Innocence Interrupted: A 25-Year Study of Reported Filicide Incidents in the United States,1999 to 2023

Abstract

This study examines filicide, the killing of a child by a parent or parental figure, using 25 years of data (1999–2023) from the National Incident-Based Reporting System (N = 3,974). Multinomial logistic regression was used to analyze variations in offender, victim, and incident characteristics across four victim age categories: neonaticide (within 24 hr of birth), infanticide (1–364 days), child filicide (1–17 years), and adult filicide (18+ years). Results reveal significant differences in offender age, sex, race, weapon use, and victim demographics. Neonaticide is most often associated with younger female offenders and the use of personal weapons, while adult filicide typically involves older male offenders and firearms. These findings underscore the need for age-specific prevention strategies, with implications for risk assessment, public health, and family violence prevention. By addressing limitations in the literature, including small-scale studies, this research complements the few extant large-scale studies, providing a comprehensive framework for understanding filicide dynamics and informing policy and practice.

Keywords

filicide family violence child homicide infanticide neonaticide

Introduction

Filicide, the killing of a child by a parent or parental figure, remains one of the most disturbing forms of family violence. Although the family is commonly idealized as a source of protection, stability, and care, it can also serve as a setting for violence across the life course, particularly in childhood and adolescence (Stöckl et al., 2017). Within family violence research, filicide encompasses distinct subtypes, including infanticide (killing of an infant under 1 year) and neonaticide (killing of a newborn within 24 hr of birth), each marked by unique contextual factors (Debowska et al., 2015). These distinctions are critical, as definitional inconsistencies in the literature, particularly the conflation of filicide with broader child homicide (where the perpetrator is not always a parent) have hindered comparative analyses and the development of consistent offender and victim profiles (Bacewicz & Friedman, 2020). While neonaticide and infanticide are specific subtypes of filicide distinguished by victim age, child homicide is a broader category that includes both filicide and nonparental homicides. Historically, filicide has persisted over time and across cultures (Peza, 2023).

Although rare compared to other homicides, a systematic review spanning 44 countries, found parents committed 56.5% of child homicides (Stöckl et al., 2017). In the United States, child homicide rates are significantly higher than in other developed nations—5.3 per 100,000 compared to 0.6 in a sample of 41 countries (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2019). Infant homicide rates are similarly elevated at 8.1 per 100,000, more than double the global average of 3.5 (Large et al., 2010). From 1976 to 2007, filicide arrests in the United States comprised 2.5% of all homicide arrests, totaling approximately 500 annually, though these figures likely underestimate the true scope due to underreporting, particularly for neonaticide, which can be concealed or misclassified (Klier, Fisher, et al., 2019; Mariano et al., 2014).

This study addresses a critical gap in criminological research by examining how filicide varies across victim age. Drawing on 25 years of data from the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), analysis includes 3,974 filicide incidents reported between 1999 and 2023. Victims are categorized into four age groups: neonaticide (within 24 hr of birth), infanticide (1–364 days), child filicide (1–17 years), and adult filicide (18 years or older).

Despite its severity, filicide remains unevenly examined in the empirical literature. National datasets such as the National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) have been used to study fatal child maltreatment and related outcomes, including work that considers variation by child age (e.g., Hunter et al., 2021; Murfree et al., 2022). However, less is known about how filicide differs across a unified set of victim age categories spanning neonaticide, infanticide, child filicide, and adult filicide within a single analytic framework. As a result, age-based variation in offender, victim, and incident characteristics across the full developmental spectrum remains less clearly specified.

Prior research further tends to rely on small samples, gender-specific analytic lenses (e.g., maternal offenders), or nonrepresentative data sources such as coroner or case-file reports, limiting generalizability and comparative insight (Bourget et al., 2007; Kauppi et al., 2008; Rouge-Maillart et al., 2005). Using national incident-based data, the present study addresses these gaps by examining filicide across victim age groups, offering insights into offender, victim, and situational characteristics to guide effective prevention strategies.

A Brief Review of the Literature

Although this study focuses on the United States, international research is cited where relevant to contextualize filicide patterns in the absence of extensive U.S.-based age-disaggregated studies. The empirical literature on filicide is marked by definitional inconsistency in how key terms are applied. Neonaticide and infanticide are generally understood as subtypes of filicide defined by victim age, whereas child homicide is a broader category that does not necessarily involve a parent or parental figure as the offender. Inconsistent use of these terms has complicated cross-study comparisons and hindered the development of clear offender, victim, and incident profiles. This conceptual ambiguity has hindered researchers’ ability to compare findings across studies or develop consistent profiles of offenders and victims (Bourget et al., 2007), taking into consideration important context-based incident characteristics. Broadly, refers to the killing of a child by a parent or stepparent, while infanticide is typically used when the victim is under 1 year of age (D. A. West & Lichtenstein, 2006). Neonaticide, traditionally defined as the killing of a newborn within 24 hr of birth, has become less rigid in recent literature, with some definitions extending the window to 6 or even 28 days (Salihu et al., 2021).

Much of the existing literature has relied on small clinical or retrospective samples, focused on maternal offenders. Paternal offenders have only occasionally been considered collectively and may not include comparison. For instance, Raymond et al. (2021) examined 17 maternal infanticide cases, while Declercq et al. (2018) presented a single case study of a paternal filicide-suicide. Such gendered approaches, along with inconsistent victim age thresholds, have made it difficult to establish generalizable profiles or discern incident patterns and trends. Compounding these issues, broader child homicide research can fail to isolate filicide cases, potentially obscuring parent–child specific dynamics and limiting theoretical development.

Recent studies using the NVDRS have contributed important insights into fatal child maltreatment and filicide outcomes. Hunter et al. (2021) examined perpetrator characteristics in 1,023 fatal child maltreatment deaths from 2011 to 2015 using NVDRS data, identifying demographic and situational risk factors. Murfree et al. (2022) focused on 76 filicide–suicide incidents from 2013 to 2015 and documented differences between male and female perpetrators. While these studies benefit from NVDRS’s rich contextual and narrative information, they generally examine specific subsets of fatal violence and do not systematically compare filicide across the full range of victim ages. The present study complements this work by using incident-based NIBRS data to examine filicide across four age-based victim typologies over a 25-year period, including the most recent available data.

The scarcity of national-level, representative samples remains a significant limitation. Much of the literature relies on medical examiner or coroner reports (e.g., Kauppi et al., 2008; Rouge-Maillart et al., 2005) or limited homicide reports that vary in definition and coverage (e.g., Supplemental Homicide Reports). These limitations hinder understanding of prevalence, demographics, and risk factors.

Incidence estimates also vary widely. Wilson et al. (2023), using CDC National Vital Statistics System data (1999 to 2020), found homicide rates for infants decreased by an average of 1.3% annually from 8.7% in 1999 to 6.6% in 2020, and child homicides, ages 1–5, decreased by 1% annually from 2.1% to 1.8% in 2020. Other estimates suggest filicide comprises 2.5% to 3% of all homicides (Mariano et al., 2014; Weekes-Shackelford & Shackelford, 2004). Neonaticide remains especially difficult to detect and study due to concealed pregnancies, lack of medical involvement, and missing birth/death records (Dean, 2006; Spinelli, 2005), however, Wilson et al. (2022) estimated neonaticide rates to be as high as 74 per 100,000, nearly ten times higher than any other childhood stage.

Offender Characteristics

Offender characteristics in filicide cases vary by both age and nature of the relationship to the child. Research drawing from evolutionary theory argues that stepparents pose a higher risk of lethal violence due to a lack of biological connectedness and investment, a hypothesis supported by empirical research (Daly & Wilson, 1988; S. G. West & Friedman, 2007). Schnitzer and Ewigman (2005), for example, reported a 50-fold increase in child homicide risk in households with unrelated adults.

Gender and age patterns also emerge in the literature. Mothers are disproportionately implicated in neonaticide, typically characterized as young, unmarried, and socioeconomically disadvantaged (Bacewicz & Friedman, 2020; Milia & Noonan, 2022). Conversely, fathers are overrepresented in killings of older children, often associated with a history of violence, controlling behavior, or retaliatory motives related to custody disputes or intimate partner conflict (Bourget & Gagne, 2005; Liem & Koenraadt, 2008). In a Canadian sample of filicides involving victims under 18, Johnson and Dawson (2024) found the average age was 30 for mothers and 32 for fathers. Mariano et al. (2014) similarly found an average age of 32 in a broader filicide sample without victim age restrictions.

Despite these findings, the limited scope of existing research hampers efforts to establish comprehensive offender profiles. Many studies focus narrowly on specific filicide subsets, such as infanticide or neonaticide, often emphasizing maternal offenders. Bramante and Di Florio (2023), for example, examined 30 infanticide/filicide cases involving children 5 years of age and younger, focusing solely on mothers. When broader filicide samples are considered, gender differences become less pronounced. In an Australian study of official homicide data, Brown et al. (2019) found that men and women were equally likely to commit filicide when victim age was not restricted. Wilson et al. (2022), in a National Vital Statistics System sample of 81 maternal neonaticide cases from 2008 to 2017, found rates were nearly twice as high for black mothers compared to white mothers. Johnson and Dawson (2024), examining 298 filicides with victims under the age of 18 drawn from coroner’s files in Ontario, Canada, from 1985 to 2018, found 42% of offenders were female and 58% were male. The relationship between victim age and offender sex is notable, with some studies finding mothers more likely to kill infants and fathers more likely to kill older children (Kunz & Bahr, 1996; Palermo, 2002). Mariano et al. (2014) found that when examining adult victims, an overwhelming 78% of the sample included male offenders.

Victim Characteristics

Filicide victim profiles are similarly complex and vary based on both age and sex. Although studies generally find both sons and daughters are victimized at similar rates, some research suggests mothers are more likely to kill sons, while fathers are more likely to kill daughters (Dawson & Langan, 1994). Patterns shift when examining adult victims. For example, Mariano et al. (2014) found more than 75% of victims 18 or older were male. Johnson and Dawson (2024) found the average victim age was 4 years old in a Canadian coroner’s report sample of filicides involving victims 18 and under. Similarly, Mariano et al. (2014) found two-thirds of all filicides from a 32-year span of Supplemental Homicide Reports (SHR) cases involved victims 6 years of age or less. When examining relational distance, biological children comprise the overwhelming majority of filicide victims. Mariano et al. (2014) reported that more than 90% of victims were the biological offspring of the offender.

Incident Characteristics

Filicide incidents are shaped by a variety of situational factors, including location, weapon use, substance use, and offender-victim dynamics. These acts most commonly occur within the family home (Bennett et al., 2006; Bourget & Gagne, 2005). Weapon use varies by both age of the victim and sex of the offender. Fathers are significantly more likely to use firearms, whereas mothers are more likely to use personal weapons (S. G. West & Friedman, 2007). Mariano et al. (2014) reported fathers were three times more likely than mothers to use a firearm. Considering the age/weapon differentiation, personal weapons were more common in cases involving victims under 17 years old, while firearms were more prevalent with older victims. Similarly, Brown et al. (2019) noted age-related weapon patterns, with younger victims more frequently beaten or shaken, and older victims more likely to be stabbed or shot. Alternately, Wilson et al. (2022) in their National Vital Statistics System sample of 81 maternal neonaticide cases from 2008 to 2017, found asphyxiation was the most prevalent cause of death.

Alcohol and drug involvement appears limited but may be underreported (Friedman et al., 2005). Brown et al. (2019) identified drug use in 23% of cases, and alcohol use at or near the time of filicide in 15%. Most filicides involve only a single offender and a single victim, incidents involving multiple victims or multiple offenders are quite infrequent. Johnson and Dawson (2024) found 83% of filicides involved a single offender and a single victim. When multiple victims are present, some work suggests these incidents may be more likely to involve fathers and suggest broader family annihilation dynamics (S. G. West et al., 2009).

In sum, existing research on filicide is fragmented, with definitional inconsistencies, limited data, and underrepresentation of paternal offenders and older victims. These limitations hinder efforts to identify clear patterns and impede the development of effective prevention and intervention strategies. There is a pressing need for comprehensive, nationally representative studies that disaggregate cases by age, gender, relationship, and incident dynamics. This study seeks to address these gaps by drawing on 25 years of National Incident Reporting System (NIBRS) data, the most comprehensive U.S.-based sample to date, to develop clear profiles of filicide, accounting for variations in victim age category, parental relationship, and a host of additional victim, offender, and incident characteristics.

Methodology

Data were derived from 25 years (1999 to 2023) of NIBRS data, the most comprehensive official source of reported crime data in the United States. The dataset consists of 3,974 filicide incidents across the United States during the study period. This work extends Dixon et al. (2014) examination of filicide in NIBRS data (1995 to 2009) by significantly expanding the time frame and addressing several persistent methodological gaps in the literature. In contrast to earlier studies that relied on small, time-limited, clinical, forensic, or case study samples, this study uses a large, nationally representative dataset of officially reported incidents. Furthermore, removal of victim age as a criterion for sample inclusion, as it has been used in much of the past work on filicide, establishes a solid, more inclusive foundation for future research.

Victim age was categorized into four groups: under 24 hr (neonaticide), 1–364 days (infanticide), 1–17 years (child filicide), and 18+ years (adult filicide). Descriptive analyses were conducted on offender/victim demographics as well as incident characteristics. A multinomial logistic regression was used to examine how predictor variables (e.g., offender sex, age, race, weapon used, location, substance use) predicted the likelihood of a victim falling into each age category.

Data Source and Selection

NIBRS, an incident-based crime reporting system formerly part of the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) program, contains expanded incident-level information about filicide cases reported by participating law enforcement agencies in NIBRS reporting jurisdictions for the years 1999 to 2023. All NIBRS data files are available for public use through open access at https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/series/128.

Since its introduction in 1989, NIBRS participation has steadily expanded. Increasing from nine states comprising 481 counties (4% of the population) in 1995 to 43 states representing approximately 77% of all agencies in 2023, participation in the reporting program is continually expanding. In January 2021, the Uniform Crime Reporting program transitioned to NIBRS, making it the primary official reporting mechanism in the United States (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2023).

One of NIBRS’s key strengths is its inclusion of all incidents reported to police, regardless of case outcome, allowing for a more complete understanding of crime patterns over time. For the years 1999 to 2023, 3,974 filicide incidents involving victims of all ages were reported to law enforcement. NIBRS facilitates the integration of criminal incident characteristics with associated individual-level data pertaining to offenders and victims. In the present study, the unit of analysis is the incident level. Specifically, our focus is on homicides of children perpetrated by either parents or stepparents.

Analysis Strategy

Demographic and incident characteristics were analyzed to assess the prevalence of filicide across the 25-year span of official reported NIBRS data, outlined in Tables 1 and 2. These data were utilized to construct contemporary profiles of filicide victims and offenders.

Table 1.

Filicide Offender and Victim Demographics, 1999 to 2023, N = 3,974.

Demographics & details	Number	Percent
Offender age
17 and under	79	2.0
18–24	1,117	28.1
25–34	1,275	32.1
35+	1,499	37.8
Offender race^a
White	2,562	65.3
Black	1,245	31.8
Other	114	2.9
Offender sex
Female	1,597	40.2
Male	2,371	59.8
Victim age
Under 24 hr	137	3.7
1 day 1o 364 days	906	24.6
1–17	1,946	52.9
18+	688	18.7
Victim race
White	2,129	55.6
Black	1,221	31.9
Hispanic	364	9.5
Other	115	3.0
Victim sex
Female	1,583	40.2
Male	2,352	59.8
Relationship
Biological Child	3,585	90.2
Step-Child	389	9.8

Offender ethnicity wasn’t collected in NIBRS data until 2013.

Table 2.

Filicide Incident Characteristics, 1999 to 2023, N = 3,974.

Incident characteristics	Number	Percent
Location
Residence	3,463	89.0
Nonresidence indoor location	187	4.8
Outdoor	240	6.2
Weapon
Firearm	1,055	30.3
Knife or Blunt Object	349	10.0
Personal Weapon	1,302	37.4
Other	776	22.3
Alcohol
Yes	204	5.1
No	2,770	94.9
Drugs
Yes	266	6.7
No	3,708	93.3
Type
Single vic., single off.	2,241	56.4
Mult. vic., single off.	789	19.9
Single vic., mult. off.	786	19..8
Mult. vic., mult., off.	158	4.0

The next step of the analysis included a bivariate demographic comparison using chi-square tests to identify the relationship between victim age and multiple victim-offender demographics and incident-level characteristics, detailed in Tables 3 and 4. Subsequently, multinomial logistic regression (see Table 5) was employed to further investigate the dynamics of filicide across age category, utilizing victim, offender, and incident characteristics as predictive factors. Using age category as the dependent variable (neonaticide, infanticide, child filicide, and adult filicide) with adult filicide as the reference category, multinomial logistic regression was used to examine how predictor variables (e.g., offender sex, age, race, weapon used, location, substance use) predicted the likelihood of a victim falling into each age-based typology.

Table 3.

Filicide Offender and Victim Demographics by Victim Age, 1999 to 2023, N = 3,974.

	Neonaticide (n = 203)		Infanticide (n = 535)		Child Filicide (n = 1,180)		Adult Filicide (n = 454)
Demographics	Number	Percent	Number	Percent	Number	Percent	Number	Percent
Offender age**
17 and under	16	11.7	26	2.9	19	1.0	7	1.0
18–24	54	39.4	430	47.5	476	24.5	20	2.9
25– 34	48	35.0	349	38.5	746	38.3	16	2.3
35+	19	13.9	101	11.1	705	36.2	642	93.7
Offender race**
White	104	75.9	557	62.0	1205	62.9	514	75.8
Black	29	21.2	323	35.9	640	33.4	154	22.7
Other	4	2.9	19	2.1	71	3.7	10	1.5
Offender sex**
Female	104	75.9	315	34.8	928	47.7	120	17.5
Male	33	24.1	591	65.2	1,016	52.3	565	82.5
Victim race**
White	81	64.3	441	51.3	984	52.1	465	68.7
Black	28	22.2	310	36.1	638	33.8	153	22.6
Hispanic	14	11.1	89	10.4	193	10.2	46	6.8
Other	3	2.4	19	2.2	73	3.9	13	1.9
Victim sex**
Female	60	46.2	385	42.8	831	42.8	175	25.5
Male	70	53.8	515	57.2	1,109	57.2	511	74.5

p < .001.

Table 4.

Filicide Incident Characteristics by Relationship, 1999 to 2023, N = 3,974.

	Neonaticide(n = 203)		Infanticide(n = 535)		Child Filicide(n = 1,180)		Adult Filicide(n = 454)
Incident characteristics	Number	Percent	Number	Percent	Number	Percent	Number	Percent
Type**
1 off/1 vic	94	68.6	605	66.8	927	47.6	428	62.2
Mult vic/1 off.	20	14.6	66	7.3	480	24.7	186	27.0
1vic/mult off.	20	14.6	208	23.0	454	23.3	41	6.0
Mult vic/mult off.	3	2.2	27	3.0	85	4.4	33	4.8
Location**
Residence	102	76.1	810	91.9	1,675	87.7	615	91.7
Indoor	23	17.2	45	51	90	4.7	11	1.6
Outdoor	9	6.7	26	3.0	146	7.6	45	6.7
Weapon**
Firearm	10	8.2	28	3.6	474	28.3	523	78.8
Knife/Object	10	8.2	56	7.2	194	11.6	79	11.9
Personal	38	31.1	513	66.2	579	34.6	17	2.6
Other	64	52.5	178	23.0	426	25.5	45	6.8
Alcohol**
No	134	97.8	869	95.9	1,879	96.6	596	86.6
Yes	3	2.2	37	4.1	67	3.4	92	13.4
Drugs**
No	115	83.9	851	93.9	1,810	93.0	658	95.6
Yes	22	16.1	55	6.1	136	7.0	30	4.4

p < .001.

Table 5.

Aggregate Logistic Regression Results by Victim Age, 1999 to 2023 (N = 3,974).

Variable	B	SEB	Wald χ²	p	Exp (B)
Neonaticide
Intercept	8.484	.639	176.050	.001
Offender age	−.219	.017	169.585	.001	.803
Victim female	−.997	.254	15.433	.001	.369
Offender female	−1.218	.280	18.921	.001	.296
Victim White	.589	.259	5.176	.023	1.801
Firearm	−1.484	.383	14.994	.001	.227
Alcohol	−1.532	.793	3.733	.053	.216
Drugs	.835	.417	4.019	.045	2.306
Residence	−.924	.330	7.836	.005	.397
Single Off.: Single Vic.	.344	.258	1.777	.183	1.411
Infanticide
Intercept	8.816	.474	345.911	.001
Offender age	−.218	.010	492.356	.001	.805
Victim female	−.890	.177	25.297	.001	.410
Offender female	.519	.188	7.625	.006	1.680
Victim White	.190	.173	1.207	.272	1.209
Firearm	−3.165	.277	130.663	.001	.042
Alcohol	−.361	.341	1.121	.290	.697
Drugs	.063	.345	.033	.855	1.065
Residence	.497	.279	3.161	.075	1.643
Single Off.: Single Vic.	.085	.172	.246	.620	1.089
Child–Filicide
Intercept	8.358	.396	446.158	.001
Offender age	−.133	.007	377.639	.001	.867
Victim female	−.822	.151	29.709	.001	.440
Offender female	−.286	.162	3.108	.078	.751
Victim White	−.032	.146	.048	.826	.968
Firearm	−1.015	.152	44.801	.001	.363
Alcohol	−.895	.260	11.826	.001	.409
Drugs	.098	.301	.105	.746	1.102
Residence	−.060	.230	.067	.795	.942
Single Off.: Single Vic.	−.484	.143	11.381	.001	.616

Note. The reference category is adult filicide.

Results

Descriptive Statistics

As shown in Table 1, offenders were predominantly male (59.8%), white (65.3%), and over the age of 25 (69.9%). Victims were most commonly between the ages of 1 and 17 (52.9%), with 28.3% under the age of one. Notably, the vast majority of victims (90.2%) were the biological children of the offender.

Incident characteristics (Table 2) reveal that the majority of incidents across all age categories occurred in residential settings (89.0%). The most frequently used weapons were personal (e.g., hands, feet; 37.4%) and firearms (30.3%). Alcohol and drugs were reported present in only a minority of cases (5.1% and 6.7%, respectively). Over half of all incidents involved a single offender and single victim (56.4%).

Age-specific analyses in Table 3 revealed significant differences (p < .001) across all offender and victim characteristics by victim age group. Female offenders were predominant in neonaticide incidents (75.9%) but were notably less common in cases involving adult victims (17.5%). Offender age also varied significantly by victim age. Those involved in neonaticide and infanticide averaged 26 years of age, compared to 32 years for child filicide and 56 years of age for adult filicide. Firearm use also increased sharply with victim age, from 8.2% in neonaticide to 78.8% in adult filicides (Table 4).

Multinomial Logistic Regression

Results (Table 5) further illustrate and corroborate distinct patterns across victim age groups. Younger offender age significantly increased the likelihood of neonaticide, infanticide, and child filicide relative to adult victim cases, with the strongest effects observed in neonaticide and infanticide. Firearm use was substantially less likely in cases involving young victims, decreasing the odds of neonaticide and infanticide by 77.3% and 95.8%, respectively.

Victim sex also emerged as a significant factor, with males the most likely victims across all victim age categories (neonaticide, infanticide, child filicide, and adult filicide). Female offenders were significantly less likely to be involved in neonaticide but more likely to be involved in infanticide. Drug use was associated with increased odds of neonaticide, while alcohol use significantly reduced the odds of child filicide. Contextual factors such as incident location and offender–victim relationship configuration were significant in specific models, but not consistently across age groups. Collectively, these findings underscore the importance of disaggregating filicide by victim age as the dynamics and risk factors vary considerably across developmental stages from neonate through infant to older children and adults.

Discussion and Conclusion

This study, drawing on 25 years of NIBRS data (1999–2023, N = 3,974), including the most recent data available, provides a large comprehensive analysis of filicide in the United States, across four victim age categories: neonaticide (within 24 hr of birth), infanticide (1–364 days), child filicide (1–17 years), and adult filicide (18+ years). Results reveal notable differences in offender profiles, victim demographics, and incident characteristics, portraying a complex picture across the age-based categories of filicide nuanced, age-specific responses.

Neonaticide is predominantly committed by younger female offenders, often using personal weapons like hands or asphyxiation, and is closely associated with crisis pregnancies and socioeconomic distress (Bacewicz & Friedman, 2020; Milia & Noonan, 2022). Infanticide shares similar patterns but involves a higher proportion of male offenders (65.2%). Child filicide reflects intrafamily conflicts, with a balanced mix of both male and female offenders and a notable increase in firearm use (28.2%). Adult filicide, in contrast, is dominated by older male offenders (82.5%) using firearms (78.8%), suggesting patterns consistent with long-standing family conflict or mental health challenges (Mariano et al., 2014).

These findings align with and extend the existing empirical research, which has often been limited by small, nonrepresentative samples or a narrow focus on specific subtypes, such as maternal neonaticide (Declercq et al., 2018; Raymond et al., 2021). The statistical results here, such as the strong association between younger offender age and neonaticide (OR = 0.803, p < .001) and infanticide (OR = 0.805, p < .001), confirm prior research linking these acts to young mothers facing social isolation or lack of prenatal support (Klier, Amon, et al., 2019). The heavy reliance on firearms in adult filicide aligns with studies highlighting weapon access as a critical risk factor in paternal-perpetrated homicides (S. G. West & Friedman, 2007). The consistent overrepresentation of male victims, especially in adult filicide (74.5%), points to gender-specific dynamics, possibly related to perceived threats or power struggles within families (Dawson & Langan, 1994). By using a large, nationally collected dataset, this study addresses many of the limitations of prior work, providing robust profiles that can guide prevention efforts.

These findings extend prior NVDRS-based research on fatal child maltreatment and filicide–suicide (Hunter et al., 2021; Murfree et al., 2022) by demonstrating how offender, victim, and incident characteristics vary across distinct victim age categories. Whereas NVDRS studies emphasize more micro-level details in narrative context and circumstances surrounding death, the NIBRS data used here facilitate population-level comparisons across age-based developmental stages.

The implications of these findings are both urgent and far-reaching. These forms of filicide are not just an expression of extreme family violence; it also reflects a devastating failure of the societal systems of mental health care, social support, and violence prevention, all meant to protect the most vulnerable in the population. For neonaticide and infanticide, the data suggest a critical need for early intervention programs targeting young mothers. Policies related to postpartum mental health screenings, accessible prenatal counseling, and community-based support for unplanned pregnancies could address the root causes of these acts, such as despair or fear of stigma (Klier, Fisher, et al., 2019). Child filicide, often tied to family conflict, calls for parenting education programs and conflict resolution training, particularly in high-risk households where stress or domestic violence is present (Bennett et al., 2006). Adult filicide’s strong association with firearms highlights firearm access as a potential point of intervention, discussed in prior research, including policy approaches such as stricter background checks, red flag laws, and safe storage requirements aimed at limiting access in families with histories of conflict or mental health challenges (S. G. West & Friedman, 2007). These strategies would be most effective through collaboration across sectors, including law enforcement, child welfare, mental health professionals, and community organizations, to create a safety net that prevents filicide tragedies.

Looking beyond theUnited States, cross-cultural perspectives highlight the global relevance of these findings. In Japan, infanticide is often associated with maternal postpartum depression, emphasizing the need for mental health interventions tailored to new mothers (Yasumi & Kageyama, 2009). In South Africa, high filicide rates are driven by poverty and gender-based violence, suggestive of socioeconomic interventions (Abrahams et al., 2016). These international comparisons suggest that while the root causes or drivers of filicide vary, the underlying issues, including mental health, social stressors, and access to lethal means, are likely universal. Elevated U.S. child homicide rate (5.3 per 100,000) compared to other developed nations (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2019) signals a need for national action to align with global best practices.

This study is not without limitations, which could inform future research. The reliance on NIBRS data, while a strength considering the scale of this project, introduces potential errors due to its secondary nature and inconsistent reporting across jurisdictions and over time, which precludes detailed longitudinal trend analyses. As with all official crime data, NIBRS has known limitations, including variation in agency participation over time and potential underreporting of certain offenses. Participation increased substantially following the FBI’s transition to NIBRS as the primary official reporting system in 2021. While reporting practices may fluctuate due to administrative or funding changes, there is no evidence that recent political events systematically altered the classification of filicide incidents during the study period. Moreover, the findings may not fully generalize to other countries where family structures, cultural norms, or legal systems differ (Abrahams et al., 2016). Moreover, the lack of data on offender motives, mental health diagnoses, or socioeconomic factors limits our understanding of how these acts occur rather than why these acts occur. Future studies, first and foremost, should explore issues related to under-investigation, under-identification, and under-reporting in an effort to usher in improvements in the data available. Similarly, future efforts should prioritize standardized definitions for filicide subtypes, as inconsistencies in terms like neonaticide (24 hr vs. 28 days), hinder cross-study comparisons (Bourget et al., 2007). Researchers should also integrate primary data, such as psychological assessments or family interviews, to explore the interplay of mental illness, domestic violence, and economic stressors. Longitudinal analyses, enabled by improved data collection, could track evolving patterns across filicide subtypes and evaluate the impact of prevention strategies over time. Similarly, adult filicide, which involves older male offenders (82.5%) and predominantly male victims (74.5%), remains poorly understood due to low prevalence (18.7% of cases) and limited focus in prior research (Mariano et al., 2014). Future studies could investigate the unique drivers of adult filicide, such as long-term family dynamics or mental health disorders, to uncover motives not captured in NIBRS data. Finally, this study relies on incidents officially classified as homicide in NIBRS. Infant deaths attributed to SIDS or SUID are not included, even though some may involve undetected maltreatment. As a result, findings likely underestimate neonaticide and infanticide. As well, key contextual factors such as whether the pregnancy was intended, abortion access, and substance use prior to the incident are not consistently captured in NIBRS and therefore could not be examined.

Filicide represents a profound breach of the parent–child bond that carries lasting consequences for families and communities. Each incident is a notable reminder that society failed to provide the support needed to prevent such outcomes. The findings here offer insights for change, but actions must follow. Policymakers must invest in comprehensive mental health services, particularly for new mothers and families in crisis. Child welfare agencies should develop risk assessment tools that account for age-specific factors, such as young parental age for neonaticide or firearm access for adult filicide. Domestic violence shelters and community outreach programs should be expanded to reach at-risk families before conflicts escalate. Researchers have a responsibility to continue to study the problem in pursuit of prevention and solutions. Achieving these goals will require collaborative efforts, uniting policymakers, researchers, and communities, alongside continued research on parent-perpetrated homicide across the life course, to resolve the conditions that enable this crime.

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Jeffrey A. Walsh

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interests with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Data Availability Statement

The data used in the present study is publicly available with the location provided in the methodology section of the manuscript.

Author Biographies

Dr. Jeffrey A. Walsh, PhD, is a Professor of Criminal Justice at Illinois State University. He is the author/co-author of more than 30 peer reviewed articles and book chapters appearing in top tier outlets with broad international and national exposure including Applied Psychology in Criminal Justice, Criminal Justice Studies, Violence and Victims, Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, Homicide Studies, Journal of Family Violence, Journal of Interpersonal Violence, and Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency.

Dr. Jessie L. Krienert, PhD, is a Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice Sciences at Illinois State University. Her research focuses on prison subculture, special correctional populations, family violence, and gender in both correctional and street contexts. She has authored or co-authored three books, over 30 journal articles, and several book chapters. Her work appears in Homicide Studies, Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Violence and Victims, Journal of Elder Abuse & Neglect, Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment and Trauma, and the Journal of Family Violence.

Ms. Ema Voksic, BA, is a Graduate Student in the Department of Psychology at Illinois State University. Her areas of interest include clinical counseling and behavioral health with an emphasis on forensic populations.

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