The destruction of the Muslim graveyards was only one expression of the great anti-Muslim movement. During both the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, all the Muslims of the Balkans suffered systematic persecution and killing. Their cultural heritage was cruelly destroyed. This persecution and murder was an element in all Balkan national programmes and their realisation. There was no attempt to establish a national state in the Balkans that did not involve the persecution, killing, and baptism of Muslims and the destruction of their cultural heritage in the areas supposed to be that nation’s territory. This suffering was of terrible proportions. Even during periods of respite, this fear still reaches deep in the Muslim soul, because no attempt to establish a national programme is possible, in its "pure" ideological form, so long as Muslims remain within the body of the nation. Because of their individual and collective trauma, they remain incapable of formulating a response to the suffering they have borne. The promises of communism provided a frame for these processes. They carried as their secret content the continuation of the old nationalist programmes to deal with the "Muslim question" by persecution, killing, baptism, and the destruction of Muslim cultural heritage. Consequently, with the Muslim experience of suffering during the Second World War still fresh, the new Communist order established a framework for new forms of trauma and a continuation of the destruction of the Muslim people in Bosnia. Immediately following the end of the war, violence against key symbols of Muslim cultural identity continued (mektebs, mosques, tekkes, harems, etc.). Such actions had a terrible psychological impact, particularly as these people had not yet come to terms with the extent of their suffering during the just finished war (more than one hundred thousand or around 8 percent of this group had been killed, according to the research presented in Vladimir Žerjavić, Gubici stanovništva Jugoslavije u drugom svjetskom ratu [Zagreb: Jugoslavensko viktimološko društvo, 1989]; and Bogoljub Kočović, Žrtve Drugog svetskog rata u Jugoslaviji [Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1990]). The new Communist government took no account of the traumatised condition of the Muslim people and allowed it no psychological breathing space under the new circumstances. The authorities passed a series of laws allowing and, in fact, promoting the destruction of Muslim cultural heritage, while implementing a number of measures designed to increase fear and the sense of insecurity. The brutal punishment meted out to the members of the "Young Muslims" movement was intended, as the state prosecutor of the time, Enver Kržić, himself said, "to freeze the blood in anyone who might ever think of such a thing again" (cited by Alija Izetbegović in Sead Trhulj, Mladi muslimani [Sarajevo: OKO, 1995], 62). This same prosecutor had, in 1948, told Ismet Serdarević (accused and convicted of being a member of the organisation): "between your conviction and your paradise, you will live through 1000 hells" (ibid, 46). The social and political circumstances in which all this took place were permeated by the maintenance of ancient and the imposition of new fears of everything Muslim as unacceptable and dangerous. Political and legal measures taken by the new government were strictly opposed to the reality that the Muslim personality is determined by the effort to realise the self through the confessions that there is no god but God and that Muhammad is His Messenger. These confessions are essentially a-historical. They were manifest in history, but cannot be understood outside the metaphysically grounded image of the world. Their a-historicity is denied by the modern ideologies, which endeavour to reify islam, excluding it to the periphery of history, while presenting this reification and exclusion as a historical phenomenon. Both these confessions are available to every individual through transferred or received knowledge. They are, however, also present in each of us as our authentic and original nature and as the Spirit breathed into us by our Creator. Received knowledge only serves the discovery and the realisation of knowledge that already exists in us as our most profound nature, the knowledge of the names which God taught to Adam, and so to all of his children, at the end of Creation, when it was focused within us. This is why every individual and social act includes the desire for self-discovery and self-realisation of that inner knowledge received from God. When a child is born, it is given a name by the most prominent member of the family or the community. That individual takes on the role of the praised by calling us to confess the truth and claim of everything in existence and so to realise our own self in relationship with God, in particular through the highest moment of humanity, represented by the praised as the Messenger of God. For the praised was at the beginning of all creation, as all the prophets and through them all those who have followed them have borne witness. That individual carries the child in his arms, which is to say symbolically at the Prophet’s breast, and recites the Call (ezan) into his or her right ear and the Resurrection (ikamet) into the left. Then, he speaks out his or her name, which should, in principle, express the desire that human being develop in beauty and goodness (see Enver Mulahalilović, Vjerski običaji muslimana u Bosni i Hercegovini, 2nd rev. ed. [Sarajevo: El-kalem, 1989], 16). This Muslim tradition of introducing the name becomes unacceptable in the new ideological environment. Individuals from a Muslim background, included in the ideological apparatus, avoid such names, so that authentic Muslim names become scandalous. The circumcision of male children, as a symbol of our original covenant with God as the only source of the reality of all that is in existence, also became unacceptable, so that, in the aftermath of the Second World War, most Muslims carried it out in secrecy and fear. Teaching children sections of the Recitation, which is the principal expression that the human soul cannot be based upon individual wilfulness, also became unacceptable and an act of opposition to the promises of "progress" and the scientistic ideology. The institution of the mekteb, as the place in which one first learns the use of the pen and the Book, is of decisive importance in the formation of the Muslim sense of self. Young children are gathered around the Book that God revealed as a mercy unto the worlds. Their teacher approaches the Book with the same rights and responsibility as they do. The Book is an authority that binds us all to the praised as the perfect example and God as the source and destination of everything. It signifies our relationship to the Word and Its manifestation through phenomena, speech, and writing. Through this general relationship with the divine revelation, we find ourselves constantly affirming ourselves as "a people of the book." Gathering around the Book has a greater symbolic than essential significance. In this way, the child is immunised against any authority that is not supra-individual and that mediates the child’s relationship with God the Creator, so that ethical behaviour with regard to other individuals and the admission of claims derive from our relationship with God the Creator and Governor of all existence and not from subordination to any secular authority that lays claim to some absolute right. The Book turns and orients the child towards the Creator Who reveals Himself through the world, us, and the Book. In this way, the manifold of the world-the heavens and the earth and everything between-is connected with Unity as the Principle, while our ability to realise and discover this Unity within ourselves is confirmed. Because the Communist authorities outlawed the mekteb, the Recitation was displaced from its central position within Muslim society, as the decisive factor in the creation of the individual self. In its place, the new authorities introduced the new ideologically determined authority, whose defining characteristic was force and which was focused on the person of the leader, represented in terms of the new Communist ideology, and embodied in the party apparatus, with the State as its means. In 1952, the operation of the tekkes or dervish lodges was forbidden by order of the Ulema of the Islamic Community. (This decision was published in the Gazette of the Supreme Islamic Council of Elders of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia, Sarajevo, 1:2[1952]: 199). In this way, religious life as a whole was reduced to the role of the "imams at the mosque." The role of the "imam at the mosque" is doctrinally just leading common prayer and may be carried out by any adult individual. Given that the nomination and installation of an imam did not require any particular conditions of spiritual initiation, therefore, it became part of a structure entirely under the oversight of the political authorities. According to Osman Čimić (1927-2002), a senior official within the Communist police, most of the imams so appointed were linked with the security apparatus of the Communist authorities and followed their orders. They were, as such, frequently deeply involved in the destruction of Muslim society. This was not, however, the worst consequence of this reduction of the doctrinal unity of Islam, which ensures a balance between received and intellectual knowledge, without which no traditional image of the world can survive, and on which and through which human salvation through self-realisation is based. Once the imams had been securely established in this subordinate position, under the authorities’ surveillance, they were then drawn into the hierarchical network of an exoteric apparatus, entirely managed by the authorities. This was, however, only one of the degrees whereby traditional unities were transformed into ideologies that locate human salvation in political and lucrative action. With the full involvement of the ideological elite, the religious organisations were then transformed into a supreme value used to justify violence against individuals and their inclusion or exclusion, depending on the degree to which they accepted the authority of the ideological elite, which lorded over the apparatus as the authority elected by the elite as supreme. Human salvation through the realisation of the Unity of God and the imitation of the praised as the most beautiful example was suppressed, in favour of respect for an apparatus which had taken the place of the Unity of God and the apostolate of the praised. Confession of the Unity of God was replaced by the inviolate unity of the people. Following the Messenger was now located within history and replaced by the inviolate nature of the leader and the leadership as the conditions of "progress." According to Arquon, Islam was reoriented as "a means of disguised behaviour, institutions, and cultural and scientific activity, inspired by purely western forms, which had been ideologically rejected" (Muhammad Arqoun, Rethinking Islam, trans. Robert D. Lee [Boulder, CO: Westview, 1994], 13). Given that the participants in the apparatus are acting in accordance with the forms of ideological modernity, dressed up in traditional garb, and that God, as the transcendent and always present authority, is excluded or reduced to a framework for the instrumental rationality of the elite, it can hardly be confirmed except by the constant offering of new forms and the destruction of the old. According to such a point of view, the old is regressive, the new progressive. The standard bearers of the new know, or so they claim, the goal towards which history is leading and the ways it will do so. The "imams" and their apparatus had a significant position amongst the destroyers of Islamic cultural heritage during the modern period. They felt ill at ease with the old, inherited cultural unities, as they tried to present themselves as separate from the old and loyal to the new. (For more on this, see the above-mentioned work by Arquon; see also Rusmir Mahmutćehajić, "Fundamentalizam nasuprot tradicijske intelektualnosti," Dijalog 3:4[2005]: 218-40). Such circumstances provided the perfect conditions for the destruction of endowed or waqf property, a crucial factor in providing Islamic culture with staying power. On the basis of archival research by Amer Medar, a local historian, there appear to have been more than 200 waqfs or endowed trusts in and around Stolac [personal communication]. He has confirmed the existence of 421 land registry entries for waqf properties. Waqfs are assets whose owners have excluded any possibility of alienation to ensure that any income accruing from them is used for the purpose of confirming the Unity of God and the apostolate of the praised. In wills made to dedicate a property for such purposes, one frequently finds reference to the obligation to do good, in the expectation of relief on the Day of Judgement. Such endowments also frequently cite the Prophet’s message: "When a man dies, his acts come to an end, but three-lasting charity, beneficial knowledge, and a pious son, who prays for him" (Muslim, imam, Sahih Muslim, trans. ‘Abdul Hamid Siddiqi [Riyadh: International Islamic Publishing House , n.d.], 3:867). Only a few of the deeds of endowment (waqfnama) from Stolac have come down to us. A list of the ones preserved in the Gazi Husref Bey library in Sarajevo was published by Zejnil Fajić, "Popis vakufnama iz Bosne i Hercegovine koje se nalaze u Gazi Husrevbegovoj biblioteci," Anali Gazi-Husrevbegove biblioteke, Sarajevo, 5:6(1978): 245-302, at 291-93. For more on the waqfnama from Stolac, see Salih Trako, "Vakufnama hadži Mehmeda sina hadži Mahmudova Mehmedbašića Stočanina iz 1734. godine," Glasnik Rijaseta Islamske zajednice u SFRJ, Sarajevo, 3 (1990): 38-45; and Izet Rizvanbegović, "Vakufname i vasijetname Ali-paše Rizvanbegovića Stočevića," Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju 52-53(2004): 295-338. A review of the majority of the waqfnama from Stolac allows one to conclude that the endowment or property being left by an owner to his heirs or the community might include a shop, a house, a water cistern, land (gardens, meadows, an orchard, or pastureland), a mill or mill wheel, a washing area, books, livestock, furniture, or money.