Exploiting inter- and intracontinental markets: The business of transporting convicts to the Australian colonies in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century

Abstract

This article explores the pivotal role played by convict transports in the expansion and redirection of British maritime trade to the East. Through an investigation into the business of transporting prisoners across the seas in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, it reveals that contractors, shipowners and captains connected to convict transportation were at the forefront of exploiting new trading opportunities in the Indian and Pacific Oceans. By analysing the voyages of convict ships within the prism of long-haul trading ventures, this work reveals the often overlooked business acumen of those who organized and executed convict transportation as they participated in inter- and intra-continental maritime trade.

The late eighteenth century witnessed a significant expansion in the British maritime world, which was stimulated by the loss of the American colonies and the growth of the merchant-shipping sector. Confidence in new shipping technologies and improvements in geographical knowledge encouraged merchants – who had primarily concentrated their commercial endeavours in Europe and around the Atlantic basin – to seek out a diverse range of foreign markets that they had previously been unable to exploit. Their thirst for new business opportunities was supported by a change in the Pitt ministry's outlook on maritime trade, colonization and emerging disinterest in private charters. More specifically, the government's desire to expand British commercial activities and protect imperial assets in the East resulted in the decision to house a penal settlement in the Australian colonies. ¹ Thus, convict transportation to Botany Bay reconciled both government plans and merchant aspirations, allowing access to commercially lucrative markets in the Indian and Pacific Oceans.

While it has traditionally been the movement of people that has preoccupied the historian's interest in the relocation of criminals across the seas, convict transportation was not just a penal punishment; it was also a business venture in which contractors, shipowners and captains strove to profit. Because scholarly enquiry into the organization, structure and commercial activities of convict transports remains limited, this article seeks to fill a significant lacuna in the historiography of convict transportation and the commercial expansion of the British maritime world. It argues that the transfer of felons to the Australian colonies provided an invaluable opportunity for merchants to access the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and shows that convict ships were among the first to participate in inter- and intra-continental trade on long-haul voyages connecting the Atlantic, Indian and Pacific Ocean during the Age of Sail. By resituating convict transportation within larger models of inter- and intra-continental maritime trade during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, it also helps to explain why merchants were supportive of colonization plans from micro rather than macro perspectives.

To explore the business aspects of convict transportation and the commercial markets exploited by those connected to the movement of prisoners across the seas, a range of material has been consulted, including parliamentary records, government accounts, ship logs, captains’ journals, and private and official correspondence – records that have often been overlooked in the quest to understand the experiences convicts endured during their passage to the Antipodes. However, to fully analyse convict experience, one must gain a solid knowledge of the intentions of the different stakeholders invested in their voyages. As demonstrated in this article, decisions around trade often impacted the route taken, time spent in different ports and internal design of the vessel, which, in turn, could have serious repercussions for the health and experiences of the convicts on board. Thus, while this study focuses primarily on the imperial and business elements of convict transportation, it does so with the aim, not of silencing convict voices, but of rediscovering those of the contractors, shipowners and captains who shaped their voyages and contributed to the redirection of British maritime trade. It also provides a more holistic view of convict transportation, contextualizing the important scholarly work completed on contractors and captains on the first leg of their voyage with prisoners. ² The focus on, particularly, the Second Fleet and other vessels with high mortality rates has perhaps obscured our view of the men involved in executing convict transportation – and their wider considerations around trade and empire – many of whom diligently completed their task of relocating prisoners to the Antipodes as part of a much larger commercial venture.

To highlight the pioneering and important contribution made by those connected to convict voyages, this article is split into two parts. The first situates convict transportation within the changing nature of British overseas trade and the idea of a political and commercial swing to the East after the 'loss' of colonial American markets in 1783. In doing so, the argument put forth by scholars such as Alan Frost – that the Botany Bay decision was part of a larger and more complex imperial plan – echoes throughout. ³ The second part examines the enterprising opportunities capitalized on during the voyage to the Australian colonies and beyond, highlighting, crucially, that convict transportation provided new opportunities for the exploitation of inter- and intra-continental markets and the expansion of the British maritime world.

Accessing protected markets in the Indian and Pacific worlds

After the loss of the American colonies, the British Empire experienced a political and commercial swing to the East. ⁴ During the decade that followed 1783, social, political and economic factors coalesced with the desire of London-based merchants to organize financially lucrative business ventures into the Pacific and Indian Oceans. However, the East India Company's (EIC’s) royal charter thwarted any chance of private merchants exploring new lines of commerce or trading in regions to the east of the Cape of Good Hope and west of the Straits of Magellan. The only way that merchants could engage in trade with the East was to either have their vessel commissioned by the EIC or find a way to circumvent its royal charter. ⁵ Thus, the decision to house a penal settlement at Botany Bay and use contractors to move convicts across the seas provided unparallelled access to markets in the Indian and Pacific Oceans. ⁶

Shortly after the plan to send convicts to Botany Bay was put in motion, the Undersecretary of the Treasury, George Rose, wrote to the chairmen of the EIC suggesting that if convict ships were allowed to transport a cargo of tea home, it would reduce the cost of the voyage for the government and be beneficial to the company. ⁷ Days later, on 19 September 1786, the contractor of the First Fleet, William Richards, wrote to the EIC and offered vessels for this purpose. ⁸ After some consideration, an agreement was reached that was favourable to all parties. Richards went on to dutifully fulfil the First Fleet contract and was paid almost £54,000. ⁹ It is probable that he hoped to secure a permanent contract with the government and provide himself with a stable income from convict transportation. However, the success of the venture and the opportunity to access markets in the East meant that he was priced out of the Second and Third Fleet contracts.

The first merchant firm to explore the full economic potential of convict transportation was Calvert, Camden and King, the contractors of the Second and Third Fleet. ¹⁰ After the passing of the Commutation Act in 1784, a group of London merchants – including Anthony Calvert – complained that the EIC could not ship enough tea back to Britain to meet consumer demand, and argued that merchants should be allowed to venture to China and trade on their own account. They also advised that they could construct larger ships and transport tea back to Britain at a lower rate. ¹¹ Coincidentally, in 1785, Calvert's ship Ranger was chartered by the EIC. ¹² However, as Gary Sturgess and Ken Cozens have demonstrated, between 1786 and 1788 Calvert suffered a range of setbacks in his attempts to break into the East India trade. ¹³ Thus, the revenues garnered from the Ranger, and the inability to secure permanent and sustained access to lucrative markets in the East, likely sparked Calvert's interest in convict transportation. His belief in the ability to make substantial profits by trading in the East Indies is reflected in the firm's tender for the Second Fleet. In it, they proposed to transport, provide clothes and feed convicts for seventeen pounds, seven shillings and sixpence per head. ¹⁴ The bid was most likely intentionally very low so that the firm could not be priced out by any other potential contractor.

Calvert, Camden and King went on to secure the Third Fleet contract for the slightly higher amount of nineteen pounds and ten shillings per head. ¹⁵ To complete the venture, they used their own vessels and also chartered whalers from shipowners such as Samuel Enderby. ¹⁶ As Dan Byrnes has highlighted, from the mid-1780s, prominent merchants who were investing in the whaling trade – including Calvert – began to tactically assault the EIC's monopoly over the Indian and Pacific Oceans, firstly, through Nootka Sound and North West America, then the Cape of Good Hope and Botany Bay, followed by Cape Horn and Botany Bay again from 1790. ¹⁷ Thus, the Third Fleet was organized and executed by men who used convict transportation to gain unrestricted access to the Indian and Pacific Oceans.

Despite the financially lucrative opportunities offered by convict transportation, the Third Fleet was not the economic success that Calvert, Camden and King had hoped. The illicit trade goods that had been shipped to Bombay on board the Active and Albemarle were confiscated, and both vessels, plus their cargo of cotton, were taken by French privateers on their way home. ¹⁸ The Admiral Barrington was captured by pirates off the coast of India and the Matilda, one of the firm's whaling vessels, was lost on 24 February 1792 after foundering on the Mururoa atoll in French Polynesia. ¹⁹ Furthermore, while the Queen returned home successfully with a cargo of cotton, it was too late in the season to make any significant profit. ²⁰ In light of these events, Sturgess and Cozens have estimated that instead of making between £80,000 and £90,000 profit from the venture, it was likely that the firm lost £35,000. ²¹ However, despite the failings of the Third Fleet, Calvert still looked to pursue contracts for convict transportation and agreed to transport prisoners to New South Wales aboard the Surprize, which embarked for the Australian colonies in 1794. He also went on to secure future contracts with the EIC. ²²

In 1792, before the Third Fleet vessels had returned to Britain, the chairman of the EIC proposed to ship convicts to the Australian colonies in East Indiamen or vessels chartered by the company. ²³ However, this plan was stopped by merchants, who likely realized that their access to potentially lucrative markets in the East through convict transportation would be restricted. They advised Parliament that they could transport felons from Britain at a cheaper rate if the EIC were compelled to charter convict ships for the return voyage or they were permitted to load cargo from the East Indies on their own account. ²⁴ After government pressure, the EIC directors agreed, on the condition that a survey was carried out on each vessel by its own officers and it could refuse any that it deemed unfit for the transportation of its produce. This episode was part of mounting pressure by private merchants in the 1790s, who pushed for permission to trade in the East Indies and return with cargos in their own ships. ²⁵ The agreement of 1792 provided somewhat of a breakthrough as it meant that contractors and shipowners connected to convict transportation could reconcile their private economic interests with the ambitions of the government to rid the nation of part of its criminal class and populate a strategically placed settlement in the East. Thus, for many contractors and shipowners, convict transportation offered a way to secure an income on two legs of the voyage – the outward leg with convicts and the return with cargo from China or India – while exploring new markets of trade in the East. ²⁶ This agreement was tested in 1798 when, after a survey, the EIC refused to charter the Minerva. However, the EIC eventually relented after intervention from the government. ²⁷

The outbreak of the French Revolutionary Wars also furthered the appeal of obtaining a contract to transport convicts to the Antipodes. In wartime, these contracts appealed to both whaling merchants and those who already tendered extra ships to the EIC. ²⁸ Arguably, convict transportation was one of the safest lines of commerce during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century – especially given that so much time was spent away from the primary conflict zone. Although insurance premiums soared, the government offset the costs of most – if not all – of the voyage to the Australian colonies, and the vessels that subsequently travelled to the East Indies often sailed back to Britain in convoy. These factors combined meant that a substantial proportion of the risk attached to these long-haul commercial ventures was offset.

Over 28 contracts were signed between the British government and merchants to transport convicts to the Australian colonies between 1786 and the end of 1807. ²⁹ These agreements played a crucial role for merchants wanting to challenge the EIC’s trading monopoly. ³⁰ By transporting convicts, they were able to expand their trading portfolios, exploit potentially lucrative trading opportunities on the return voyage, and mitigate some of the financial risk. Their aim was to generate enough money on the first leg of the voyage to cover the fixed costs associated with the full venture, so that when captains eventually discharged their captive cargo and reached new markets in the East, they were in a superior position to trade with the potential to generate greater profits. For most merchants, convict transportation was a fleeting line of commerce, as many only signed one contract with the government. However, whalers Samuel Enderby and Daniel Bennett, as well as global entrepreneur Peter Everitt Mestaer, must have yielded extensive benefits from convict transportation as they signed multiple contracts to transport prisoners across the seas. ³¹

Convict ships and inter- and intra-continental maritime trade

The advantages of obtaining a government contract to transport convicts to the Australian colonies were clear. However, executing a venture that connected the Atlantic, Indian and Pacific Oceans and extracted profits from unpredictable markets took an exceptional amount of business acumen, skill, and luck. An overview of each leg of the voyage provides insight into the complexities of a venture that looked beyond a single oceanic market – such as the transatlantic slave trade and many other Atlantic-based enterprises – to one that mixed inter- and intra-continental trade on a grand scale. The business acumen of the contractors and shipowners, the entrepreneurial skills of the captains and the will of all stakeholders to make money were easily swept away by an unforgiving passage, enemy privateer or vigilant customs agent. ³² However, we must look upon these ventures as potentially lucrative lines of commerce and crucially acknowledge that the men who organized and commanded convict ships were global pioneers.

A close analysis of the voyage, starting with the outward leg, provides information on the markets exploited by those who organized and executed the transportation of convicts to the Australian colonies. Once vessels had embarked from England or Ireland, their routes were largely dictated by the ocean currents and the prevailing trade winds, which filled the sails and propelled the vessels into motion. As a result, the transports sailed down to the Equatorial Counter following the Canary Current before rounding West Africa. They then met the South Equatorial Current before joining the Roaring Forties, which propelled them towards the east coast of Brazil. Thus, the first port of call to revictual and trade private goods was Rio de Janeiro. ³³ Although the evidence is fragmentary, as private trade on the outward voyage was forbidden, snippets of what goods were traded and how and when transactions took place, and by what measure, can be pieced together. For example, the notes on the trial of Thomas Dennott, captain of the Britannia, which sailed from Cork in 1796, suggest that captains traded in the Brazilian port or at the very least bought goods for future commercial activities during the voyage. At Dennott's trial – where he was accused of killing six convicts and not fulfilling his duties in line with the government's intention of sending prisoners to New South Wales safely and in good health – the third mate, Isaac Froome, alleged that, in Rio de Janeiro, the convicts had been left without victuals because the boats were engaged in shuttling articles of the master's private trade, and that water casks had been broken up to make space for Dennott's investments. ³⁴ This testimony, alongside others, proves that the captain was actively trading and likely predicting what commodities would be profitable at subsequent ports.

Once the vessels had been restocked and commodities had been exchanged in Rio de Janeiro, orders were given to weigh anchor. At this point, the captain had the choice of either sailing to the Australian colonies directly, which was common after the turn of the century, or calling at the Cape of Good Hope. If he decided on the latter, the ship was navigated through the South Atlantic via the prevailing western winds into the Benguela Current, which took him directly to another thriving foreign market. As a central point of differing maritime worlds, the Cape was regularly frequented by all manner of vessels from almost every European and Asian country. Captains such as John Cameron of the Barwell and Richard Brooks of the Atlas carried out extensive commercial activities at the Cape. ³⁵ To complete their trading activities, both deliberately delayed their voyages to New South Wales because they worried that a profitable market to dispose of European goods would not be found at Port Jackson. However, delaying embarkation at the Cape sometimes worked against captains who had instructions to proceed to the East Indies after disembarking their convict cargo, as typically the agreement with the EIC advised that vessels had to arrive in China or India before a certain date.

A study of the trading activities of the Atlas demonstrates what articles were taken on the outward voyage to the Australian colonies, how and where they were stowed on the ship, and how the private interests of the contractor and captain shaped the convict experience during the voyage. ³⁶ The Atlas sailed from Cork with the Hercules on 29 November 1801. Both travelled to Rio de Janeiro before journeying to the Cape, eventually reaching Botany Bay on 7 July and 26 June 1802, respectively. When the vessels arrived, an inquiry into the high mortality experienced on board each transport took place, which included an appraisal of whether the captains had prized trade over the health of the convicts on board. It is worth noting that 1 in 3.8 convicts (26.7%) perished on the Hercules, while 1 in 2.7 prisoners (36.9%) died on the Atlas. ³⁷ These figures highlight the substantial loss of human life during both voyages. As Gary Sturgess, Sara Rahman and George Argyrous have demonstrated in their study of mortality rates on convict ships, the average mortality rate on board vessels sailing to the Australian colonies between 1787 and 1800 was 3.6%, and 2.9% between 1801 and 1805. ³⁸ Thus, the Hercules and Atlas are among a small number of infamous vessels on which an exceptionally high number of deaths occurred. The inquiry cleared the captain of the Hercules, Luckyn Betts, of any wrongdoing with regard to the shipment of porter and spirits, but found that Captain Brooks had laden the Atlas with a variety of trade goods, which he stored in the ‘tween decks’. ³⁹ These included a large quantity of spirits and other articles, which, as a result, ‘deprived the convicts of air, and the means to be kept clean’. ⁴⁰ The inquiry judged that the sheer amount of bulky private trade goods stowed on the Atlas contributed to the mortality that prevailed during the voyage. ⁴¹

An insight into how the voyage of the Atlas was conducted is found in Surgeon Thomas Jamison's letter to Lord Hobart, dated 8 November 1802. ⁴² In this, he advised that Brooks had shipped ‘a far greater quantity of goods and Merchandize for his own private trade than could be possibly warranted’. ⁴³ He went on to state that ‘the Ship was so deeply laden that it become necessary to keep the air Scuttles … closed, and the deadlights frequently shut in’, which contributed considerably to the high death toll during the voyage. ⁴⁴ Jamison explained that because the ship had been laden with goods, half of the hospital was used as a sail room, and thus some of the sick were forced to sleep in the prison, which caused the spread of disease. ⁴⁵ The surgeon also claimed that any act of humanity devised or executed by Brooks was a cloak for hidden motives, which revolved around profit. He commented that the convicts were landed in Rio de Janeiro, which was conducive to improving their state of health. ⁴⁶ However, this was so the prison could be loaded with ‘Sundry Kinds of Lumber, principally Mr. Brooks’ private property’. ⁴⁷ Jamison went on to advise that the vessel had to be modified to accommodate these goods, noting that the spars on the upper deck had been raised three or four feet higher around the waist and the long boat was moved to the middle of the vessel. The letter also suggested that Brooks stowed the main hatchway full of casks and trading articles so close to the after-hatchway that it appeared boarded up and, in consequence, air could not pass freely into the prison.

In the list of the many other abuses mentioned by Jamison, his concluding statement demonstrates how private interests prevailed on board the Atlas. He advised that the ‘immense quantity of private trade … was a Source of Calamity on board’. ⁴⁸ The surgeon proposed that the captain's investment in private trade alone, if it had met a good market, would have offset any costs generated by the voyage to New South Wales exclusive of any payments made by the government. Furthermore, Jamison advised that Mr Bryon and Mr Wellen, the first and second mates, had also invested in private trade. ⁴⁹ Thus, illicit trade on the first leg of the voyage could clearly make a considerable profit for all involved. Although Jamison had a fraught relationship with Brooks, he highlighted the problems of hiring contractors and commanders who were more concerned with profit than preserving the lives of prisoners. He stated that as the captain was ‘totally absorbed in commercial speculations for his own individual Emolument, every duty he owed to the Government was disregarded’. ⁵⁰

Although the Atlas can be viewed as an extreme example, convict ships often landed in the Australian colonies ready to trade, showing that contractors and captains were aware of potentially lucrative markets. Once the transport had dropped anchor at Port Jackson, the sailors were mobilized and ordered to empty the vessel of her human cargo and government stores. This could take a series of days or even weeks, as boats ferried men, women and children, as well as vital necessities for the colony, from the vessel to the shore. Although all goods received on behalf of the government were permitted to be landed, the captain had to receive consent from the governor if he wished to sell produce to the inhabitants of the colony. In most cases, there is evidence to suggest that permission was granted, unless the commodities included large volumes of alcohol. For example, Brooks was informed by Governor Philip Gidley King that the large quantity of liquor shipped by the Atlas was not permitted to be sold in New South Wales or the islands under his jurisdiction. In total, Brooks requested to land and subsequently sell 2,166 gallons of spirits and 120 gallons of wine. However, he was only allowed to sell 800 gallons of liquor to the French explorers who had moored off the coast of Port Jackson. ⁵¹ Typically, the refusal of permission to sell goods was rare, and while private trade was forbidden by the government, contractors were aware – especially in the early years – that governors could not refuse the bountiful stores that were transported to the infant colony in convict ships. Despite numerous complaints to the government, the Australian colonies were constantly in need of food, building equipment, materials, clothes and useful commodities. This want and often necessity for goods meant that many of those who were permitted to land stores found a lucrative market on arrival in New South Wales.

After the items of private trade had been removed from the vessels in New South Wales, our knowledge of the commercial activities of the captains remains incomplete. It is likely that the first to begin retailing in the colony was Captain Aiken, commander of the Lady Juliana, which arrived at Port Jackson in 1790. He reportedly sold large quantities of cloth and items of clothing. ⁵² Captain Donald Trail, commander of the Second Fleet vessel Neptune, followed in Aiken's footsteps, selling the rations that were left over from the voyage and other articles of private trade. ⁵³ Furthermore, in 1792, the captain of the Pitt, Edward Manning, opened a store as soon as he arrived and, by all accounts, must have done a roaring trade. ⁵⁴ This caused bitterness and resentment on the part of Governor Arthur Phillip, as he immediately wrote a letter to Home Secretary, Henry Dundas, in which he complained that the government could have used the space in the vessel reserved for private trade to supply the colony with vital necessities. The ship must have carried a large quantity of goods because, in the same letter, Phillip advised that the sale of the commodities had exceeded £4,000. ⁵⁵ As the governor's letter indicates, the trade that took place in the colony could be extremely profitable for the contractors and their employees. It also highlights that captains were aware of how to exploit emerging markets in the Australian colonies.

Once the convict vessels had disembarked their human cargo, government stores and some of their articles of private trade in New South Wales, they loaded fresh provisions and set out on the second leg of their voyage. Some vessels called at Norfolk Island, where they sourced more victuals and possibly traded any remaining goods. Others began their voyage deep into the Pacific or back into the Indian Ocean towards the East Indies. Before the vessels had left Britain, the captain was typically advised where the ship was destined, although changing circumstances meant that sometimes it was not possible to follow the original plan, meaning that ports of call were at the master's discretion. In the curious case of the Lady Penrhyn, the crew were only advised of their next venture after the vessel had sailed from New South Wales. Before the ship had embarked from Portsmouth with the First Fleet on 13 May 1787, a bundle of letters was stored in the captain's cabin, which he had been advised could not be opened until the vessel had left the Australian colonies. On 18 May 1788, the ship’s officers gathered and the papers were read aloud. They stated that George McKenzie Macaulay, with consent from the owners, had chartered the ship and her company to travel to the north-west coast of America to trade for furs before they sailed to China, to collect a cargo of tea. ⁵⁶ However, they did not complete their voyage across the Pacific because scurvy appeared among the crew and forced the captain to call at Tahiti for fresh provisions. This unplanned stop would have delayed the vessel's arrival in China and meant that the captain and his crew would have had to wait for the next tea season before returning home. Therefore, the captain eventually decided that the complete voyage was not possible and sailed straight for China. ⁵⁷ This episode shows us that the captain of the ship made the final decision and was constantly evaluating trading options and analysing the potential to exploit commercial markets.

After departing from New South Wales, vessels that set out to whale typically did so in the Pacific Ocean. The Third Fleet transports provide vital information on the routes of the whaling ships that embarked from the penal colony in the early 1790s. The Britannia began her whaling venture in 1791, crossing the Pacific to the coast of Peru. In June 1793, she arrived in Nova Scotia laden with whale oil and seal skins, but was captured by the French on her way to London. ⁵⁸ The vessel was reportedly eventually released and returned to England two months later. ⁵⁹ The Mary Anne set out to harpoon the marine mammals around the Australian colonies, then also voyaged across the Pacific to Peru, presumably rounding Cape Horn and making her way up the Benguela Current to the coast of Africa then back to Britain. ⁶⁰ In May 1793, she returned home with whale oil and seal skins, which offered the potential to be sold for a reasonably high price. ⁶¹ The Matilda, as previously alluded to, was lost on a Pacific reef. The Salamander like the other whalers of the Third Fleet, travelled across the Pacific to South America, where she gathered 117 tons of sperm oil and 6,100 seal skins. ⁶² Finally, the William and Anne also collected whale oil and seal skins off the coast of South America. ⁶³ The captains and crew of the Third Fleet whaling vessels – many of whom circumnavigated the globe – were pioneers. As research by David Starkey has highlighted, in 1790, 83 vessels were employed in the Southern Whale Fishery, with only 64 exploiting markets in Asia. ⁶⁴ Thus, when these vessels left the Australian colonies in late 1791, they were at the forefront of a new expanding whaling trade in the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Evidence suggests that, between 1787 and 1807, at least 8 vessels began a whaling venture after they departed from New South Wales. ⁶⁵ Alongside the aforementioned Third Fleet vessels, the William – which reportedly collected a cargo of 64 tons of sperm oil, 57 tons of whale oil and 32 hundredweights of bone – Hillsborough and Speedy all hunted for marine mammals after leaving the Australian colonies. ⁶⁶

The convict ships that did not travel into the Pacific to whale sailed to China or India after they had deposited their prisoners in the Antipodes. The meticulously kept records of the EIC provide a wealth of information about many of the convict transports that collected produce from the East Indies. However, before arriving at their pre-agreed ports, the captains, once again, capitalized on trading opportunities by stopping at Penang. While they visited the settlement, the captains of convict ships bartered for seal skins and rattans to sell at their next port of call. The Sovereign anchored at the port of Penang on 1 April 1795 and, over the subsequent three days, sailors were employed loading casks of water, preparing the vessel for trade and sourcing valuable commodities. Unfortunately, the goods that were sent ashore from the vessel are unknown; however, from 7–10 April, the ship received 5,008 bundles of rattans to ‘stiffen the vessel’ and over 224 pigs of block tin. ⁶⁷ In addition, soldiers were also taken from the settlement, destined for Calcutta. It is unlikely that the movement of soldiers was planned, and this once again highlights that captains responded to commercial opportunities as and when they were presented. The Sovereign set sail from Penang on 14 April and arrived at Calcutta on 11 May, where the captain sold 3,298 bundles of rattans and all of the block tin before the ship was surveyed by the EIC to take on its cargo. ⁶⁸

Unfortunately, it is not possible to discern where most convict ships traded between Australia and China or India as the logbooks submitted to the EIC began from when they arrived at their destined trading base. However, it is highly likely that most stopped to trade between New South Wales and their next ‘official’ trading destination. For instance, although Captain Robert Cummings’ logbook began when the Rolla reached Whampoa, shortly after the vessel arrived in December 1803, he sent 294 pigs of lead, 11,258 seal skins and 8 boxes of birds’ nests to the shore. ⁶⁹ It is unclear where these items were obtained; however, Cummings must have been versatile in the markets he traded in. Furthermore, on 17 August 1803, HMS Porpoise was wrecked off the coast of New South Wales; as a result, a number of stores from this vessel also ended up being shipped to China with the Rolla, and Cummings noted that he sold them all at auction. ⁷⁰ The point here is that whatever opportunities were presented to the captains of convict ships, no matter how abstract, they were capitalized on in an attempt to make money.

Most transports chartered by the EIC collected cargos of tea. The goods taken on board the Royal Admiral in 1793 were standard for the vessels that sailed to China. In total, this vessel received 500 chests of Bohea, 2,026 of Congo, 2,097 of Twankey and 1,960 of Hyson tea, as well as 600 chests of tea that were not listed, plus 100 chests of nankeen cloth. ⁷¹ Tea was also the choice for the profitable privilege trade – which allowed officers a certain amount of private trade with the permission of the EIC – although, on occasion, masters purchased East India manufactured goods such as chinaware to bring back to Britain. ⁷² The vessels that made their way to India typically collected a more diverse range of goods than those found in China. Between 25 May and 5 July 1796, the Sovereign was filled with approximately 3,623 bags of sugar, 320 bales of paut, 10 casks of rum, 6 chests of shellac, 19 chests of turmeric and 88 bags of seed on behalf of the EIC. ⁷³ The water casks and ship's stores were deposited in the forehold, while the sugar and paut were packed into the hold on top of mats bought for dunnage; the latter was also stored in the ‘tween deck as was the rum and turmeric’. ⁷⁴ The Sugar Cane shipped an even wider range of EIC goods. The vessel reached Calcutta on 12 March 1794 and was cleared to receive commodities 15 days later. ⁷⁵ Between this date and 11 May, the crew carried on board around 300 bamboo mats, 4,188 bags of salt pine, bales and cases of munjeet, 170 cases of indigo, 42 cases of shellac, 4 teak plants and 2 pipes for Colonel Broscow and Captain Pearson. These items were stowed in all available areas of the ship, including the gunroom. ⁷⁶

Once the convict ships had finished collecting profitable stores in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, they weighed anchor and set off on their arduous journey home. The large whaling vessels were predominately filled with whale oil and seal skins. ⁷⁷ It is also possible that some of these vessels sailed back to London with whaling by-products, which were highly sought-after in the British market. For example, the teeth of whales were used much like ivory collected from Africa to produce luxury consumer goods. Thus, if successful, these ventures must have made a large amount of money. Many of the whaling ships returned home by rounding Cape Horn into the Southern Atlantic, most likely calling at Cape Verde or St. Helena for replenishments before arriving in London with their goods. ⁷⁸ The convict ships that had gathered commodities in the East Indies set off with a range of stores, including tea, cotton, sugar and spices, among many others. On their way back to Britain, they sometimes anchored at Table Bay, but all visited St. Helena.

In the war years, convict ships that were sailing east to west usually anchored at St. Helena to meet with a convoy to sail through the dangerous Atlantic Ocean, where there was the potential of meeting French privateers. It is possible that some private trade was agreed on the island, although no instances have yet been found. Some commercial activity, however, was completed by commanders on behalf of the EIC. In his log, Captain George Storey of the Sovereign recorded that sailors were employed in moving cargo from the main hatchway to get to the rum, so that it could be sold on behalf of the EIC. ⁷⁹ During his time on the island, he also purchased water and six casks of provisions for the use of the crew. ⁸⁰ The island was mainly used for victualling; however, for those who were affected by ill health during the return voyage to London, there was a hospital at St. Helena where sailors or passengers could be taken for treatment. ⁸¹ The time spent at St. Helena by convict ships ranged from 10 days to a month. ⁸²

Although there is no proof that valuable commodities were bought or sold at St. Helena on private accounts, ironically, this small island provided a cargo that brought the Royal Admiral – captained by Essex Henry Bond – full circle in 1793, as coerced migrants were once again stowed in her hull. The vessel dropped anchor at Jamestown on 16 June; the following day, the master accepted a group of French prisoners from HMS Thetis and HMS Leopard. ⁸³ The advantages of bringing a human cargo home in this context were that the contractor would likely have received payment for each passenger from the government, which would have contributed to the total proceeds of the venture. From St. Helena, vessels typically sailed straight to London, bringing their long-haul trading ventures to an end.

The forest of masts along the River Thames must have been a welcome sight for the sailors of convict ships. They signalled that the long and arduous voyage that these men had undertaken was almost complete. Most of those who were employed on board convict transports had visited South America, Africa, Australasia and Asia, and had sailed the Atlantic, Southern, Indian and Pacific Oceans. As the transport vessels dropped anchor, they once again became a hive of activity. The captain barked orders and the men scuttled up and down ladders as they prepared for the vessel to be disembowelled. Old water casks, personal possessions and, most importantly, precious chests and containers of trade goods had to be hauled from the hold onto the main deck and then loaded onto the lighters that drew up beside the transports. Convict ships that had completed a trading venture to the East Indies were most likely unloaded at Long Reach and/or in the deeper waters at Blackwall, rather than in the congested bustle of the Pool of London. Although no documentary evidence has yet been found, it is probable that the convict ships that went on to whale dropped anchor in Rotherhithe at the Greenland Docks or the wider Surrey Commercial Docks, so they could take advantage of the boiling houses in the surrounding area. Depending on their size and the volume of cargo carried home, the unloading of transports could take anywhere from two weeks to a month.

Conclusion

The economic, political and social climate in Britain after the American War of Independence provided fertile conditions for the growth of the British maritime sphere. In particular, it further stimulated private merchant interest in business ventures in the Indian and Pacific Oceans at the same time as the government was looking to expand trade and gain an imperial stronghold in the East. It is against this backdrop that convict transportation must be understood. In the period before 1792, these ventures were used to circumvent the EIC charter and infiltrate foreign markets that were not open to private merchants. However, after this date, the transportation of convicts was typically organized by men who had already secured charters with the EIC for their ships or those who were involved in the Southern Whale Fishery. For these merchants, ventures to New South Wales with convicts were a way to make substantial amounts of money on the first leg of their voyage, offset a degree of financial risk and expose them to potentially greater profits from wider commercial activities in the Indian and Pacific Oceans.

As this article has demonstrated, convict transportation was an innovative line of commerce that helped expand trade with remote parts of the British Empire and beyond. The men responsible for organizing and executing convict voyages sourced commodities from far more diverse markets than those presented in many other maritime trades in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Therefore, they should be perceived as maritime pioneers, who looked to make extensive profits from whatever business opportunities were presented during these long-haul voyages, participating in inter- and intra-continental markets of trade that laid the foundations of the Second British Empire.