This article starts from the assumption that public intellectuals have the potential of being valuable actors of democratization through their propensity of creating debate by cultivating the alternative and relentlessly challenging thinking patterns in the societies in which they live. By examining the public discourses practiced during the first decade of post-communist politics, this article considers whether the Romanian public intellectuals have fulfilled this function. This article identifies both deconstructive, anti-discourses aimed at dismantling specific narratives (i.e., communism, ethnic nationalist rhetoric, clan politics) and constructive discourses centered on building new narratives (i.e., European, civil society, democratic). The article argues that the performance of public intellectuals should not be judged on their electoral success, but on their ability to fuel debate and deal with those issues considered to be politically uncomfortable by conventional political actors and by the society at large.
See, for example, Zygmund Bauman, Legislators and Interpreters ( Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Raymond Aron, Le Spectateur engagé, entretiens avec Jean-Louis Missika et Dominique Wolton , (Paris: Julliard, 1981); Jean-Paul Sartre, Qu'est-ce que la litterature? (Paris: Gallimard, 1948 ); Jean-Paul Sartre, Plaidoyer pour les intellectuels (Paris: Gallimard, 1972 ); “Essays” In Paul Rieff, ed., On Intellectuals: Theoretical Studies/Case Studies (New York: Doubleday, 1969).
2.
Seymour Lipset, Asoke Basu, “ The roles of the intellectual and political roles,” In Aleksander Gella, ed., The Intelligentsia and the Intellectuals (London: Sage Publications, 1976), 135.
3.
See Jeffrey C. Goldfarb , Civility and Subversion: the Intellectual in Democratic Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Edward W. Said, Representations of the Intellectual (NY: Pantheon Books, 1994). See also Ralf Dahrendorf, “The Intellectual and Society: The Social Function of the `Fool' in the Twentieth Century,” In Rieff, On Intellectuals, 51.
4.
For a portrait of Eastern European intellectuals, see Marian Kempny, “Between Politics and Culture. Is a Convergence between the East-European Intelligentsia and Western Intellectuals Possible?” Polish Sociological Review4: 116 (1996): 303.
5.
See, for example, essays in András Bozóki, Intellectuals and Politics in Central Europe (Budapest: CEU Press, 1999), especially András Korosenyi, “ Intellectuals and Democracy: The Political Thinking of Intellectuals,” 227-44. Catherine Durandin, ed., L'engagement des intellectuels à l'est. Mémoires et analyses de Roumanie et de Hongrie ( Paris: L'Harmattan, 1994). Vladimir Tismăneanu (1996), “Truth, Trust and Tolerance. Intellectuals in Post-Communist Society,” Problems of Post-Communism (March/April 1996): 3-12.
6.
See, for example, Ion Mihăilescu, “Mental stereotypes in the First Years of Post-Totalitarian Romania,” Government and Opposition28:3 (Summer 1993): 315-24.
7.
Andrei Pleşu, Chipuri şi măşsti ale tranziţiei ( Bucharest: Humanitas, 1996), “ Limbaje de lemn,” 324-26.
8.
Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge (NY: Pantheon Books, 1972), 117.
9.
John S. Dryzek, Leslie T. Holmes, eds., Post-Communist Democratization. Political Discourses across Thirteen Countries (Cambridge/ New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 6.
10.
Pascal Ory , Jean-Fracois Sirinelli, Les intellectuels en France, de l'Affaire Dreyfus à nos jours (Paris: Armand Colin, 1992): 10.
11.
The term belongs to Andrei Stoiciu, Énigmes de la séduction politique. Les élites roumaines entre 1989 et 1999 (Montreal/ Bucharest: Humanitas/Libra, 2000), 165-68. According to Stoiciu, apart from the elitists (not to be mistaken with followers of Paretto's school), Romanian political elite includes the nationalists, the surviving populists, the passeistes, and the technocrats. Using 1999 data, Stoiciu advanced the idea that the “elitists” represent 8.6 percent of Romanian political elite.
12.
Horia Roman Patapievici, Politice (Bucharest: Humanitas, 1996), 69.
13.
Liviu Antonesei, O.Prostie a lui Plato—Intelectualii in politică ( Iasi: Polirom, 1997), 77. 14. Daniel Barbu, Sşapte teme de politică românească (Bucharest: Antet, 1997), 81.
14.
For an analysis of the Romanian '89 revolution, see Stelian Tănase, Revolutia ca eşsec. Elite şi societate (Polirom: Iaşi, 1996). See also Anne U. Gabanyi, Romania's Unfinished Revolution (Washington: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1991); Peter Siani-Davies, The Romanian Revolution of December 1989 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2005).
15.
For features of Romanian early post-communism, see, for example, Vladimir Tismăneanu, “ The Quasi-Revolution and Its Discontents: Emerging Political Pluralism in Post-Ceausescu Romania,” East European Politics and Society7:2 (Spring, 1993): 309-49. Alina Mungiu, Andrei Pippidi, “Letter from Romania,” Government and Opposition29:3 (Summer 1994): 355.
16.
See articles in 22, no. 24, June 1990. Also Octavian Paler, “Iluziile au durat doar o lună,” România Liberă , 25 January 1990.
17.
See, for example, Sorina Soare, Les parties politiques roumains aprés 1989 (Bruxelles: Editions de L'Université de Bruxelles, 2004).
18.
George Schopflin , “Culture and Identity in Post-Communist Europe,” In Stephen White, Judy Batt, and Paul G. Lewis , eds., Developments in East-European Politics ( Basingstoke and London: Macmillan and Open University Press, 1993), 24.
19.
Barbu, şapte teme, 98.
20.
For a theoretical argument on the need to come to terms with the past, see Richard Sawka, Postcommunism (Berkshire: Open University Press, 1999), 4.
21.
See Daniel Barbu , Republica Absentă ( Bucharest: Nemira, 1999). On Romanian intellectuals' forms of dissidence, see, for example, Katherine Verdery, National Ideology under Socialism. Identity and Cultural Politics in Ceausescu's Romania (Berkeley/Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991).
22.
Nicolae Manolescu , Dreptul la normalitate: discursul politic şi realitatea (Bucharest: Litera, 1991), 243. Organized by GDS and the associations representing the participants in the revolution (i.e., “16—21 December,” and “21 December”), the anti-governmental demonstrations of the University Square started in Bucharest on 24 April 1990 and lasted for two months until police intervention. High profile intellectuals (e.g., Doina Cornea, Ana Blandiana, Stelian Tănase, Gabriel Liiceanu) spoke from the University balcony against centralization of power and the neo-communist restoration.
23.
Barbu, Şapte teme, 79. For a complete account of the University Square (speeches, songs, slogans), see Piaţa Universităţii (Bucharest: Coresi, 1990 ).
24.
For the communiqué, see Adrian Niculescu in 22, 1 May 1992.
25.
See, for example, Gabriela Adameşteanu, Cele două Românii (Iaşi: Institutul European, 2000) 176-78 (article first published in 22, 10 June 1994). Doina Cornea, “Monarhia constituţională,” In Doina Cornea, Faţa nevăzută a lucrurilor (Cluj-Napoca: Dacia, 1999), 237-56. Mihai Şora, Sorin Antohi, Mai avem un viitor? România la început de mileniu (Bucharest : Polirom, 2001), 64.
26.
Alina Mungiu-Pippidi , “Romanian Political Intellectuals,” In Bozóki, Intellectuals and Politics, 93.
27.
Andrei Pleşu, interview with the author. In the University Square the demonstrators were chanting, “Iliescu is for us the second Ceauşescu.” For a complete account of the University Square (speeches, songs, slogans), see Piaţa Universităţii (Bucharest: Coresi , 1990). Doina Cornea, professor of French at the University of Cluj, known for her dissident activities in the late 1980s.
28.
On the evolution of secret services, see Denis Deletant, Kieran William, Security Intelligence Services in the New Democracies: The Czech Republic, Slovakia and Romania (London: Palgrave, 2001).
29.
For an emphasis on similar patterns of the four mineriades, see “ Patru mineriade, aceiaşi autori,” România Liberă , 21 January 1999. See also România Liberă , 23 January 1999. Also see the GDS roundtable, “ Societatea civilă în apărarea ordinii de drept,” 22, 26 January—1 February 1999, 6-7. On the use of miners for political gain, see, for example, Horia-Roman Patapievici, “Mineriada: radiografia unei instituţii,” 22, 2—8 February 1999, 1. Dan Pavel, “ Technica loviturii de stat, mineriade şi justiţia” in 22, 23 February—1 March 1999, 5 and 22, 2—8 March 1999, 8. Gabriela Adameşteanu, “ Tentativa de lovitură de stat-întrebări,” 22, 26 January—1 February 1999, 1.
30.
Ana Blandiana, interview with the author.
31.
See, for example, Horia-Roman Patapievici, “Din nou despre moştenirea fostei Securităţi,” 22, 8—14 September 1998, 5. Horia-Roman Patapievici, “ Securitatea—o ameninţare la adresa securităţii naţională,” 22, 6—12 June 2000, 1. Gabriela Adameşteanu, “ Securistul şi vrabia abulică,” In Gabriela Adameşteanu, Cele două Românii, 103-24 (sections published in 22, no. 19 [1992], no. 38 [1999], and no. 42 [1999]).
32.
It has been argued that one could not have led a successful political career between 1990 and 1996, unless it had links with the Securitate. See, for example, Vladimir Tismăneanu, Mircea Mihăieş, Încet, spre Europa (Bucharest: Polirom, 2000), 73. Also Ana Blandiana, president of the Civic Alliance (1992—2001), interview with the author.
33.
Although former dissidents, both of them had been members of the Communist Party, and CNSAS law provided against the membership of former Party members. Those opposing their nomination argued for a strict implementation of the law, regardless of the pedigree of the candidates (a list of signatures, including among others Gabriel Andreescu, Doina Cornea, Adrian Marino, Rodica Palade, and Renate Weber was published in 22, 11—17 January 2000, 9). The conflict lasted a month. See Gabriel Andreescu, “Premianţii,” 22, 1—7 February 2000, 7. Renate Weber, “Gabriel Liiceanu la proba de foc a statului de drept,” 1—7 February 2000, 8. Pleşu's corner was fought particularly by Gabriel Liiceanu. See Gabriel Liiceanu, “Portret de premiant hulit (I),” 22, 11—17 January 2000, 9 and Liiceanu, “Portret de premiant hulit (II),” 22, 18—24 January 2000, 8-9. See also GDS roundtable, 18—24 January 2000, 6-9.
34.
See, for example, Andrei Pleşu, “Despre CNSAS,” 22, 28 August—3 September 2001, 4-6. Andrei Pleşu, “ Riscăm să fim mijlocitorii unui adevăr parţial ,” 22 Plus, 25 June 2002, VII. See also the roundtable “ Problema CNSAS—un simptom al unei crize mai grave”, 22, 17—23 February 2004.
35.
In Spring 2002 the parliament attempted to block CNSAS from publishing a list with names of former Securitate officers and even threatened CNSAS members with imprisonment if they went ahead. CNSAS was split between those (e.g., Andrei Pleşu, Mircea Dinescu, and Horia-Roman Patapievici) arguing that if one denounced the victims (i.e., the informers), it should also name the torturer (i.e., the officers) and those (i.e., the president of CNSAS, Gheorghe Onişor, backed by president Iliescu and the reformed communists' party in power, the Social Democratic Party) arguing that such action would endanger national security. See the letter addressed by the president of the Parliamentarian Commission for the Control over the Activities of the Romanian Service of Information, the SRI (the Securitate heir) to CNSAS, and CNSAS press release in response. See also Andrei Pleşu, “O atitudine stranie faţă de CNSAS,” Şerban Rădulescu-Zoner, “ CNSAS nu e sub controlul comisiei.” All in 22, 25 June—1 July 2002, 9-10.
36.
See, for example, Zoe Petre, “Legenda Meşterului Manole ,” Ziua, 23 February 2001. Dan Pavel, “ Cine sabotează intrarea în NATO?,” Ziua, 5 March 2001. Between 1996 and 2000, General Prosecutor Dan Voinea led the investigation over the mineriade—the revolution— and initiated the first trials of army officers; his replacement was interpreted as an attempt to prevent the investigation. On the presence of Securitate, see, for example, Mihai Bran, “ Le spectre de la Securitate en Roumanie,” Le Monde, 5 March 2001. Andreea Pora, “Securitatea este (înca) în tot ce mişcă,” 22, 6—12 June 2000, 8. Sabina Fati, “Securitatea privatizării,” 22, 10—16 April 2001, 1. Sabina Fati, “ Prizonieri ai Securităţii,” 22, 21—27 February 2002, 3.
37.
See Gabriel Liiceanu, 22, 4 July 1994.
38.
Gabriel Liiceanu , Apel către lichele ( Bucharest: Humanitas, 1995), 120.
39.
The expression belonged to Ştefan Augustin Doinaş in Iosif Sava, Simfonia Destinului (Bucharest: Integral, 1996), vol. II, 59.
40.
Andrei Pleşu, philosopher, minister of culture (1990—91), and minister of foreign affairs (1997-1999), interview with the author. See also Andrei Pleşu , “Sofismele conştiinţei vinovate ,” Dilema, 1994, no. 83, 84, 85, In Pleşu, Chipuri, 347-57 and Pleşu, “ Revenire la context,” Dilema, 1994, no. 89 In Pleşu, Chipuri, 361-63.
41.
See, for example, Gabriel Liiceanu, interview with Iosif Sava in Iosif Sava, Simfonia Destinului (Bucharest: Integral, 1996), and Ana Blandiana, interview with Iosif Sava in Iosif Sava, Invitaţii Eutherpei ( Iaşsi: Polirom, 1997).
42.
See, for example, Gabriel Liiceanu, “Nevoia reformei în justiţie ,” 22, 25—31 July 2000, 5.
43.
See Liiceanu, Apel, and articles in 22, 7 June 1991. See also Octavian Paler, Don Quijote in Est (Bucharest: Albatros, 1994).
44.
Most notably, Monica Lovinescu, one of the leading names of the Romanian Diaspora with significant influence among GDS and AC circles. See the broadcasted debate between her and Octavian Paler, PRO-TV, 18 and 25 March 1998.
45.
Andrei Pleşu , “Călăi, victime şi judecători,” Dilema, 18—24 February 1993, In Pleşu, Chipuri, 35-37.
46.
Barbu, Republica, 104-5.
47.
See Gabriel Liiceanu, interview with Iosif Sava in Sava, Simfonia Destinului. And Liiceanu, introduction to the 2005 edition of Apel.
48.
Vladimir Pasti, România în tranziţie (Bucharest: Nemira, 1995), 242.
49.
SeeVladimir, Tismăneanu , Fantasies of Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism, and Myth in Post-Communist Europe (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1998 ).
50.
Adam Michnik called this discourse “anti-communism with a Bolshevik face”: “My blackest dream is that we will take all our communists and send them to Siberia. And then what will we have? Communism without communists.” In Tismăneanu , Fantasies of Salvation, 117.
51.
Barbu, Republica, 103.
52.
On decommunisation, justice, amnesty, and forgiveness, see chapter five, “Is the Revolution over? The Myth of Decommunisation and the Quest for Political Justice,” In Tismăneanu, Fantasies of Salvation, 111-40. On its inefficiency, see Tina Rosenberg, The Haunted Land: Facing Europe's Ghosts After Communism ( New York: Random House, 1995). Timothy Garton-Ash, “ The Truth about Dictatorship,” New York Review of Books , 19 February 1998.
53.
See, for example, Gabriela Adameşteanu, “Legea 42 doar pentru victimele revoluţiei,” 22, 25—31 December 1996, 1. See also the roundtable “Problema CNSAS—un simptom al unei crize mai grave”, 22, 17—23 February 2004.
54.
In reading his own file, the writer Stelian Tănase did not recognize himself in the portrait created by the Securitate. The experience is narrated in Stelian Tănase , Acasă se vorbeşste în şoaptă. Dosar şi Jurnal (Bucharest: Compania, 2002).
55.
In Horia-Roman Patapievici, “Lucrarea Securităţii II,” 22, 6—12 March 2001, 9. See also Patapievici, “Lucrarea Securităţii I,” 27 February—5 March 2001, 5, and “Lucrarea Securităţii III,” 13—19 March 2001, 7. See also Şerban Rădulescu-Zoner, “'Legea dosarelor' va avea totu şi un efect benefic asupra societăţii,” 22, 28 December—3 January 1999, 6-7.
56.
Adrian Cioroianu , “CNSAS—o rană a memoriei colective,” Ziua, 4 October 2001.
57.
Ana Blandiana at GDS roundtable debate on the law on the access to the files, 22 Plus, 10 November 1998, III.
58.
Gabriel Andreescu accused Gabriela Adameşteanu and the 22 editorial board of links with Securitate; he also accused Andrei Pleşu of being a Securitate informer before 1989 on the basis of Pleşu's nomination as minister of culture in 1990. Consequently, GDS excluded Andreescu; see GDS communiqué published in 22, 27 February—5 March 2001, 3.
59.
See Denis Deletant , Ceauşsescu and the Securitate. Coercion and Dissent in Romania 1965—1989 (London: Hurst & Co., 1995), 393-94; see also chapters 2, 3, 9, and 10 for an in-depth analysis of how Securitate worked. See also Katherine Verdery, National Ideology under Socialism.
60.
Deletant, Ceauşescu, and the Securitate, 393.
61.
Ibid.
62.
See, for example, Horia-Roman Patapievici, “Din nou despre moştenirea fostei Securităţi”, 22, 8—14 September 1998, 5; Horia-Roman Patapievici, “ Securitatea—o ameninţare la adresa securitătşii naţionale,” 22, 6—12 June 2000, 1 ; Andreea Pora, “Securitatea este (înca) în tot ce mişcă,” 22, 6—12 June 2000, 8 ; Sabina Fati, “Securitatea privatizării,” 22, 10—16 April 2001, 1. Former Securitate officers echo similar views, Ioan Mihai Pacepa, “ O tumoare malignă în corpul administraţiei de stat româneşti ,” 22, 9—15 February 2000, 10-12 and Ioan Mihai Pacepa, “ E timpul ca serviciile secrete sa fie curăţate de securişti ,” 22, 14—20 December 1999, 8.
63.
After Gabriel Andreescu accused Gabriela Adameşteanu and the 22 editorial board of secret links with Securitate, he left the group, which chose to back the decision of the editorial board.
64.
Ana Blandiana, Romulus Rusan, “ Între `justiţia de clasă' şi justiţia memoriei ,” 22, 26 June—2 July 2001, 8-10. See also Blandiana, Rusan, “ Obligativitatea de a cunoaşte în mod corect trecutul,” 22, 25 June—1 July 2002, 10-11.
65.
For the full text, see http://www1.hotnews.ro/arhiva_avt/raport_tismaneanu.pdf. The report blamed the communist regime for the death of 500,000 to two million Romanians in prisons or labor camps and for the destruction of the Romanian political and intellectual elite.
66.
Ana Blandiana, interview with Armand Goşu, 22, 2—8 February 2007.
67.
Vladimir Tismăneanu, interview with Rodica Palade, 22, 22—29 December 2006.
68.
See coverage of President Băsescu's speech in Parliament and the chaos created by PRM Senator Vadim Tudor and his supporters.
69.
Doina Cornea, Ziua, 19 December 2006.
70.
See George Konrad , Antipolitics (London: Quartet Books, 1984) and Vaclav Havel, “Antipolitical Politics,” In John Keane, ed., Civil Society and the State (London: Verso, 1988), 381-98.
71.
Sawka, Postcommunism, 117.
72.
Adam Michnik, in dialogue with Andrei Pleşu, 22 Plus, 30 April 2000, III.
73.
Gaspar M. Tamás , interview with Magda Cârneci, 22, 12—18 June2001, 6-7.
74.
Mungiu-Pippidi, “ Romanian Political Intellectuals,” 90. For media coverage, see, for example, România Liberă , 1 March 1990.
75.
Octavian Paler , Vremea întrebărilor ( Bucharest: Albatros, 1995), 44.
76.
On anti-politics' limited concern for economy and difficulty to adjust to a market economy discourse, see, for example, Karl von Beyme, Transitions to Democracy in Eastern Europe (London: Macmillan, 1996), 39-40.
77.
See, for example, Paler, Vremea, 117.
78.
Horia-Roman Patapievici, “Înapoi la economie,” 22, 7—13 December 1999, 5. See also Daniel Dăianu , “Basmul Cenuşăreasa şi economia românească,” 22, 8—14 September 1998, 6-7. Daniel Dăianu, “ Trei mari provocări ale anului 1999,” interview with Iulian Anghel, 22, 5—11 January 1999, 4-5.
79.
Patapievici, “Înapoi la economie.”
80.
Cristian Preda , “Pentru un liberalism politic,” 22 Plus, 3 October 2000, 1.
81.
See Mario Vargas Llosa, The Fish in the Water ( London: Penguin, 1994).
82.
Apart from their own inability to decommunitarise more rapidly, Alina Mungiu-Pippidi holds Romanian intellectuals responsible for the illiberal post-communist regime that characterized Romania since 1989. See Mungiu-Pippidi, “ Romanian Political Intellectuals,” 73-100.
83.
Ana Blandiana, interview with the author.
84.
Ana Blandiana , Ghicitul în mulţimi ( Bucharest: Du Style & Atlas, 2000), 6. While minister or presidential advisor, Andrei Pleşu has repeatedly publicly stressed that he arrived in such positions by accident. In announcing his decision to step away from politics, Nicolae Manolescu declared that he never saw politics as a career and that he did not want to become a political survivor.
85.
Horia-Roman Patapievici, “Regimul Iliescu—un portret ,” România Liberă, 4 April 1995 .
86.
See, for example, Nicolae Manolescu in Ziua, 17 July 2000 and president Constantinescu's speech announcing his withdrawal from the presidential campaign, broadcasted on national television, published in Ziua, 28 February 2000.
87.
See, for example, the list with 300 signatures of academics and high profile intellectuals (e.g., Doina, Cornea, Gabriel Liiceanu, Ana Blandiana) supporting Mugur Isărescu's candidature in România Liberă, 17 August 2000. See, for example, Doina Cornea, “De ce Isărescu,” 22, 7—13 November 2000, 6. See also Isărescu speech announcing his candidature in 22, 17—23 October 2000, 5.
88.
See, for example, Nicolae Manolescu, “De ce Isărescu,” 22 Plus, 2000, 1.
89.
Zoe Petre, historian, presidential advisor 1996—2000, interview with the author .
90.
See Vladimir Tismăneanu, “Romanian exceptionalism ,” Sfera Politicii62 (1998): 9-17.
91.
The phenomenon is not exclusive to Romania. See Bill Lomax, “The Strange Death of `Civil Society' in Post-Communist Hungary,” Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics13:1 (March 1997), 41-63.
92.
See, for example, the mission statements of both GDS and AC.
93.
On Romanian post-communist nationalism, see Katherine Verdery, “ Nationalism and National Sentiment in Postsocialist Romania,” In Katherine Verdery, What Was Socialism and What Comes Next? (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 83-103, and Tom Gallagher, Romania After Ceausescu: The Politics of Intolerance ( Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1995). Verdery argues that the nationalist discourse is preferred by those seeking to retain maximum power for the state upon which they had become parasites. Gallagher argues that, in Romania, nationalism was manipulated to prevent a rapid transition from a closed to an open society and explains why Romania is vulnerable to ethnic nationalism.
See Andrei Pleşu, “Ce ţarăe asta? ,” Dilema, no. 54, 21—27 January 1994 in Pleşu, Chipuri, 78-81.
96.
Patapievici, Politice, 49 and 63. His writings brought him accusations of anti-patriotism. His nomination for CNSAS was initially rejected by neo-communists and nationalist parliamentarians on grounds of anti-patriotism, using his book, Politice, as proof. On Patapievici's CNSAS candidature see 22, 4—10 January 2000, 3, 4, 6. The GDS, Solidaritatea Universitară, Association “Solidarité France-Roumanie,” Fundaţia Naţională a Revoluţiei, Societatea Timişoara, Alianţa Civică Timiş, LADO-Timiş addressed open letters to the Parliament in support for Patapievici candidature.
97.
Andrei Pleşu, Dilema, 21—27 January 1994. Sarmale is a dish of cabbage and mince meat. Sarmale and mămăligă are regarded as representative of Romanian traditional cuisine.
98.
See George Schopflin , Politics in Eastern Europe 1945—1992 (Oxford UK & Cambridge USA: Blackwell, 1993).
99.
See Alina Mungiu-Pippidi , “De la `Mioriţa' la `capra vecinului'. Cadrul cultural al politicii,” In Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, Politica dup? communism ( Bucharest: Humanitas, 2002), 78-105.
Similar attitudes have been observed among Hungarian intellectuals. See Lomax, “ The Strange Death”
103.
Sorin Alexandrescu , Privind înapoi modernitatea ( Bucharest: Univers, 1999). Horia-Roman Patapievici, Discernământul modernităţii. 7 eseuri despre situaţia de fapt (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2004).
104.
See Alina Mungiu , România. Istoria unei neînţelegeri (Bucharest: Humanitas, 1995).
105.
See Clive Tempest , “Myths from Eastern Europe and the Legend of the West,” In Robert Fine, Shirin Rai, eds., Civil Society: Democratic Perspectives (London: Frank Cass , 1999), 132-44.
106.
Horia-Roman Patapievici, philosopher, CNSAS member, interview with the author.
107.
See Mihail Şora , Sorin Antohi, Mai avem un viitor? România la început de mileniu (Iasi: Polirom, 2001), 30, 43, 49-50, 79-81, 117.
108.
Gabriel Liiceanu in 22, 17—24 January 1991.
109.
Horia-Roman Patapievici, “Votul ca o mineriad?,” 22, 5—11 December 2000, 1.
110.
See Andrei Pleşu, “Despre elite” Dilema, no. 77, 1—7 July 1994 , In Pleşu, Chipuri, 96-98.
111.
Gabriel Andreescu , Naţionalişsti, Antina ţionalişsti (Iasi: Polirom, 1996), 21.
112.
See APADOR-CH reports such as Gabriel Andreescu, Renate Weber, Evoluţia concepţiei UDMR privind drepturile minorităţilor maghiare (Bucharest: Arta Grafica, 1995); Gabriel Andreescu, Valentin Stan, Renate Weber, Relaţiile româno-moldoveneşsti (Bucharest: Arta Grafica, 1996). The project of a university with Hungarian as teaching language found support among intellectuals. See, for example, Gabriel Andreescu, “Universitatea în limba maghiară sau `principala grijă a românului'”, 22, 25—31 August 1998, 7. Mihail Şora, “ Despre universitatea în limba maghiară . Din punctul de vedere al unui român ardelean,” 22, 1—7 September 1998, 5-6. The philosopher Andrei Marga, minister of education at the time, opted for a multi-cultural university in an attempt to both prevent reactions of the extreme right and appease the ethnic Hungarian minority demands. See Andrei Marga, “Multiculturalismul—o formă a toleranţei,” 22, 18—24 August 1998, 7.
113.
See, for example, “Declaraţia Alianţei Civice cu privire la drepturile minorităţilor naţionale, lingvistice şi religioase” (July 1991) at www.aliantacivica.ro . The declaration referred to the obligation of minorities to acquire knowledge of Romanian language, history, and geography. In exercising their right, minorities should not threaten the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the country.
114.
See, for example, the issue dedicated to the church and the nation 22, 14—20 July 1998. Andreescu, Naţionalişsti şi Antinaţionalişti, 116.
115.
Adrian Marino, Politicaşi cultura: Pentru o nouă cultură română (Iaşi: Polirom, 1996), 201.
116.
See, for example, Ana Blandiana, “Rădăcinile răului românesc de astăzi,” In Ion Chimet , Momentul adevărului (Cluj: Dacia, 1996), 159-60.
117.
118. 22, 28 December—3 January 1995.
118.
On Europe as a political symbol in post-communist Romania, see “ Civil society or nation? `Europe' in the symbolism of postsocialist politics ,” In Verdery, What Was Socialism, 104-29.
119.
See, for example, Gabriel Andreescu, “NATO, România, noile frontiere ,” 22, 23—29 March 1999, 1. Emil Hurezeanu, “România şi Bulgaria,” 22, 23—29 March 1999, 5. See also Andrei Marga , Filozofia unificării europene (Cluj: Apostrof, 1995 ). Adrian Marino , Pentru Europa: Integrarea României ( Iaşi: Polirom, 1995). Adrian Marino, ed., Revenirea în Europa: Idei şi controverse româneşsti 1990—1995 (Craiova : Aiud, 1996).
120.
See, for example, the Civic Alliance communiqué during the Kosovo campaign re-affirming support for Pleşu's foreign policy orientation, pro-NATO, and pro-EU. In 22, 18—24 March 1999, 5.
121.
Barbu, Şapte teme, 79.
122.
Andrei Pleşu , “Unitatea europeană trebuie reinventată ,” 22, 7—13 May 2002, 10—11 & 16.
123.
Alexandru Paleologu , writer, PNL senator, interview with the author .
124.
Pleşu, Chipuri, “Un fleac utopic: integrarea europeană ,” 228 (first published in Dilema, no. 22, 11—17 June 1993).
125.
See, for example, the collection of articles in Pleşu, Chipuri, section III—“Spre Europa, cu spatele…,” 217-93. Also the collection of essays in Marino, Revenirea în Europa.
126.
Titu Maiorescu, “ În contra direcţiei de astăzi in cultura română, ” In Titu Maiorescu, Critice (Bucharest: Minerva, 1908), vol. 1, 152-64.
127.
For an in-depth view at Romanian protochronism and its political implications, see Verdery, National Ideology under Socialism, especially chapter 5—“ Romanian Protochronism,” 167-214.
128.
For an in-depth analysis, see Bruce Haddock, Ovidiu Caraiani, “Nationalism and Civil Society in Romania,” Political Studies47:2 (June 1999): 258-74. The debate took place largely in the pages of the weekly 22, between 1995 and 1996. For the collection of these articles, see Gabriel Andreescu, Naţionalişsti şi Antinaţionalişti, 73-79.
129.
Adrian Marino , Sorin Antohi, Al treilea discurs. Cultură, ideologie şsi politică în România (Bucharest: Polirom, 2001), 47.
130.
See Marino, Politica ş si cultura. See also Octavian Paler in România Liberă, 29 November 1995.
131.
See, for example, the debate surrounding the publication of Alexandra Lavastine, L'oublie de fascisme and Sorin Matei, Boierii Minţii ( Bucharest: Compania, 2004).
132.
See, for example, Nae Ionescu, Roza Vânturilor (Bucharest: Roza Vânturilor, 1990), Emil M. Cioran, Schimbarea la faţă a României (Bucharest: Humanitas , 1991), Constantin Noica, Sentimentul românesc al fiinţei (Bucharest: Humanitas , 1996).
133.
Gabriel Andreescu, a self-declared anti-nationalist and advocator of federalist projects, identified signs of nationalism at all his peers. He accused Alina Mungiu of “fancy nationalism” and labeled H.-R. Patapievici an “extremist.” See Gabriel Andreescu , Ruleta. Români şi maghiari, 1990—2000 (Bucharest: Polirom, 2001).
134.
Tismăneanu, Fantasies , 74.
135.
See articles by Alexandru Paleologu, Gabriel Andreescu in Andreescu, Naţionalişsti, antina tnalişti, Sora, Antohi, Mai avem un viitor?, Marino, Antohi, Al treilea discurs.
