Abstract

Don Munro Marx’s Theory of Land, Rent, and Cities presents the first historical and completed thematic literature review on Marx’s philosophy and economic analysis of land, rent and the land property class, which explains the different forms of urban development (p. 13). Munro’s main approach to the book is concentrated on cities and not the economies or governments that are organized at national or global scales. These cities are influenced by national and global economics. Munro dissects and diagnoses these developments, while referencing to Marxism (p. 10). Munro states, ‘By documenting the range and depth of Marx’s land writings, this book hopes to overcome past problems where debt over rent seems to flourish as never before, often with scant regard to Marx’s theory’ (p. 16).
As Munro states, ‘This book addresses a recognised gap in the literature’ (p. 13). Munro splits the book into five key arguments throughout: land as property; land and the mode of production; land and rent; land and state; and land and class. Munro’s main goal is to address the inequality between the Global North and South. In doing so, he covers the issues of issue financialization of land, land grabbing and climate change.
Within the introduction, Munro covers the foundation of Marxist approaches to urban land. By covering Henri Lefebvre’s The Right to the City and David Harvey’s The Limits of Capital, Munro provides a substantial debate between a variety of critical left urban theorist perspectives. Munro’s analysis provides a critical debate on the Marxist approach to urban land. Munro’s best example is Lefebvre’s The Right to the City, which argues that cities can be the site for an anti-capitalist revolution and that cities need to be organized to meet the interests of those who inhabit the cities (p. 6). Munro uses various individuals to critique or extend Lefebvre’s perspective, resulting in a discussion that concludes on a revised and narrowed-down version of Lefebvre’s The Right to the City within the usage of the United Nations (UN) ‘the right to the city’ which fits within the Millennium Development Goals (p. 11). Here, Munro might have expanded upon the fact that Lefebrve’s influence can still be recognized within contemporary UN targets, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). For instance, SDG 11 aims to ‘make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable’. In contrast, Munro refers back to Lefebvre to critique him due to the weaknesses of the state in the Global South, and the appropriate urban space is weakened in cities with strong class, gender and race divides (p. 11). Munro’s strength is the clear revision of his critique of the sources he uses and the explanation of the complexity of urban development due to the land tenure that exists within the world.
The advantage of Munro Marx’s Theory of Land, Rent and Cities is its clarity and diligence at times. The book links back to historical and current policies and in doing so ensures the reader reflects on the contemporary urban development. An example of Munro linking back to the contemporary can be found within Chapter 3, when Munro discusses the indigenous mode of production. Munro states that in 2017, the High Commission for Human Rights described the features of indigenous communities in similar terms to Marx’s definition of indigenous communities (p. 41).
The significant disadvantage of Marx’s Theory of Land, Rent and Cities is the wider range of individuals Munro is trying to appeal to. This may harm the arguments and writing being presented throughout the text. Munro assures, ‘This book will be of interest to three types of readers: first, advanced undergraduate students, postgraduate students and scholars’ (p. 16). In Chapter 2, the audience is introduced to Marx’s circulation formula of M-C ... P ... C′-M′. Chapter 5 – Capitalist Rents – is a perfect example of why Munro is assiduously efficient, but drawbacks become apparent in the in-depth explanation of market rents, differential rents and absolute rents. This section can sometimes be complicated with Marx’s circulation formula of M- C ... P ... C′-M′. When reviewing and reading over Chapter 5, the circulation formula is a key way of understanding the Munro perspective. However, I certainly think the audience, if they do not have a firm understanding of Marx’s circulation formula, will find this chapter especially challenging and difficult to read. I applaud Munro’s effort in Chapter 2 for explaining Marx’s circulation formula; however, as a reader, I would like to see an appendix to go over each formula to understand Marx’s and Munro’s perspective to ensure further accessibility of Marx’s Theory of Land, Rent and Cities.
Munro argues within the book that ‘four land based strategies that policymakers can use to promote inclusive urban economics, social, and environmental changes ... These strategies provide alternatives to the policies promoted by some international and national organisations’ (p. 16). Chapter 7 opens with the following phrase: ‘The urban problems around the world are serious, affect millions of people, and without intervention will worsen’ (p. 140). Within Chapter 7, Munro advocates an inclusive and socially equitable urban development approach. This can be done through a land value tax, land nationalization, customary land titles and community land trusts can be applied to different cities depending on their mode of production or level of economic efficiency (p. 168). Importantly, Munro argues that these strategies have been applied in cities and nations throughout the Global North and South (p. 169).
Munro’s Marx’s Theory of Land, Rent and Cities is an excellent book that can be referenced again and again, ensuring individuals have firm knowledge in this specific realm of Marx’s theory, focusing especially on a wide range of issues in urban development that face those in both the Global North and South.
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