinguished between the three motivational component types among this study’s participants (Figure 3). Future Orientation according to the Seginer (2009) Model
Subjective Expectancy
Participants emphasized the importance of higher education in supporting their personal development and progress, confidence in their ability to achieve their goals, and firm self-efficacy beliefs, such as living independently, pursuing a career, and securing a good quality of life. However, they sometimes ignored the gap between their current life circumstances/aspirations and reality. These findings align with Lai et al.’s (2024) and Rith-Najarian et al.’s (2014), highlighting the lack of self-awareness and realistic self-assessment among at-risk youth.
Cognitive Component
The interviewees expressed optimism about their future. Some had short-term hopes like finishing 12 years of schooling; others aspired to become famous musicians or surgeons. They also expressed apprehension and fear about their occupational interests and setting personal goals. Some described confusion, lack of knowledge about their interests, and concerns about balancing higher education and work without family support. We assume that participating in the STWT program did not reduce some participants’ fears but increased their awareness of the challenges in the work world (Carey et al., 2023; Tabolova et al., 2021).
Behavioral Component
Interviewees expressed control by actively exploring options, seeking advice, gathering information, and prioritizing without committing to a specific option. Their young age and status as students did not oblige them to commit to the steps to implement plans. However, they investigated each educational or occupational options, possibilities, and requirements. Such an investigation allowed the participants to deliberate hypothetically, thinking about future career aspirations while considering opportunities, circumstances, and actions (Carey et al., 2023; Coutinho & Blustein, 2014; Demetriou et al., 2020).
The study also analyzed the impact of both STWT program versions, with similar findings in both groups. Our findings aligned with other research (Chair et al., 2023; Durlak et al., 2010; Sulimani-Aidan & Melkman, 2022) on intervention programs’ contributions toward a positive perception of the future among youth in transition between school and matriculation. Our participants reported that the program contributed to their success, noting the most beneficial aspects to be the value of work experience in a competitive market, preparing for job interviews, and understanding workers’ rights. Exposure to influences beyond the school and family and to different work environments is crucial for behavioral changes in the workplace. According to the interviewees, this exposure helped them develop the ability to advocate for themselves. Aspects such as preparing for a job interview or understanding workers’ rights can bring present and future changes.
Limitations and Future Research
This study had some limitations. The groups were not proportional in the percentage of program participants or the number of schools where the program was implemented, limiting the generalizability of future orientation perceptions of at-risk Arab youth.
Future studies should include longitudinal follow-ups to evaluate the long-term effects of the SUPER and BALASHNA programs and cross-cultural implementations to assess their wider relevance locally and internationally. Research should also examine parental and family involvement, integrating parents and employers who provide internships, to strengthen support for at-risk youth.
The SUPER program was translated and adapted to the US educational system in collaboration with a research team from the University of Chicago but not implemented in the United States. Future research should implement the program in the US and other countries to validate its cultural suitability.
Implications for Career Development Theory and Practice
This study highlights several implications for educational, clinical, and policy practice. School-to-work transition (STWT) programs for at-risk youth should be culturally adapted and support the development of realistic self-perceptions through activities such as workplace exploration, open-market experiences, job interview preparation, and résumé writing. Motivational elements are also vital, including fostering hope, encouraging career planning, addressing future concerns, and promoting openness to community-based consultation. Additionally, implementation should begin before graduation and actively involve parents, employers, community representatives, and professionals in education and care who are connected to the youth’s cultural environment.
For policymakers, the findings underscore the need to expand career counseling resources for at-risk youth, enrich educational teams with cultural competencies and gender sensitivity, and strengthen collaboration with families, communities, and employers. Based on the study’s theoretical insights and practical recommendations, we suggest that the SUPER and BALASHNA program models could be adapted not only for culturally diverse at-risk youth but also for adolescents more broadly. The educational materials developed in this project are freely disseminated on our website in Hebrew, Arabic, and English (https://tep.haifa.ac.il/?lang=e), supporting adoption among professional teams worldwide.
Conclusions and Recommendations
This study found the SCCT and future orientation models (Seginer, 2009; Seginer & Mahajna, 2018) suitable for understanding at-risk youths’ career development and future orientation. However, the participants’ experiences highlight the need to expand these frameworks to better capture the intersectional and cultural realities of at-risk youth from diverse backgrounds—an important theoretical contribution of this research.
The findings revealed similarities between Jewish and Druze youth in self-efficacy, work expectations, goals, values, occupational interests, and perceptions of the program’s contribution. Both groups expressed confidence in achieving their goals and drew on Western work-related values, much like their peers in broader society. However, gaps emerged between aspirations for higher education or future occupations and the realities of their lives. Both genders shared these patterns. Cultural and environmental influences appeared mainly in external support factors—such as family and educational teams—as well as barriers limiting goal attainment.
Footnotes
Ethical Considerations
The Head Researcher at the Ministry of Education (approval: No. L-9046) on 24 October 2019, and the Faculty of Health and Welfare Studies Ethics Review Committee at the University of Haifa approved our interviews (approval: No. 8050/9046) on July, 2019. Participants and their parents signed written informed consent before prior to the interviews.
Author Contributions
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was funded by Hymen Milgrom Supporting Organization (HMSO) and the University of Chicago [no. 100007591] and the University of Chicago [grant number 45071], who considered the topic important.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
Data is not available due to [ethical/legal/commercial] restrictions.