“I Don’t Come Here Just for the Food”: Manifestations of Care in Food Assistance Initiatives

Abstract

This paper seeks to understand the social role played by food assistance initiatives in Portugal. Based on the understanding that these organizations are “spaces of care,” it is possible to reflect on the support provided by them in a more comprehensive and integrative way. Therefore, the various care practices that emerge in these organizational contexts are explored. This study presents a qualitative comparative methodological approach and a range of ethnographic methods to explore the perspectives of different actors (supervisors, volunteers, and beneficiaries) within different models of food assistance (Surplus Food Redistribution Charity, Soup Kitchen, and Social Supermarket). The main results indicate the presence of several “improvised” and “veiled” care practices in the analyzed initiatives that go beyond food issues. These manifestations of care may stem from altruistic acts and/or function as a “remedial measure,” serving as a compensatory mechanism in response to services deemed inadequate.

Introduction

The development and expansion of the realm of food assistance have sparked numerous debates within and beyond academic circles (Williams et al. 2016). The significance of food assistance initiatives is shrouded in uncertainty, especially in the context of modern Western societies, where these organizations have prompted questions about their true representation or the ideals they should embody (Hebinck et al. 2018; Vlaholias et al. 2015). A wide spectrum of discussions has unfolded, addressing aspects such as functionality, impact, effectiveness, adequacy of assistance, and ethical considerations tied to the preservation of human dignity (Livingstone 2015; Riches and Silvasti 2014). A recurrent theme in these dialogs revolves around the social role played by these initiatives (Cloke, May, and Williams 2017; Mirosa et al. 2016; Surman, Kelemen, and Rumens 2021; Vlaholias et al. 2015; Williams et al. 2016). Therefore, it is argued that the discord generated stems from socially constructed expectations surrounding these organizations.

The understanding that food assistance initiatives are “spaces of care” makes it possible to reflect on the social role of these responses in a more comprehensive and inclusive way. Looking at this type of organization as a space that is characterized by the possibility of providing “material resources, refuge, and therapeutic encounters in sensitive contexts” (Cloke et al. 2017, 708) presents itself as an interesting alternative in the face of dominant theoretical frameworks, namely, the food security, and political economy perspectives. By critically examining the effectiveness of initiatives like food banks and highlighting their structural inefficiencies, these viewpoints inadvertently overlook positive attributes that contribute to understanding their sustained existence.

Through the adoption of a qualitative comparative methodological strategy and a range of ethnographic methods, this study seeks to explore the various care practices that emerge in three food assistance initiatives operating in Portugal. By embracing high levels of poverty and marked social inequalities as well as by integrating a heterogeneous universe of food assistance, it is believed that the Portuguese context is particularly appropriate for this type of research (Augusto 2021, 2023; Truninger et al. 2019). Moreover, there is a scarcity of studies delving into the diversity within the realm of food assistance in this particular context (Augusto 2021).

The main findings point to the existence of multiple “veiled” and “improvised” care practices in the initiatives studied that go beyond food issues. Such practices can either be based on altruistic acts and/or constitute a “remedial measure,” that is, a compensatory mechanism for a service provided that is understood by its own actors (i.e., supervisors, volunteers, and beneficiaries) as being insufficient.

Literature Review

The universe of food assistance is vast, heterogeneous, and dynamic, which makes its study a complex task (Valenzuela-garcia, Lubbers, and Rice 2019). It is particularly difficult to map not only the different initiatives operating in the sector but also the main debates and positions assumed in the scientific literature. However, efforts have been made to systematize dominant theoretical frameworks (e.g., Cloke et al., 2017; Hebinck et al., 2018; Mirosa et al., 2016; Williams et al., 2016). The perspectives of food security and political economy integrate the main theoretical narratives that have been mobilized in the context of food assistance studies.

According to the food security perspective, the fulfillment of the right to food is not achieved through charity as it overlooks structural causes. Therefore, initiatives such as food banks, which are emergency responses and act in the short term, do not have the necessary tools to solve the problems of hunger, poverty, and food insecurity (Dowler 2002; Lambie-Mumford and Silvasti 2020b). It is believed that the permanence of these initiatives can contribute to their social acceptance as a valid response to a structural and complex problem to which they cannot respond effectively (Cloke et al. 2017; Silvasti and Tikka 2020; Tikka 2019). Thus, by providing an “apparent” solution, this type of initiative contributes to removing the responsibility of the Welfare State in terms of food assistance (Lambie-Mumford and Loopstra 2020). Moreover, these entities can potentially mask detrimental organizational practices by fostering collaborations with companies in the food industry and other sectors. These partnerships may foster a positive public image for enterprises that, for instance, could worsen food insecurity through practices such as contributing to the payment of low wages (Dowler 2013; Riches 2011; Williams et al. 2016).

According to the perspective of political economy, food assistance initiatives are considered to contribute actively to the advancement of neoliberal logic, both politically and economically. This second narrative focuses on the processes of privatization of food assistance by entities from civil society and the third sector (Poppendieck 1998; Riches 1986, 2002). Similar to the first perspective presented, this one also argues that the organizations in question contribute to reducing the level of investment by the Welfare State in terms of food assistance (Dowler 2002; Goode 2006; Hackworth 2009, 2010; Peck and Tickell 2002; Pfeiffer, Ritter, and Hirseland 2011; Riches 1997, 2002; Silvasti and Karjalainen 2014; Trudeau and Veronis 2009). In this process of transferring social functions from the Welfare State, the universality of the support provided and the principles inherent in the concept of social justice are called into question (Lambie-Mumford and Silvasti 2020a).

These theoretical lenses, although valid and relevant for understanding the reality of food assistance, run the risk of devaluing any positive effect that initiatives operating in the sector can bring to the community in which they are inserted, and to society in its broader expression (Cloke et al. 2017; Mirosa et al. 2016). Food assistance initiatives do neither represent intrinsically negative or positive realities, nor do they act only as agents (re)producers of social inequalities. It is considered, therefore, that these “contested spaces” (Williams et al. 2016) not only can contribute to perpetuating (and eventually exacerbating) the social problems they aim to solve (Hanson 2015; Lupton 2011; Valenzuela-garcia et al. 2019) but are also capable of creating and promoting positive social and emotional values that, in turn, enhance the emergence of opportunities for integration and empowerment (Cloke et al. 2017; Lindberg et al. 2014; Mirosa et al. 2016).

This study focuses on the critical lens of care to promote a comprehensive understanding of food assistance initiatives. Although this theoretical framework requires further exploration within the context of food assistance, it has demonstrated its ability to uncover compelling findings and shed light on less obvious elements that contribute to characterizing this type of initiative (Beacham 2018; Cloke et al. 2017; Surman et al. 2021; Williams et al. 2016). Thus, an alternative perspective emerges when considering food assistance initiatives as “spaces of care,” defined by their potential to offer “material resources, refuge and therapeutic encounters in sensitive contexts” (Cloke et al. 2017, 708). This viewpoint provides an intriguing departure from the theoretical frameworks discussed earlier.

As highlighted by Surman et al. (2021), the interactions forged between volunteers and beneficiaries create a platform for an alternative analytical examination of the relational dynamics within food assistance initiatives. The empathy, compassion, and understanding generated in the context of food assistance allow thinking about organizations operating in the sector as spaces that go beyond food donation and as spaces where different opportunities are created, related to ensuring the well-being (physical and emotional) of the actors involved. In these settings, individuals establish “symbolic families,” engaging in reciprocal favors and acts of kindness (Grau Rebollo et al. 2019). The heightened vulnerability of beneficiaries and the eagerness of volunteers to offer support contribute to fostering such relationships and practices (Enns et al. 2020; Garthwaite, Collins, and Bambra 2015; Gentilini 2013; Lambie-Mumford et al. 2014; Lawson and Kearns 2018; Rizvi et al. 2021).

As noted by Darling (2011), charitable spaces can give rise to unexpected experiences of sociability. In such environments, individuals leverage their ethical and moral values, along with reflexivity, to exchange practices of care and generosity. These encounters have the potential to temporarily set aside the typical power dynamics between volunteers and beneficiaries, fostering the development of more egalitarian relationships (Llewellyn 2011; Williams et al. 2016). Although these practices within food assistance initiatives bring together diverse actors, it is crucial to recognize their varied purposes, not all inherently driven by altruistic or selfless motives. It is noteworthy that the symbolic gestures performed by volunteers (Tarasuk and Eakin 2003) may align with their individual interests. Möller’s (2021) concept of “pastoral care” suggests that these care practices might also aim to convert or transmit specific religious values.

The present study focuses precisely on relational elements to understand how the food assistance initiatives analyzed are socially constructed. In this context, it is crucial to acknowledge the ambivalence inherent in these organizations, where challenges and inefficiencies coexist with opportunities and benefits (Mirosa et al. 2016; van der Horst, Pascucci, and Bol 2014; Vlaholias et al. 2015). Adopting a holistic approach is believed to further facilitate an understanding of the enduring nature of these responses and the commitment to them.

Methodology

The work presented here is based on qualitative comparative research developed during a PhD in Sociology. Using a range of ethnographic methods, it was possible to explore the perspectives of different actors (supervisors, volunteers, and beneficiaries) within different models of food assistance (Surplus Food Redistribution Charity, Soup Kitchen, and Social Supermarket). The fieldwork was conducted between February 2018 and March 2019. In the first phase, the researcher performed participant observation through volunteer practice in the initiatives analyzed for a total period of nine months (three in each). During this time, the researcher carried out different tasks related to the collection, preparation, and donation of food. In the second phase, 39 semi-structured interviews were conducted with the referred actors (3 with supervisors, 18 with volunteers, and 18 with beneficiaries).

The initiatives were selected based on the following criteria: (i) they represent important models of food assistance operating in Portugal; (ii) they are at different stages of development; and iii) they have connections with key entities in their sector of action (e.g., Portuguese Food Bank and the Catholic Church). The interviewees, comprising volunteers and beneficiaries, were chosen through the “contrast” technique (Guerra 2006). As for supervisors, the criteria included: (i) occupying a management or coordination position; and (ii) possessing an in-depth knowledge of the initiative and its history.

For the interviews, three distinct scripts were developed. In interviews with volunteers and beneficiaries, the focus was on the following aspects: (i) the integration and adaptation process; (ii) everyday life; (iii) food; (iv) relational dynamics; (v) organizational dynamics; and (vi) social participation (only for beneficiaries) and future perspectives. For those in supervisory roles, the script covered the following dimensions: (i) the integration process; (ii) food; and (iii) organizational dynamics.

This study was approved by the Ethics Committee of the researcher’s host institution. Cooperation protocols were established with the initiatives, and informed consent was obtained from all participants. Given the sensitive nature of the topics covered, all the data were anonymized. The interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. These data were analyzed using MAXQDA2020 software, and thematic analysis was developed (Nowell et al. 2017; Vaismoradi et al. 2016). An inductive and deductive coding strategy was followed as themes were simultaneously constructed based on data collected from fieldwork and prior theoretical knowledge (Fereday and Muir-Cochrane 2006).

Findings

The Importance of Relationships

The collected data indicate the presence of a positive relational environment in the analyzed food assistance initiatives. Despite occasional tensions and disagreements, supervisors, volunteers, and beneficiaries express the belief that they form close and meaningful relationships in these specific contexts.

The individuals here are incredibly friendly, welcoming, and supportive of each other. I had the pleasure of meeting Maria [volunteer], and she consistently looks out for me, expressing genuine concern. We share a strong and meaningful connection. (Woman, 57, Beneficiary, Soup Kitchen)

I’ve always been treated well. In the beginning, I was the one who was a little strict with them [volunteers]. Now I’m different, they were so nice that I even changed my behaviour. (Woman, 46, Beneficiary, Social Supermarket)

In fact, this type of discourse was repeated several times in the context of interviews and in the various collected field notes. The initiatives constitute spaces of encounter for these actors that serve not only to share food, but also conversations on the most varied topics and with different emotional charges.

I’m very happy here. . .and I can tell you that now I have a good relationship with most of the people I feed, most of the time they don’t even need to say their name, I know who they are. I also know their preferences. . .or if they have children at home. . . or if they can’t eat hard food because they don’t have teeth. . .things like that. . .I got used to this very well. (Man, 22, Volunteer, Surplus Food Redistribution Charity)

A clear indicator of close relationships in the context of food assistance is the attribution of degrees of kinship to established bonds. On several different occasions, the researcher heard beneficiaries and volunteers using designations such as “mother,” “father,” “grandmother,” “grandfather,” “aunt,” and “uncle” to address other individuals of the analyzed initiatives.

Maria [volunteer] is like a grandmother to me and Inês [daughter] . . . because Inês calls her grandmother, it’s really family. (Woman, 36, Beneficiary, Soup Kitchen)

Justa is like a mother to me, I love her a lot. I’ve known her for many years and never had any problems with her, I really like her. (Woman, 46, Beneficiary, Social Supermarket)

This treatment sheds light on the levels of intimacy that can be assumed in established relationships. Usually, the closer the relationship, the greater is the number of interactions and affective sharing.

Field Notes, Soup Kitchen

31 July 2018

As I was preparing to start serving meals, I realized that Marta [volunteer] had sat down next to Mercedes [beneficiary]. Their complicity was evident, expressed through exchanged smiles and hugs. Among the various affectionate nicknames, I highlight the word “grandmother” used by Marta in relation to Mercedes. Later that day, I had the opportunity to hear Marta say the following: “I no longer have biological grandparents, but I gained a grandmother here, Mercedes really treats me like a granddaughter”. Even if I was expecting these types of relationships to exist, I have been surprised by how often I witnessed them.

By allowing more intense and lasting contact, the Soup Kitchen was particularly prone to the establishment of this type of relationship. In fact, it was found that the modus operandi of the initiatives analyzed had some impact on the emergence of this type of relational dynamic. The Social Supermarket emerged as the initiative where forming close bonds proved more challenging, primarily because it fostered more fleeting interactions. In this scenario, beneficiaries typically spend limited time at the initiative, relying on it either weekly or monthly, depending on their needs.

The Existence of “Veiled” and “Improvised” Care Practices

Another indicator of the existence of close relationships in the analyzed food assistance initiatives is the manifestation of “veiled” and “improvised” care practices. Volunteers typically engage in these practices spontaneously with the aim of enhancing the well-being of the beneficiaries. These activities fall outside the formal scope of organizations; hence, they occur on the fringes. However, they are neither concealed by the participants nor in conflict with the rules imposed by the initiatives. Although they seem to unfold on a separate plane, these practices coexist with the regular dynamics promoted by these organizations.

Field Notes, Surplus Food Redistribution Charity

5 February 2018

Today, I had a very interesting conversation with a beneficiary. When I asked him if he was satisfied with the food he received from the initiative, he said: “the food is not perfect, but I don’t come here just for the food, I have people here that I like, people I already consider to be my friends, people who are my personal guardian angels”.

This was one of the first notes collected during fieldwork that marked the researcher’s understanding of the social role assumed by food assistance initiatives. The idea that these organizations can go beyond food issues made it possible to broaden the focus of the research and reach several manifestations of care.

They [volunteers] are always trying to improve my life. Because I believe that there are many things here that they buy themselves, all together. They do things on the outside, just so they can help me. For example, I didn’t have a stove, they all joined and offered me a stove. They’ve been flawless with me. I was recently given a shaver. They always treat me very well. (Man, 59, Beneficiary, Social Supermarket)

The acquisition of both the stove and shaver by a concerned group of volunteers signifies the presence of practices that fall outside the defined functions and roles of the organizations. These volunteers extend beyond organizational expectations, utilizing their moral principles to safeguard the well-being of the beneficiaries. Such actions underscore the interdependence among these actors, showcasing the extent of autonomy volunteers can exercise in relation to their hosting organization, surpassing the institutionally assigned objectives. Additionally, it is noteworthy that the donated stove carries specific symbolic significance, streamlining the consumption process of food provided by the initiative.

Indeed, volunteers often assume a more comprehensive caregiver role than expected in organizational terms. Acts of kindness could involve managing the initiative’s resources to favor certain beneficiaries, for example, by giving more generous portions of food or donating reserved food items.

Every time Matilde [volunteer] sees me, she treats me in a special way. She is always very attentive with the portions [of the meals] and she always tries to give me foods that she knows I need, even when she cannot give them. For example, the other day she gave me yoghurts, and nobody was getting them that day, I think they were only supposed to start giving them after a few weeks. (Woman, 46, Beneficiary, Surplus Food Redistribution Charity)

This specific type of care practice gave rise to several tensions and conflicts. As volunteers and beneficiaries became aware of benefits directed toward specific individuals, discontent among some of them emerged, giving rise to intense discussions.

They [the volunteers] fill their bags and we go and they don’t fill them. They have favourites, they give it to them and they don’t give it to us. I don’t think this is right, I don’t think it’s fair. (Man, 56, Beneficiary, Surplus Food Redistribution Charity)

Several care practices were identified during fieldwork, some related to the donation of goods, equipment, and resources (e.g., clothing, furniture, and appliances) others with the provision of emotional support (e.g., buying coffee and talking about personal problems). Less frequent practices such as babysitting and offering rides were also identified.

Field Notes, Surplus Food Redistribution Charity

16 April 2018

Around 7:40 p.m., I saw Sandra [volunteer] leaving the initiative with Joana [beneficiary]. I found this situation unusual for two reasons. First, Sandra was still volunteering and second, Joana was visibly upset (tears were streaming down her face). I asked António [volunteer] what had happened, to which he replied: “Sandra is like this, whenever she sees someone down below, she takes the person to have coffee and eat a cookie, she has already done this several times.”

This field note precisely illustrates the emotional support that volunteers extend to beneficiaries. Confronted with Joana’s apparent vulnerability, Sandra momentarily sets aside her role as a volunteer and the typical power dynamics involved to assist her. In addition to providing emotional support, Sandra also conveys her care through comforting food. Thus, there are instances where various care practices are simultaneously and synergistically employed.

Mobilized care practices typically emerge from a profound understanding on the part of those who enact them regarding their recipients. This sense of closeness is exemplified by beneficiary Maria when expressing the support she receives from volunteer Juliana.

Juliana knows me very well; we’ve talked a lot and she knows my life. She is always giving me clothes and toys for my children. She already knows our tastes and our sizes and ages to give us the right clothes. She is an angel to me. (Woman, 43, Beneficiary, Social Supermarket)

The numerous conversations between Maria and Juliana have fostered a relationship of trust, leading to a profound understanding of each other’s lives. This deep connection enables the support provided to cater specifically to the recipients’ needs.

As mentioned at the beginning of this section, this type of practice does not go against what is institutionally defined by the organizations analyzed. In several conversations that the researcher was able to establish with the supervisors of the initiatives, it became clear that they were generally aware of this type of dynamics and that they were perceived by them in a positive way.

Another interesting finding was the relationship that some of the identified care practices establish with Catholic Christian ideology. In fact, some volunteers justified their acts of kindness based on religious beliefs. In addition, the use of care practices to promote religious values has been verified.

Field Notes, Soup Kitchen

15 June 2018

I witnessed the following dialogue between Paula [volunteer] and Teresa [beneficiary] while serving the last meal of lunch:

Teresa:

I do not know what to do with my life, it seems that nothing goes well.

Paula:

You know what you could do? do not take it personally, but I really think it would do you good.

Teresa:

What?

Paula:

Start going to Mass. The Priest always has some beautiful and inspiring messages. I really think it would do you well. You could also try to talk to him to see if he could give you any more help. You can even join the Bible reading group.

Paula had the habit of donating clothes to Teresa and talking to her for many hours in the vicinity of the Soup Kitchen. On different occasions, it was possible to hear the religious advice presented in the field notes. The close relationship that the three initiatives studied establish with Catholic Churches can help to understand this type of episode.

The Operational Problems

While the collected data revealed positive relational dynamics within the investigated food assistance initiatives, it is crucial to acknowledge the presence of significant operational challenges. Specifically, supervisors highlighted difficulties in ensuring the financial sustainability of organizations, along with issues related to stock management and human resources. Lack of funding sources, shortages of specific food items, and the continual departure of volunteers from the initiatives were cited as the primary explanations for these challenges.

The problem is always the same . . . lack of money, lack of resources . . . it’s a daily struggle for survival . . . we must always be looking for solutions and alternatives to the lack of funding . . .. (Woman, 62, Supervisor, Social Supermarket)

In addition to these structural challenges, volunteers and beneficiaries identified specific organizational issues, including: (i) the ineffectiveness of beneficiary selection criteria; (ii) inadequate attendance hours; (iii) insufficient volunteer training; (iv) poor conditions of physical spaces; (v) a lack of seamless information flow among volunteers; (vi) diminished quality, quantity, and variety of donated food; and (vii) a slow donation process.

The food comes hot and then it gets cold [during transport], we heat up again and it spoils. There are many flaws [. . .] I get there, call the person at the door . . . Then I have to wait a lot of time in the rain and cold, there is no welcoming space in this initiative. (Man, 34, Beneficiary, Surplus Food Redistribution Charity)

The main difficulty is the lack of volunteers, lack of staff. (Woman, 47, Volunteer, Surplus Food Redistribution Charity)

You know what I think works less well? What works less well is that, as everywhere, there is a shortage of products . . . we have to satisfy the beneficiaries with better food and in more quantity too. (Man, 54, Volunteer, Social Supermarket)

The various organizational and operational challenges identified during fieldwork are important for understanding the social role played by the food assistance initiatives studied. On the one hand, if they are praised for the relational environment they promote and for providing more comprehensive care (which goes beyond food issues), on the other hand, they seem to fail in fulfilling their main function: to donate food to vulnerable populations. Perhaps, the valuation of relational aspects appears as a compensation mechanism against a service provided that is considered ineffective. It is possible that volunteers invest in the relationships established as a strategy to mitigate the serious functional problems of the initiatives. It is also possible that beneficiaries praise relational elements to avoid negatively characterizing the initiatives that support them. The interpretative possibilities are discussed in the following section.

Discussion

This study seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the social role played by food assistance initiatives in Portugal. To date, research on this subject has not sufficiently explored the heterogeneity that characterizes the universe of food assistance (Augusto 2021, 2023). Additionally, dominant theoretical frameworks tend to focus on the structural flaws associated with this type of initiative, ignoring the reasons that lead to the permanence of these responses. Such theoretical frameworks incur the risk of contributing to a “politics of abandonment” that appeal to the end of a way of acting without valid functional alternatives (Cloke, May, and Johnsen 2010; Cloke et al. 2017).

The understanding that food assistance initiatives are “spaces of care” (Williams et al. 2016) that go beyond food issues has proved useful. The findings point to the existence of close relationships between volunteers and beneficiaries that lead to the manifestation of multiple practices of care. These actors find “symbolic families” in these settings and exchange favors and acts of kindness (Grau Rebollo et al. 2019). Beneficiaries’ vulnerability and volunteers’ willingness to provide support enhances this type of relationship and practice (Enns et al. 2020; Garthwaite et al. 2015; Gentilini 2013; Lambie-Mumford et al. 2014; Lawson and Kearns 2018; Rizvi et al. 2021). These dynamics show that volunteers resort to reflexivity, sensitivity, and ethical/moral values and engage in unexpected experiences of sociability (Darling 2011). Within these experiences, there is a temporary suspension of the traditional roles of volunteer and beneficiary (Llewellyn 2011) which, in turn changes the usual relational dynamics (of power and domination) found in the context of food assistance (Williams et al. 2016). However, it is important to note that care practices can serve different purposes. For example, practices were identified that simultaneously sought to support and transmit Christian values, meeting Möller’s (2021) concept of “pastoral care.”

Regardless of their intended purpose, the identified care practices share two characteristics: they are “veiled” and “improvised.” These practices tend to unfold spontaneously in response to challenges in everyday life and are generally only known to the actors involved. Although they occur independently of the initiative, they do not contravene the rules and regulations imposed by it.

Although the agency of actors, namely volunteers and beneficiaries, is crucial for the occurrence and manifestation of care practices, the modus operandi of food assistance initiatives also appears to exert a significant influence on them. The Soup Kitchen, by permitting beneficiaries to stay within the organization for extended periods, has become the initiative where the identified bonds are stronger and more meaningful. On the other hand, the Social Supermarket, which encourages less intense interactions between these actors, emerged as a context where such connections are more challenging to establish.

The various care practices identified coexist with serious organizational and operational problems. Faced with the absence of a quality service, the beneficiaries choose to highlight the possible positive aspects, and the volunteers seek to compensate through their friendliness, positive disposition, and benevolent actions. Thus, food assistance often becomes a symbolic gesture (Tarasuk and Eakin 2003) based on “remedial measures.” However, this does not mean that the good relational environment found in the initiatives analyzed results only from the problems identified. Being “spaces of encounter,” the initiatives guarantee their actor’s multiple interactions and possibilities (Cloke et al. 2017; Williams et al. 2016). Thus, it is possible to find altruistic acts as well as behaviors based on ulterior motives. In addition, the empathy, compassion, and understanding that are built into these organizations can generate different opportunities for the empowerment of the various actors involved (Surman et al. 2021).

Despite the various challenges that food assistance initiatives face, their value does not reside solely and exclusively in the interactions they promote. They continue to donate food to vulnerable populations daily and act in the absence of structural and long-term responses (Vlaholias et al. 2015). Until other strategies emerge, it is crucial to equip these organizations with the necessary resources and skills to provide better-quality services (Mirosa et al. 2016). Although these organizations have a clear “dark side” (van der Horst et al. 2014), they also have a “brighter” one.

Conclusion

The social role of the analyzed food assistance initiatives is significantly shaped by substantial operational challenges and the emergence of close and meaningful relationships. The actors within these organizations foster “veiled” and “improvised” care practices extending beyond food concerns, reinforcing the social bonds forged. However, it is posited that these manifestations of care may stem from altruistic deeds and/or function as a “remedial measure,” acting as a compensatory mechanism for a service deemed ineffective. Nonetheless, it is crucial to emphasize that food assistance initiatives play a significant role, stepping in where structural and long-term responses are lacking. Hence, it is crucial to persist in exploring these organizations through theoretically comprehensive lenses that can integrate the diverse elements that define them.