This article takes the November 1965 letter of Poland's Roman Catholic bishops to their German counterparts as a starting point for historical inquiry into the nature and consequences of Catholic engagement in Polish-German reconciliation. The article begins with a close reading of the letter's text and its philosophical-theological underpinnings; then, it discusses the letter's reception history and its political consequences. The letter and its reception have a double significance: first, as an event in post-World War II European political, intellectual, and ecclesiastical history; second, as an ethical commentary on the spirit of dialogue promulgated in the constitutions of the Second Vatican Council. Although the letter helped to facilitate a process of Polish-German reconciliation that remains ongoing, this process has failed to assimilate the letter's ethics of forgiveness. That failure has reinforced the roadblocks that hamper Polish-German reconciliation almost two decades after the fall of communism in Europe.
Both Gospel quotations come from Saint Jerome's Vulgate, reprinted as Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Versionem (Stuttgart, Germany: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1994).
2.
"Polish Bishops' Appeal to Their German Colleagues" (18 November 1965), in German-Polish Dialogue: Letters of the Polish and German Bishops and International Statements (New York: Edition Atlantic Forum, 1966), 7-19.
3.
Solvay Workers' Letter to Karol Wojtyła, quoted in Adam Michnik, "Z dziejów rynsztoka: Naganiacze i nieobywatelskie poste pki," Gazeta Wyborcza, 24-25 September 2005, 16.
4.
Basil Kerski and Robert Żurek, "Ore dzie biskupów polskich i odpowiedź niemieckiego episkopatu z 1965 roku: Geneza, kontekst historyczny oraz oddziaływanie," in Basil Kerski, Tomasz Kycia, Robert Żurek, . "Przebaczamy i prosimy o przebaczenie". Orędzie biskupów polskich i odpowiedź niemieckiego episkopatu z 1965 roku. Geneza-kontekst-spuścizna (Olsztyn, Poland: Borussia, 2006), 5-54, at 6.
5.
"About the Message of the German Bishops: In Whose Name?" Życie Warszawy, 10 December 1965, in German-Polish Dialogue, 29-40, at 38.
6.
Polish primate Stefan Cardinal Wyszyński, Archbishop Karol Wojtyła, and Bishop Kazimierz Kowalski also reviewed and edited the final draft. On Kominek's ethics and politics, see the work of journalist, writer, and documentary filmmaker Hansjakob Stehle, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung correspondent in Poland at the time, who knew Kominek and other bishops personally. See, for example, Stehle, "Seit 1960: Der mühsame katholische Dialog über die Grenze," in Ungewöhnliche Normalisierung. Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zu Polen, ed. Werner Plum (Bonn, Germany: Verlag Neue Gesellschaft, 1984); Stehle, Interview with Basil Kerski, Tomasz Kycia, Robert Zurek (Berlin, 2005), in Kerski, Kycia, and Zurek, "Przebaczamy i prosimy o przebaczenie," 126-40. See also Piotr Madajczyk, "`Przebaczamy i prosimy o przebaczenie,'" Więź, September 1990, 112-24, at 113-14.
7.
Kerski and Żurek, "Ore dzie biskupów polskich ," 26.
8.
"Polish Bishops' Appeal," 16.
9.
"Polish Bishops' Appeal," 15. Basil Kerski and Robert Żurek have appropriately termed the border question the "Achilles's heel" of the Polish Church (Kerski and Zurek, "Ore dzie biskupów polskich," 28).
10.
"Polish Bishops' Appeal," 15-16.
11.
"The Polish Bishops," Die Welt, 4 December 1965, in German-Polish Dialogue, 117-20.
12.
Antoni Dudek has suggested that the central motivation behind the Polish bishops' letter was, in fact, political-legal. According to Dudek, ethics remained secondary in the bishops' calculations to the goal of normalizing Polish ecclesiastical administration of the western lands (i.e., shifting from temporary Polish apostolic administrations of German dioceses to formally Polish dioceses), a step that the Vatican was unwilling to take while the FRG failed to recognize the Potsdam border solution. Dudek is right to emphasize the significance of this political-legal question for Kominek and the Polish Church more generally; nonetheless, to dismiss Vatican II as a "pretext," as Dudek does, is to overlook both the radical ethics that were central to the bishops' initiative and the history of the universal Church to which the Poles belonged. See Dudek, "Ore dzie i Milenium (1965-1966)," in Państwo i Kościół w Polsce 1945-1970 (Kraków, Poland: PiT, 1995), 181-211, esp. at 181.
13.
On the shared traumatic memory of aggressors and victims, see, for example, Piotr H. Kosicki, "Sites of Aggressor-Victim Memory: The Rwandan Genocide, Theory and Practice," International Journal of Sociology 37, no. 1 (Spring 2007): 10-29. Specifically on Polish-German aggressor-victim memory, see Kosicki, "Polen und Deutschland: Die Wahlen 2005 und Wandlungen in der politischen Instrumentalisierung der Aggressor-Opfer-Problematik," in Die Destruktion des Dialogs. Zur innenpolitischen Instrumentalisierung negativer Fremdbilder und Feindbilder. Polen, Tschechien, Deutschland und die Niederlande im Vergleich, 1900 bis heute, ed. Dieter Bingen, Peter Oliver Loew, and Kazimierz Wóycicki (Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2007), 264-72.
14.
See especially Cathy Caruth, Trauma: Explorations in Memory (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press , 1995).
15.
"Polish Bishops' Appeal," 16-17.
16.
See, for example, Jean Delumeau, L'Aveu et le pardon: les difficultés de la confession, XIII-XVIII siècle (Paris: Fayard, 1964).
17.
See, for example, Timothy P. Jackson, The Priority of Love: Christian Charity and Social Justice (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).
18.
Søren Kierkegaard famously suggested that the Gospel exhortation to consider "the lilies of the field" and the "birds of the air" (Matthew 6:26-28) implied that "the person in distress actually gives his attention to the lilies and the birds and their life and forgets himself in contemplation of them." This Gospel-derived conception of forgetfulness could serve as a device for coping with trauma, yet contemplative forgetfulness is impermanent: memory of the pain returns (Kierkegaard, "What We Learn from the Lilies in the Field and from the Birds of the Air," Upbuilding Discourses in Various Spirits, trans. Howard V. Hong and Edna H. Hong [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993], 155-212).
19.
The distinction between personal ethics and criminal responsibility or "political guilt" recalls Karl Jaspers's reflections on guilt, specifically the culpability of post-World War II Germans for German wartime actions (Jaspers, The Question of German Guilt, trans. E. B. Ashton [New York: Dial Press, 1947]). For a crucial commentary on Jaspers, see Anson Rabinbach, "The German as Pariah: Karl Jaspers's The Question of German Guilt," in In the Shadow of Catastrophe: German Intellectuals between Apocalypse and Enlightenment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 129-65.
20.
O'Malley, "Trent and Vatican II: Two Styles of Church," in From Trent to Vatican II: Historical and Theological Investigations, ed. Raymond F. Bulman and Frederick J. Parrella (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2006), 301-20.
21.
Saint Augustine, Confessions, trans. R. S. Pine-Coffin (New York: Penguin, 1961), 223, 226. I substitute the original oblivio for the English-language translator's "forgetfulness" in these quotations to underscore the significance of the rationale behind this translation.
22.
Saint Augustine, Sermon 142:3, cited in Hannah Arendt, Love and Saint Augustine, ed. Joanna Vecchiarelli Scott and Judith Chelius Stark (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 28, n. 33.
23.
Arendt, Love and Saint Augustine, 28-29.
24.
A classic definition of kairos is a "religiously decisive time which is given and ordained by God, a Moment which is decisive in the determination of destiny," eschatologically, "a Moment of `filled time' in which the past is fulfilled." See Paul S. Minear, "The Conception of History in the Prophets and Jesus," Journal of Bible and Religion11, no. 3 (1943): 156-61.
25.
The English-language rendering of Paul Ricoeur's La Mémoire, l'Histoire, l'Oubli as Memory, History, Forgetting is a prime example.
26.
My understanding of the historical significance of oblivio as part of Augustine's thought is deeply indebted to conversations with Peter Brown. The quoted phrase in this sentence is his.
27.
John Paul II, Memory and Identity: Conversations at the Dawn of a Millenium (New York: Rizzoli, 2005), 144.
28.
Ricoeur's description comes from Aristotle's The Athenian Constitution (Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, trans. Kathleen Blamey and David Pellauer [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004], 454). For a detailed discussion of the Athenian politics of reconciliation, see Nicole Loraux, La Cité divisée: L'Oubli dans la mémoire d'Athènes (Paris: Payot, 1997).
29.
Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 488.
30.
Hannah Arendt , The Human Condition (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1958 ), 237-46. Ricoeur's discussion is at Memory, History, Forgetting, 486-93.
31.
Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 490.
32.
Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 473.
33.
Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 499.
34.
"Polish Bishops' Appeal," 18.
35.
Basil Kerski and Robert Żurek have pointed out fascinating similarities-including lengthy passages copied word for word-as well as differences between the 1965 bishops' letter and an earlier text by Kominek, intended as a welcoming speech for a 1960 Pax Christi pilgrimage to Poland that never came to pass due to the Polish state's intransigence. The differences are particularly worthy of note, as they suggest a conscious decision by Kominek to turn the 1965 letter away from practical politics to a more philosophical message (Kerski and Żurek, "Ore dzie biskupów polskich," 22).
36.
Friedrich Nietzsche posited "active forgetting" as a mechanism for preventing "ghosts" of the past from disturbing "the peace of a later moment" (Nietzsche, "On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life," Untimely Meditations, trans. R. J. Hollingdale [Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1983], 57-124, at 61). Dominick LaCapra argues for the Nietzschean conception, calling it "a complement not an alternative to remembrance and memory work," but ultimately even he notes that this forgetting is, in essence, "selective remembering," that is to say, repression of selected memories (LaCapra, Writing History, Writing Trauma [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001], 96). It is thus a strictly pragmatic solution that falls short of the ethical-eschatological potential of the Augustinian oblivio. Nonetheless, the category of "active forgetting" is crucial to understanding the German Historikerstreit debates of the 1980s revolving around German collective remembrance of Nazi atrocities. See especially Jürgen Habermas, "Vom öffentlichen Gebrauch der Historie. Das offizielle Selbstverständnis der Bundesrepublik bricht auf," Die Zeit, 7 November 1986.
37.
For reasons of space, I do not deal at any length in this essay with the doctrine of the "forgetfulness of God," according to which God's forgiveness of sins for which humans have repented entails God's forgetfulness of those sins, so that He looks upon those whom He has forgiven as non-sinners without memory of their past transgressions ("For I will forgive their wickedness and will remember their sins no more" [Jeremiah 31:34]). This is an alternative but complementary understanding to that articulated by Augustine. It is kairos-centered, and, rather than emphasize the possibility for an ethics of oblivio in the world, the "forgetfulness of God" underscores the need for penance as a welcoming of God's forgetfulness. To re-read Vatican II ethics through a comparative intellectual-historical framing of Augustinian oblivio and the forgetfulness of God would make a fascinating task for another essay.
38.
In this sense, Kominek's understanding is compatible with Ernest Renan's insistence that forgetfulness is an "essential factor in the creation of a nation" (chapter 1, paragraph 7 of the 1882 Qu'est-ce qu'une nation?).
39.
In using the word "radical," I mean not only a sharp break with pre-Vatican II national fragmentation and ecclesiastical tridentinism, but also "radical" in the strictly etymological sense of radix, going back to the roots. Vatican II was, arguably, radical precisely because it drew Catholic theology and ecclesiology back to its patristic origins, before scholasticism, medieval Christendom, and the "Baroque" or "Counter-Reformation" qualities of early modern Catholicism.
40.
"The Polish Bishops," 119.
41.
Indeed, the Polish emigré writer Juliusz Mieroszewski of Kultura in Paris in 1966 described the bishops' letter as the first independent initiative in Polish foreign policy since the end of the Second World War and the emergence of the Eastern bloc. See Mieroszewski's preface to Dialog polsko-niemiecki w świetle dokumentów kościelnych (Paris: Instytut Literacki, 1966).
42.
"German Bishops' Reply to Their Polish Colleagues" (5 December 1965), in German-Polish Dialogue, 21-25, at 21.
43.
"German Bishops' Reply," 22.
44.
"German Bishops' Reply," 23.
45.
Jerzy Zawieyski, Diary, entry for 12 December 1965, Biblioteka Narodowa, Warsaw. Wiesław Chrzanowski, Interview (Warsaw, 6 November 2005).
46.
Wyszyński, Letter to Döpfner, 5 November 1970, cited in Stanisław Markiewicz, "Władysława Gomułki koncepcja polityki wyznaniowej," in Działalność Władysława Gomułki. Fakty, wspomnienia, opinie, ed. Walery Namiotkiewicz (Warsaw, Poland: Ksia zka i Wiedza, 1985), 172.
47.
Döpfner, Sermon, in Petrusblatt 43 (1960). See also Kerski and Żurek, "Orędzie biskupów polskich," 14.
48.
Döpfner later acknowledged in a letter to Wyszyński that, compared with the Poles' letter, the German bishops' response was "reticent" and "full of reserve" (Döpfner, Letter to Wyszyński (14 December 1970), cited in Edith Heller, Macht, Kirche, Politik. Der Briefwechsel zwischen den polnischen und deutschen Bischöfen im Jahre 1965 [Cologne, Germany: Treffpunkt-Verlag, 1992], 227).
49.
Kominek, Interview (10 January 1966), in Die katholische Kirche und die Völker-Vertreibung, ed. Oskar Golombek (Cologne, Germany: Wienand-Verlag, 1966), 227-30. See also Piotr Madajczyk's discussion in Madajczyk, Na drodze do pojednania. Wokół orędzia biskupów polskich do biskupów niemieckich z 1965 roku (Warsaw, Poland: PWN, 1994), 133.
50.
In the summer of 1966, the Katholikentag conference of German Catholics passed a resolution that, while resolving to respect the "Polish nation," also stipulated that German Catholics should "hold fast to the just and correct rights of their nation" (Bamberg Declaration, in Versöhnung aus der Kraft des Glaubens. Analysen, Dokumente, Perspektiven, ed. Gerhard Albert [Bonn, Germany: Pressestelle der Deutschen Bischofskonferenz Bonn, 1985], 24).
51.
"The Polish Bishops," 119.
52.
"The Embattled Message," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 14 December 1965, in German-Polish Dialogue, 124.
53.
"The Polish Bishops," 118.
54.
"Hope for a Reconciliation," Berliner Morgenpost, 8 December 1965, in German-Polish Dialogue, 123.
55.
According to Hansjakob Stehle, Kominek had asked the PUWP insider journalist Ignacy Krasicki to communicate to Gomułka information about the Polish bishops' initiative, which he did; however, Krasicki represented the information as the fruit of investigations by the state security apparatus, rather than a sign of good faith on Kominek's part. In Stehle's mind, the false impression given by Krasicki only worsened the negative reaction when Gomułka learned the precise contents of the letter (Stehle, Interview with Basil Kerski, Tomasz Kycia, Robert Żurek [Berlin, 2005], in Kerski, Kycia, and Żurek, "Przebaczamy i prosimy o przebaczenie," 126-40). Piotr Madajczyk has suggested that Krasicki may have been a pawn in internal political moves within the PUWP; see Madajczyk, "`Przebaczamy i prosimy o przebaczenie,'" 119.
56.
Wyszyński, Letter to Gomułka, 12 March 1966, reprinted in Dudek, Państwo i Kościół w Polsce, 247-50, at 247. Wyszyński's personal sense of hurt and disappointment deeply impressed many of his contemporaries (Zawieyski, Diary, entry for 12 December 1965, Biblioteka Narodowa, Warsaw); Chrzanowski, Interview (Warsaw, 6 November 2005). Aleksander Merker, "Władysław Gomułka a Kościół katolicki," Forum Klubowe 22 (VI-VII 2005), 53-58, at 56. (Merker was, in 1965, one of the departmental directors in the Ministry of Confessional Affairs.) Gottfried Erb of the Bensberger Kreis recalls that the primate's decision to thank the Kreis with a formal letter on behalf of the entire Polish Episcopate was universally interpreted as an expression of his displeasure with the German bishops' response (Gottfried Erb, Interview with Robert Żurek [Hungen, 2005], in Kerski, Kycia, and Żurek, "Przebaczamy i prosimy o przebaczenie," 173-81, at 179-80).
57.
AAN: PZPR/V/80, 425. See also Andrzej Friszke, Koło posłów "ZNAK" w Sejmie PRL: 1957-1976 (Warsaw, Poland: Wydawnictwo Sejmowe, 2002), 67.
58.
The exact phrasing was "have willfully encroached upon the area of foreign policy" ("About the Message," 40).
59.
"About the Message," 33.
60.
"About the Message," 30.
61.
"About the Message," 35.
62.
"About the Message," 36.
63.
"About the Message," 40.
64.
In January 1966, Gomułka responded to a speech by Catholic intellectual Jerzy Turowicz with a vigorous, public attempt to exploit differences of opinion between Kominek and Wyszyński in order to drive a wedge into the Polish Episcopate. See Friszke, Koło posłów "ZNAK," 68-69.
65.
Confessional Affairs Ministry officials compiled the data in cooperation with local and provincial bureaucrats: for interviews with parish priests, through the presidia of National County Councils (Powiatowe Rady Narodowe); for interviews with bishops, through the presidia of National Voivodeship Councils (Wojewódzkie Rady Narodowe). According to Confessional Affairs Ministry figures, 51 percent of parish priests declared opposition to the letter, while only 22 percent declared support; meanwhile 46 of the 51 interviewed bishops gave statements similar to Archbishop Wojtyła's declaration, "the letter is a great enterprise, bringing success in Polish-German relations." See Dudek, Państwo i Kościół w Polsce, 189-91, with Wojtyła cited at 191. The reports are at AAN: UdSW/WWR/78/35, UdSW/WWR/78/37. 66. Wyszyński, Sermon, 3 February 1966, cited in Madajczyk, Na drodze do pojednania, 138.
66.
Władysław Bartoszewski, Aus der Geschichte lernen? Aufsätze und Reden zur Kriegs-und Nachkriegsgeschichte Polens (Munich, Germany: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1989), 333.
67.
Michnik, "Z dziejów rynsztoka," 16.
68.
Friszke, Koło posłów "ZNAK," 70.
69.
The distinction between Catholic and non-Catholic intellectuals is fundamental in terms of the Polish domestic reception of the bishops' letter. As Adam Michnik has underscored, the events of 1968 changed his own attitude and the attitudes of other non-Catholic intellectuals, for whom the Catholics later became brothers in dialogue and arms. In 1965-66, however, as he later acknowledged, Michnik saw in the letter only a tendentious "defense of the `trenches of the Holy Trinity'" (Michnik, Kościół, Lewica, Dialog [Paris: Instytut Literacki, 1977], 61). For Michnik's complete reflections on the significance of the bishops' letter, consult Kościół, Lewica, Dialog, 60-81.
70.
Vincent Casmere Chrypinski, "The Movement of `Progressive Catholics' in Poland," PhD diss., University of Michigan, 1958; Mikołaj Stanisław Kunicki, "The Polish Crusader: The Life and Politics of Bolesław Piasecki, 1915-1979," PhD diss., Stanford University, 2004.
71.
Accounts by former Tygodnik Powszechny editors and writers describe finding "the office door padlocked and barricaded all of a sudden one day" (Jacek Woźniakowski, Interview [Warsaw, 24 May 2007]). PAX took the name of the weekly without any of its personnel or any public acknowledgment that the paper had changed hands.
72.
By 1958, the group also included the monthly Więź and a concession for a small circle of parliamentary deputies.
73.
"Ocena efektów politycznych kontaktów zagranicznych Katolików s'wieckich/PAX-ChSS-KIK [1967]," in AAN: UdSW/WSiSO/89/204, 7.
74.
Maciej Morawski, Interview (Warsaw, 18 March 2006); Tadeusz Myślik, Interview (Warsaw, 2 March 2006); Janusz Zabłocki, Interview (Warsaw, 11 October 2005).
75.
"Ocena efektów," 1. It is worth noting also that many of the older Catholic intellectuals-Jerzy Turowicz is a leading example-had traveled abroad extensively prior to World War II.
76.
"Ocena efektów," 13.
77.
Stanisław Stomma, Interview with Basil Kerski and Robert Żurek (Warsaw, 2000), in Kerski, Kycia, and Żurek, "Przebaczamy i prosimy o przebaczenie," 81-96.
78.
Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Interview with Tomasz Kycia and Robert Żurek (Warsaw, 2005), in Kerski, Kycia, and Żurek, "Przebaczamy i prosimy o przebaczenie," 97-110.
79.
For a detailed narrative of the presentation of Polish-German relations in Tygodnik Powszechny and other Polish Catholic publications, see Andrzej Ranke, Stosunki polsko-niemieckie w polskiej publicystyce katolickiej w latach 1945-1989 (Toruń, Poland: Europejskie Centrum Edukacyjne, 2004).
80.
Wojciech Pie ciak, ed., Polacy i Niemcy pół wieku później: Księga pamięciowa dla Mieczysława Pszona (Krakow , Poland: Znak, 1996).
81.
Alice Holmes Cooper, Paradoxes of Peace: German Peace Movements since 1945 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), esp. 170-72.
82.
Władysław Bartoszewski, Interview (Warsaw, 9 March 2006).
83.
See the file on the Aktion Sühnezeichen in the archives of the Polish Ministry of Confessional Affairs at AAN: UdSW/WSiSO/127/250.
84.
See, for example, Jan Krucina, "Obchody kościelnego dwudziestolecia," in Krucina, ed., Kościół na Ziemiach Zachodnich (Wrocław, Poland: Wrocławska Ksi garnia Archidiecezjalna, 1971), 101-12. 86. Kominek confirmed this in a 1966 interview that appeared as "Deutsche erwiesen uns einen Bärendienst," Stern, 18 April 1966.
85.
Jerzy Zawieyski, Speech before the Sejm, 12 November 1965, in Sprawozdanie stenograficzne z II sesji, 3 posiedzenia Sejmu, 12 listopada 1965, 95-103, at 96.
86.
Zawieyski, Speech, 95.
87.
Jerzy Zawieyski, Diary, entry of 12 December 1965. The full extent of Zawieyski's personal sense of hurt at the primate's treatment of him was apparent in the entry for 18 December 1965, in which Zawieyski wrote, "I declared also that I take full responsibility, but I would back my brothers, whom he was hurting, treating them as enemies of the Church."
88.
Andrzej Friszke , Interview with Marek Zając, Tygodnik Powszechny, 24 March 2002, http://www.tygodnik.com.pl/numer/275012/friszke.html.
89.
Jerzy Zawieyski, Declaration by the "ZNAK" Parliamentary Group, 14 December 1965, in Sprawozdanie stenograficzne z II sesji, 5 posiedzenia Sejmu, 14 grudnia 1965, 143-44, at 144.
90.
Zawieyski, Declaration, 143. On 14 January 1966, Jerzy Turowicz gave a speech before the assembled Front of National Unity (Front Jedności Narodowej) echoing the primate's dissatisfaction with Zawieyski's speeches, suggesting that they should have offered full support of the bishops' letter without a hint of criticism; Wyszyński's failure to work in concert with the intellectuals thus resulted in divisions even within their own ranks (Turowicz, Speech, printed in Orędzie biskupów polskich do biskupów niemieckich, materiały i dokumenty, 2d ed. (Warsaw, Poland: Polonia, 1966), 185-89).
91.
For example, the Warsaw Catholic Intelligentsia Club held weekly workshops after the Council's deliberations had ended at which club members led discussions of the documents and encyclicals promulgated by the Council. Partial documentation from these workshops is at AAN: KIK 106.
92.
This disaffection coincided with an emerging split within the ZNAK movement itself. As ZNAK moved away from the primate toward its own understanding of the Second Vatican Council, a dissident group led by Janusz Zabłocki, a ZNAK Member of Parliament and Więź co-founder with Mazowiecki, established a new- though technically still part of ZNAK-Catholic institution, Ośrodek Dokumentacji i Studiów Społecznych (ODiSS, the Center for Documentation and Social Studies). After 1968, this split became pronounced; in 1976, it became definitive, as Zabłocki's group assumed full control of the ZNAK parliamentary club.
93.
Jerzy Zawieyski, Diary, entry of 9 April 1966. See also Jerzy Turowicz, "1000," Tygodnik Powszechny, 10-17 April 1966.
94.
See Dieter Bingen , Die Bonner Deutschlandpolitik 1969-1979 in der polnischen Publizistik (Frankfurt, Germany: A. Metzner, 1982).
95.
"Protokół rozmowy z Jerzym Turowiczem [3 VII 1962]," in AAN: UdSW/WSiSO/89/47, 12.
96.
Polish Radio Intercept, 18 November 1965, in AAN: UdSW/WSiSO/89/53, [manuscript pp.] 18-19.
97.
"Ocena efektów," 9.
98.
Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Interview (Warsaw 25 January 2006).
99.
Wolfgang Pailer, Stanisław Stomma: Nestor der polnisch-deutschen Aussöhnung (Bonn, Germany: Bouvier, 1995).
100.
Erb, Interview, 173-81.
101.
See, for example, Mazowiecki, Interview, in Kerski, Kycia, and Zurek, "Przebaczamy i prosimy o przebaczenie," 102. For the Bensberger Kreis memorandum more generally, see Manfred Seidler, "Das Polen-Memorandum des Bensberger Kreises. Wirkung in Deutschland und Polen," in Feinde werden Freunde. Von den Schwierigkeiten der deutsch-polnischen Nachbarschaft, ed. Friedbert Pflüger and Winfried Lipscher (Bonn, Germany: Bouvier, 1993), 103-12.
102.
Władysław Bartoszewski, Interview with Stefan Wilkanowicz, EuroDialog 1/97, http://www .znak.com.pl/eurodialog/ed/1/bartoszewski.html.en.
103.
See especially Tadeusz Mazowiecki, "Polska-Niemcy i memorandum `Bensberger Kreis,'" Więźz May 1968, 3-23.
104.
AAN: UdSW/WWR/125/93.
105.
For details on the organization of the pilgrimage, see Alfons Erb, Letter, 3 March 1964, Pax Christi Archiv, Bad Vilbel: Auschwitz File. See also Kerski and Żurek, "Orędzie biskupów polskich," 15. The German Pax Christi pilgrims for the most part came away with an extremely favorable impression of Polish Catholics: "we were received in this country that had suffered so much at German hands with a shaming warmth, brotherliness, and hospitality" (Klara Dirks, "Bußwallfahrt nach Auschwitz," Frau und Mutter (1964), 248).
106.
See, for example, "Dodatkowa informacja [ws. wyjazdu do Holandii na Międzynarodowe Seminarium Pax Christi 4-8 kw. 1972 r.]," February 1972, AJT: Pax Christi File; H. Ernst, Pax Christi Netherlands Chair, Letter to Turowicz, 21 March 1985, AJT: Pax Christi File.
107.
Władysław Bartoszewski, Interview (Warsaw, 9 March 2006).
108.
Die Zeit, 27 June 1975, cited in Bartoszewski, Letter to Kazimierz Kąkol, 9 July 1975, AJT: Władysław Bartoszewski Correspondence File, 5. See also AAN: UdSW/WWR/126/351.
109.
"Stowarzyszenia katolickie-charakterystyka i działalności 1965," in AAN: UdSW/WSiSO/ 127/149, 9.
110.
"Ocena efektów," 13.
111.
Consult especially Jacques Maritain, Humanisme intégral: problèmes temporels et spirituels d'une nouvelle chrétienté (Paris: F. Aubier, 1936); Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Nachfolge (Munich, Germany: C. Kaiser, 1937). For Polish thinking on Bonhoeffer, see Anna Morawska, Chrześcijanin w Trzeciej Rzeszy (Warsaw, Poland: Biblioteka WIĘZI, 1970).
112.
Krzysztof Kozłowski, Interview (Kraków, 12 May 2006); Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Interview (Warsaw, 25 January 2006); Marek Skwarnicki, Interview (Kraków, 11 May 2006).
113.
Benedict XVI, Speech after Premiere of Karol: A Man Who Became Pope, 19 May 2005, cited in Kerski and Żurek, "Orędzie biskupów polskich," 6.
